Journal of Issue 31 / Summer 2001 / £3.00

Liberal DemocratHISTORY

Man of principle Duncan Brack C. P. Trevelyan Biography Tony Little Plus Ça Change The politics of faction in the 1850s Terry McDonald A Political Man The political aspirations of William Taylor Haly Report From Midlothian to Direct Mail Campaigning in the 19th and 20th centuries Reviews Diaries Malcolm Baines and David Dutton Liberal Democrat History Group Issue 31: Summer 2001 Journal of Liberal Democrat History The Journal of Liberal Democrat History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. 3 Man of Principle ISSN 1463-6557 Editor: Duncan Brack The life and career of C. P. Trevelyan (1870–1958), minister in both Liberal and Assistant Editor: Alison Smith Labour governments; by Duncan Brack Reviews Editor: Sam Crooks 9 Plus Ça Change Patrons Professor Michael Freeden The politics of faction in the 1850s; Tony Little introduces a speech by John Bright Professor Earl Russell Professor John Vincent

12 A Political Man Editorial Board The political aspirations of William Taylor Haly, a perenially unsuccessful Liberal Dr Malcolm Baines; Roy Douglas; Dr Barry candidate in the 1850s; by Terry McDonald Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr Robert Ingham; 16 Report: From Midlothian to Direct Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr John Powell; Iain Mail Sharpe; Professor Chris Wrigley

Parliamentary and political campaigning in the 19th and 20th centuries; with Professor Michael Rush and Lord Tope; report by Neil Stockley Editorial/Correspondence Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a 17 Letters to the Editor refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: John Meadowcroft; David Rebak; Malcolm Baines Duncan Brack (Editor) Flat 9, 6 Hopton Road, SW16 2EQ 18 Reviews email: [email protected] All articles copyright © their authors. Mark Pottle (ed.): Champion Redoubtable: The Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Carter 1914–1945 , reviewed by Malcolm Baines Advertisements Mark Pottle (ed.): Daring to Hope: The Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Adverts are welcome; please contact the Editor Carter 1946 – 1969, reviewed by David Dutton for rates.

Thomas Hennessey: Dividing Ireland: and Partition, reviewed by Iain Sharpe Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal J. Graham Jones: Lloyd George Papers at the National Library of Wales and Other Democrat History costs £10.00 (£5.00 unwaged Repositories, reviewed by Duncan Brack rate). This includes membership of the History Phillip E. Tetlock and Aaron Belkin (ed.): Counterfactual Thought Experiments in Group unless you inform us otherwise. World Politics: Logical Methodological and Psychological Perspectives, reviewed Overseas subscribers should add £5.00; or, a by Andrew Hudson special three-year rate is available for £40.00 total.

Cheques (payable to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) should be sent to: Patrick Mitchell Liberal Democrat History Group 6 Palfrey Place, London SW8 1PA; email: [email protected] The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of historical topics, particularly those relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party and the SDP. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other occasional Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone publications. Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape records of c/o Flat 9, 6 Hopton Road, London SW16 2EQ meetings and archive and other research sources, see our web site at: www.liberalhistory.org.ukwww.liberalhistory.org.uk. Printed by Kall-Kwik, Hon President: Earl Russell 426 Chiswick High Road, London W4 5TF Chair: Tony Little June 2001

2 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 Biography C. P. Trevelyan is probably the only British politician of the twentieth century to have resigned from governments of two different political parties, each time on a matter of principle. Duncan Brack describes his career. ManMan ofof principleprinciple

. P. Trevelyan is probably the only British poli to enjoy a distinguished career, Robert as a poet and Ctician of the twentieth century to have re- scholar, and George as a historian. Unsurprisingly signed from governments of two different political for such a brilliant family, Charles carried, and felt he parties, each time on a matter of principle. This fact carried, a particular burden of expectation as the gives a clue to his nature, which was idealistic, un- eldest son. He did not enjoy his father’s and brothers’ bending and outspoken often to the point of tact- academic excellence, either at Harrow, where the lessness. These characteristics inevitably limited his headmaster of his preparatory school had informed achievements in ministerial office, but he is notable his parents, to the dismay of his father, that ‘you may as one of the Liberal politicians who, departing his depend on our not expecting too much of him’,1 or erstwhile party as it began to fall apart in the 1920s, at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he read his- helped to give the rising Labour Party an ideological tory. His own feelings of inadequacy, coupled with a backbone it would otherwise have lacked. lack of conversational ability and gaucheness stem- Charles Philips Trevelyan was born in London on ming from a background in a household where, as 28 October 1870, the descendant of an old West his biographer described it, ‘declamation was the Country family. His grandfather, Charles Edward more usual form of communication’2 and politics Trevelyan, had risen through the ranks of the Indian the main topic, contributed to growing bouts of de- and home civil service to become a baronet, Assist- pression. In the end he was awarded a second-class ant Secretary to the Treasury and Governor of Ma- degree, which he regarded as a failure; as he wrote to dras; he also inherited the Wallington estate in his mother, ‘The very brightness of my prospects, as Northumberland from the main branch of the fam- the world would say, is a curse on me! What can it ily. In 1835 Sir Charles married Hanna, sister of the lead to but the repetition of the same miserable story historian Thomas Babington Macaulay, and had of inadequacy and inefficiency in the end?’3 It was three children, of whom George Otto was the only this highly developed sense of self-criticism, com- son. In 1865, having already established himself in bined with an upper middle-class background that the world of literature, George entered the House of stressed a responsibility and duty to serve those less Commons as Liberal MP for, successively, fortunate than himself, that nurtured Trevelyan’s ide- Tynemouth, the Scottish Border Burghs and Glas- alism, endless capacity for hard work, and tendency gow Bridgeton. He served as Chief Secretary for to intolerance. Ireland from 1882–84 (after Lord Frederick Following his father and grandfather, Trevelyan Cavendish was assassinated in the Phoenix Park had identified himself as a Liberal from his murders), as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster schooldays, and at Cambridge he became secretary from 1884–85, and as Secretary for Scotland from to the University Liberal Club. He left Cambridge 1885–86 and 1892–95. He might have risen even just in time for the 1892 election, and, his father’s higher, but fell out with Gladstone over Irish home seat being a safe one, canvassed successfully for rule, fighting (and losing) his seat in 1886 as a Liberal Charles Fenwick amongst the Northumbrian min- Unionist – although he returned to the party, and ers in Wansbeck. In October, at his parents’ sugges- the Commons, in 1887. tion, Trevelyan became private secretary to Lord In 1869 Sir George married Caroline, daughter of Houghton, the newly appointed Lord Lieutenant Robert Needham Philips, Liberal MP for Bury. of Ireland. Under-employed and ill at ease among They had three children, Charles Philips being fol- the aristocratic anti-home rulers in Dublin Castle, lowed by Robert Calverley (born 1872) and George he took himself off whenever possible to meet the Macaulay (born 1876). Each of Charles’ brothers was Irish people, and developed a deep-seated con-

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 3 tempt for the lack of official concern Samuel, who became a firm friend, with the interests of the majority of Trevelyan remained suspicious of so- the population. cialism, which he saw as essentially de- structive, and was convinced that the Liberal Party was the best vehicle for Into parliament the realisation of working-class aspira- On his return from Ireland in 1893, it tions. He also regarded himself as an was taken for granted by both Trevelyan Imperialist, although the term had a and his father that he would seek to en- different meaning then than its later ter the Commons, and in 1894 he was connotations of an aggressive and ex- selected to replace the retiring Radical pansionist foreign policy. Like many Liberal MP for North Lambeth, F. M. other , Trevelyan re- Coldwells. He fought the 1895 election jected the Gladstonian approach of on a manifesto promising to ‘serve the non-interference in foreign affairs public’ and to ‘labour in the cause of along with its economic and social progress’ but succumbed to the swing to principles of laissez-faire and self-help; the Unionists, losing the seat to the Lib- he believed a strong Empire was the eral Unionist Henry Stanley (the former best foundation for a stronger society Trevelyan and family, c. 1910 explorer and finder of Livingstone). The and progressive social reform. experience, however, was a useful one, Trevelyan’s interest in education coming to be more and more in de- and in 1898 he was selected to fight the also began during this formative pe- mand as a speaker. He wrote to Elland division in the West Riding of riod when in 1896 he was co-opted Campbell-Bannerman demanding Yorkshire, again when the sitting MP re- on to the London School Board. Al- more than simple opposition to the tired. Although the seat had been held though he remained a member only government: he wanted reform of for the Liberals at the four previous elec- until 1897, he campaigned hard for the education, taxation of land values, re- tions, the local organisation had never- Progressives (a coalition of Liberals, form of Army administration, gradua- theless been allowed to decay; as Fabians and socialists who fought local tion of income tax and reform of the Trevelyan remarked of Thomas Wayman, elections in London for several dec- electoral system. Although the Liberal the sitting MP: ‘They say he has one ades) in that year’s election, and gained leader replied politely,7 in private he speech and one only, and even at elec- valuable experience in public adminis- agreed with John Spencer’s estimation tion times he has been known to refuse tration. He later played a major role in of Trevelyan as enthusiastic but pos- to deliver the oration more than four the debates on Balfour’s Education Bill sessing little sense of proportion. times.’4 Trevelyan put his father’s money of 1902, stressing in particular the in- Trevelyan became a particular sup- to good use, employing an experienced iquities of the religious tests for teach- porter of land value taxation, intro- agent and speaking throughout the con- ers in national schools. ducing bills on the subject in 1902 and stituency. In the by-election in March Trevelyan held Elland in the 1900 1904, and becoming a leading mem- 1899, when Wayman finally stood down, election with an increased majority. He ber of the Land Values Group of MPs. he boosted the Liberal majority to just regarded the Unionist government’s ac- As at other times, the land taxers alien- under one thousand. At last even his fa- tions in South Africa as justified, and ated other Liberals through their ob- ther was satisfied with his performance. had little sympathy with the Liberal sessive pursuit of their objective, and In the years leading up to his entry ‘pro-Boers’; his campaign ‘smashed the Trevelyan became increasingly frus- to the Commons Trevelyan’s political government on their own khaki issue as trated at the Liberal leaders’ propensity views had begun to crystallise. In North well as driving home social reform’.6 In to declare support for the principle Lambeth he described himself as a the 1900–05 parliament, he initially while declining to do anything about Radical, but in reality he fitted the Fa- aligned himself enthusiastically with it in practice. bian mould better, seeking progress by the Liberal Imperialists, alienating Trevelyan gained almost 70% of the slow gradual steps. Like many others he Campbell-Bannerman and his support- vote in Elland in the 1906 landslide, was deeply influenced by John Ruskin’s ers while displeasing Asquith, Haldane writing a postcard in elation to his moral paternalism, put into effect and colleagues by publicly criticising mother saying simply; ‘There WAS a through the ideal hero who strives to their part in the internecine squabbles To ry party!’. But disappointment fol- serve the poor, the weak and oppressed. into which the party fell in 1900–02. lowed. Although his abilities were His friendship with the Webbs, and As the battles over Balfour’s educa- widely recognised, his principled re- subsequent involvement in the Fabian tion bill and ’s fusal to promote himself combined Society and the Rainbow Circle,5 declaration of support for tariff reform with his previous outspokenness denied added precision and direction to began to fracture the Unionist gov- him any ministerial position. Eventu- Ruskin’s rather vague and rhetorical ernment and reunite the Liberals, ally, in February he accepted the unpaid romanticism. Along with other Fabian- Trevelyan threw himself into cam- position of Third Charity Commis- inclined Liberals, notably Herbert paigning throughout the country, sioner, and there he stayed, despite his

4 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 father’s vigorous lobbying of senior their tenth wedding anniversary (he Ramsay MacDonald, helped to form ministers, for two-and-a-half years. Fi- had married Mary Katherine Bell, the Union of Democratic Control. nally, in October 1908 he was ap- youngest daughter of Sir Hugh Bell, in The principles of the UDC could be pointed Under-Secretary at the Board 1904), he wrote to his wife, declaring traced back to Cobden’s classic Radi- of Education under his friend Walter that: ‘My chief work and happiness lies cal plea ‘no foreign politics’. Its aims Runciman, a position which he re- at home… I now see the supreme and included no transfer of populations tained until he resigned in 1914. There over-powering importance of the per- without a plebiscite; no treaties with- he tried to put into practice the princi- sonal side of life. The world will in the out Parliament’s approval; no balance- ples which had underlain his opposi- main go the way it chooses without of-power diplomacy, but an attempt to tion to Balfour’s education bill, arguing asking me.’10 establish a ‘European concert’; and a for secular and nondenominational drastic reduction in armaments and teaching. Throughout its life, however, nationalisation of the armaments in- the Liberal government found it excep- Resignation dustry. In practice the UDC achieved tionally difficult to make any progress On 3 August 1914, the Foreign Secre- very little; its members were viciously on education; the mutually contradic- tary, Sir Edward Grey, announced to the attacked by the patriotic papers, its tory demands of Anglicans, Catholics Commons that Britain would present meetings were frequently broken up and Nonconformists always over- an ultimatum to Germany demanding by supporters of the war, and its parlia- whelmed the New Liberal arguments withdrawal from Belgium, which had mentarians’ speeches were ignored by for educational reform and investment been invaded the day before. It was ob- the press. Trevelyan’s attachment to it as an underpinning for social reform, vious that this would lead to war with increasingly cost him his friends in the and concrete achievements were very Germany, and later that day Trevelyan parliamentary party, in his local asso- limited. wrote to Asquith resigning his post in ciation (which deselected him in April In many ways Trevelyan was not re- the Government. This was the culmina- 1915), and even in his own family, ally cut out to be a politician, and his tion of his growing unhappiness with where his father and brother George dissatisfaction with politics gradually Grey’s conduct of foreign policy by se- (hitherto the closer of his two broth- mounted. He stuck very firmly to his cret treaty. He was not a pacifist, and ers) expressed antipathy to his views. principles, and had little time for those had supported the expansion of naval The result was to push Trevelyan, who adopted a less idealistic course. In capacity which the 1909 ‘People’s along with other Liberal opponents of 1906, for example, in complaining Budget’ was partly designed to finance. the war, towards the Labour Party. This about political bias in the appointment However, like many Liberals he de- became particularly true after the resig- of magistrates, he had provoked an spised Grey’s support of the Tsarist gov- nation from the government in August ascerbic reply from Lord Chancellor ernment in Russia and opposed all 1917 of the Labour leader, Arthur Loreburn: ‘really it is very good of you forms of autocratic rule – in 1906 he Henderson, when Lloyd George re- to inform me of the duties of a Liberal had written that ‘I wish all the Kaisers fused to allow him to attend the Stock- Minister and of your opinion of the would huddle together. We may then holm conference of socialists from all way I discharge them…’8 In 1912, he have the chance of seeing all their heads the belligerent powers, and the freedom chose to make plain his opposition to chopped off at one blow instead of just this subsequently gave Labour to de- the Government’s prosecution of the Nicholas the Last’s.’11 Furthermore, velop an independent war policy. The agitator Tom Mann (for inciting sol- Trevelyan had trusted Grey when he Memorandum on War Aims adopted by diers to make common cause with had claimed that Britain was under no the party in December 1917 was virtu- striking miners) by circulating a criti- obligation to support France, and now ally identical to UDC policies. cal memorandum to all cabinet minis- felt betrayed; he suspected that Britain’s ters – not a move calculated to win covert alliance with France had goaded him many friends. Germany into aggression. ‘I never was From Liberal to Labour He despised any personal weaknesses clearer in all my life,’ he wrote to his In February 1918 Trevelyan’s letter ‘Can among his colleagues, describing the wife. ‘We have gone to war from a sen- Socialism and Radicalism Unite?’ was Liberal Chief Whip, the Master of timental attachment to the French and published in The Nation. It contained Elibank, as ‘a beastly gambler and in- hatred of Germany.’12 the bold statement: ‘Our lives have been triguer’9 over the Marconi shares scan- Trevelyan’s was a distinctly minor- spoilt by compromise, because we tol- dal. Although he wholeheartedly sup- ity view; for the vast majority of Lib- erated armaments firms and secret di- ported the Government’s assault on the erals, Britain’s ultimatum to Germany plomacy and the rule of wealth… The Lords in 1909–11 – and held his seat was justified by its unprovoked attack root of all evil is economic privilege. comfortably, though with reduced ma- upon Belgium, and only Burns and The personal problem which faces jorities, in the two elections of 1910 – Morley joined him in resignation. many of us is that we cannot waste the he was distressed at the failure to legis- Trevelyan soon became a leader of the rest of our lives in half-measures against late on land value taxation and at the small Liberal anti-war group, and in it.’13 Finally, in November 1918 he fol- lack of co-operation between the Lib- September, along with E. D. Morel, lowed his younger brother Robert into eral and Labour parties. In 1914, on Arthur Ponsonby, Norman Angell and the Independent Labour Party. He was

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 5 slow in coming to his decision, admit- former Liberals. He won Newcastle sighted, harder working, and more un- ting that ‘old political attachments are Central by almost 5,000 votes. He was selfishly devoted Minister of Education strong’,14 and found himself forced to elated: ‘It was a glorious win smashing than yourself.’19 stand as an independent in the general both Toryism and Liberalism. On the MacDonald’s Government fell in election of December, as a Labour can- Tyne, Liberalism is dead… A new October 1924, and although the fol- didate had already been selected in power has arisen. You should have seen lowing election saw the Conservatives Elland. He was crushed, polling only the drive of the new force. Twenty-two returned to office, it also achieved 5% of the vote in a four-cornered fight. men canvassing every night for a fort- MacDonald’s objective of forcing the After four years in the political wil- night. I never saw anything like it in Liberals emphatically into minor third- derness, Trevelyan greatly enjoyed his Elland.’17 The election of December party status. Trevelyan’s majority in new-found camaraderie in the ILP, and 1923 was a tougher fight, as the Liberals Newcastle Central slipped a little, but in September 1919 he was selected as did not contest the seat and most of he held the seat by just under 900 votes. candidate for Newcastle Central. Typi- their remaining votes went to the Con- He enjoyed the next four-and-a-half cally, and unlike many other Liberals in a servatives; still, Trevelyan held on by years of opposition. His appointment similar position, he did not assume that 1,200. He had been appointed Labour’s to the Cabinet seemed finally to have in joining Labour he was bringing it su- spokesman on education in the 1922– dispelled his own feelings of inad- perior leadership by virtue of his educa- 23 Parliament, and, when Ramsay equacy, and it had also reconciled him tion and experience – although in prac- Macdonald formed Labour’s first gov- to his father, ending the breach that tice the adherence of relatively senior ernment in January 1924, Trevelyan en- had begun ten years before over his Liberals such as Trevelyan, Ponsonby, tered the Cabinet as President of the opposition to the war. He kept his Buxton and Wedgwood Benn certainly Board of Education. ‘I no longer have front-bench position as spokesman for did boost Labour’s credibility. only six children,’ he said to his wife. ‘I education, and developed huge popu- Trevelyan’s belief, expressed in his have six million.’18 larity within the Labour Party. He book From Liberalism to Labour (1921) This was the post he had wanted helped to commit the party to raising was simply that Liberalism had been above all others, and he set out to create the school leaving age to fifteen, argu- abandoned during the war and the Lib- a system which would afford every ing that it would help to reduce un- eral Party was now incapable of acting child, whatever their background, ac- employment by cutting the number of as a vehicle for reform. Building on the cess to a decent education and a career entrants to the labour market. New Liberalism of the pre-war era, he in life. His first act was to revoke Circu- proposed nationalisation of the land, lar 1190, which had been issued by his railways and mines, a capital levy to re- predecessor to restrict expenditure by … and disaster move the burden of war debt, free sec- local education authorities. His ten In the election of 1929 Trevelyan in- ondary education and free access to the months in office also saw the relaxation creased his majority substantially, hold- universities. He saw the Labour Party as of conditions for the payment of state ing Newcastle Central by over 5,000 better able than the Liberals ever had grants, the restoration of state scholar- votes. Once again he was appointed been to ‘reorganise economic society… ships, an increase in the proportion of President of the Board of Education, That is why all social reformers are all free places at secondary schools, higher but his second period in the post was bound to gravitate, as I have done, to maintenance allowances for secondary far less successful than his first. Labour.’15 But otherwise his political school pupils, a tripling of the adult MacDonald, once again, used his lack beliefs had no need to change: ‘Faith in education grant, and the encourage- of a parliamentary majority to avoid Democracy, belief in Free Trade, love of ment of local education authorities to committing his government to any personal freedom, respect for personal raise the school leaving age to fifteen radical or socialist policy, including rais- liberties, are all part of the Labour (though very few of them did so). His ing the school leaving age, despite the creed. The Labour Party is, indeed, the enthusiasm for public expenditure – in fact that it had been a manifesto com- safest custodian of these cherished Lib- which he was joined by Wheatley, the mitment. Trevelyan believed the main eral principles.’16 Rather more contro- Health Minister, and Jowett, the Minis- reason for MacDonald’s antagonism versial was his notorious sympathy for ter of Works – alarmed Philip Snowden, was personal; the new Cabinet, lacking Soviet Russia, where his uncritical en- Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, both Wheatley and Jowett, was even less thusiasm for the epic struggle of the along with Ramsay MacDonald was progressive than its cautious predeces- Russian people to throw off the yoke of determined above all to demonstrate sor, and Trevelyan was often isolated Tsarism completely blinded him to any that Labour could govern responsibly, politically. faults in the Soviet system. but Trevelyan, already experienced in There were also legislative obstacles central government, was one of La- in the way of raising the school leaving bour’s undoubted successes. As the nov- age, and in seeking to remove these Triumph… elist H. G. Wells put it, ‘I think your Trevelyan ran straight into the issue of In the election of November 1922, work for education has been of out- denominational schools, a problem of Trevelyan’s local Labour party was well standing value… I am convinced that British education politics for at least the organised, and he himself helped attract there has never been a better, more far- previous sixty years, and one he had al-

6 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 ready experienced as a Liberal minister. very much out of sympathy with the The Act of 1902 made no financial pro- general method of Government policy,’ vision for the expansion that would be Trevelyan wrote to the Prime Minister. needed to accommodate the extra ‘In the present disastrous conditions of school classes, and if it were to be trade it seems to me that the crisis re- amended to allow this it would imme- quires big Socialist measures… We diately raise the question of whether ought to be demonstrating to the coun- additional support was also to be made try the alternatives to economy and pro- available to the denominational, or tection. Our value as a Government to- ‘non-provided’, schools. Trevelyan’s day should be to make people realise compromise was to propose the pay- that Socialism is that alternative.’22 ment, for three years, of grants to these Typically, Trevelyan made his disa- schools to allow them to make the nec- greements with MacDonald plain essary alterations, in exchange for the within the parliamentary party, and was school managers handing over much of met mainly by resentment at his public their control over the teachers to the attacks on the leader, a position not local authorities. Despite painstaking helped by the growing tensions be- consultations, however, the proposal tween the ILP (of which Trevelyan was generated opposition from the Catho- still a member) and the rest of the La- Trevelyan as President of the Board of lic Church (which wished to maintain bour Party. All this became academic, Education, 1930 its denominational veto over teaching however, as in the election that fol- appointments in Catholic schools), and lowed the formation of the National against MacDonaldism petered out, also from many Nonconformists (who Government in August 1931, Labour’s Trevelyan increasingly became disillu- opposed the principle of any state sup- biggest electoral defeat in its history sioned. In 1934 he turned down the of- port for denominational schools), and swept Trevelyan out of parliament along fer of the safe Labour seat of Morpeth. ‘I he dropped it. with the vast majority of his colleagues. won’t go into politics again unless there By the summer of 1930 Trevelyan’s Trevelyan lost Newcastle Central to a are signs of a Rooseveltian energy in position was becoming untenable. He Conservative supporter of the Govern- leadership and a Socialist policy in prac- had been forced to withdraw legislation ment by almost 8,000 votes. He had not tice,’ he wrote to his wife. ‘No, I pine for twice, ostensibly because of timetabling expected such a defeat; ‘I know for the home, not politics.’25 difficulties, but mainly – he suspected – first time,’ wrote his wife, ‘what it meant Needless to say, he led an active life because of MacDonald’s opposition. to be “stunned by a blow”.’23 His friend at home. In 1930 he had been ap- ‘He detests me,’ wrote Trevelyan to his Josiah Wedgwood, who had held on as pointed Lord Lieutenant of Northum- wife, ‘because I am always quite definite an independent MP, wrote also: ‘Shall berland, and in this capacity reorganised and won’t shirk things in the approved we never look upon your like again? the magistracy of the county, making it style… He will let me down if he pos- These fools make me sick and I can im- more representative of all sections of sibly can… the real wrecker is the PM agine how they make you feel. If you society. He was a prime mover in the with his timidity.’20 Finally, in October were there with us, what fun it all founding of the People’s Theatre in 1930 he introduced a third Education would be; holding the bridge with Newcastle and gave steady encourage- Bill. It raised the school leaving age to Horatius, defying them 10 to 1. With- ment to the Youth Hostels Association fifteen and included limited grants for out you there is no zest left.’24 in the north. In 1928 both his parents low-income households to cover the The 1931 election ended Trevelyan’s had died, and Trevelyan had become year’s lost earnings; it made no provi- involvement in parliamentary politics. master of the family’s estate at Walling- sion for church schools. The Catholic He continued to attend Labour Party ton. He and his wife put substantial ef- group of Labour MPs moved an conferences and was a member of the fort into restoring both estate and amendment to provide state support for National Executive until 1934. In 1932, house, which had fallen into disrepair. the ‘non-provideds’; Trevelyan’s attempt after Labour’s severance of its ties with The houses of their estate workers to mediate between the Catholic the ILP, he joined the Socialist League, a similarly benefited, and they provided church and the Nonconformists failed, small but vigorous intellectual elite, in- all their employees with a week’s paid and the amendment was passed with cluding G. D. H. Cole, Sir Stafford holiday a year. Conservative support. MacDonald Cripps, Harold Laski and R. H. Tawney. In 1929 they put the ILP policy of consistently failed to intervene. What In 1933, he introduced a successful reso- family allowances into practice and es- was left of the bill was rejected by the lution to commit the party to call a gen- tablished a system of monthly allow- Lords on 18 February 1931 in the light eral strike in case of the threat of war – ances for every family on the estate for of the growing economic crisis,21 and though after the outbreak of the Spanish every child from birth until it left the next day Trevelyan resigned from a Civil War in 1936, he demanded active school or college, until such time as a ministerial post for the second time. support by Britain for the Spanish Re- similar system were to be set up at a na- ‘For some time I have realised that I am publicans. But as the left-wing reaction tional level – which did not happen un-

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 7 Jowett and Wedgwood Benn, who felt his journey from the Liberal Party into themselves driven out of the Liberal Labour were similar to those of many Party by its disastrous split in 1916, its others who brought their political subsequent division into two warring skills and efforts to the services of their factions and its loss of radical zeal. In new party; but his idealism was greater general they did not regard their move than most. as involving any significant adjustment of their political beliefs; rather, they Duncan Brack is Editor of the Journal of came to see the Labour Party simply as Liberal Democrat History and a former the more vibrant and reformist wing of Director of Policy for the Liberal Democrats. the old pre-war Progressive Alliance. This biography will appear, in a shorter They helped mould Labour policy, form, in the Dictionary of Labour Biog- adding a strong idealistic element to its raphy, to be published by Politico’s Publish- existing labourist, trade union-focused ing in September 2001. beliefs, particularly over foreign policy issues, including free trade and control 1The Rev. C. G. Chittenden, of The Grange of armaments, civil liberties and even School, 31 August 1880; George Otto Trevelyan Mss (hereafter GOT) 133. land value taxation. They helped give 2 A. J. A. Morris, C. P. Trevelyan 1870–1958: Trevelyan in retirement, 1950 Labour the image of respectability and Portrait of a Radical (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, competence in government that 1977), p. 10. 3Trevelyan to his mother, 15 June 1892; GOT 45. til 1945, and then at a less generous Ramsay MacDonald so coveted, be- 4Trevelyan to his mother, 2 December 1897; level than the Trevelyans provided. The cause of their backgrounds and their GOT 50. estate’s grouse moors became some of administrative competence. And with- 5A discussion circle for ‘Liberals of the Left and Socialists of the Right’, the Rainbow Circle was the best in Northumberland, and while out their radicalism, drive and enthusi- formed in 1894 and met once a month, initially Trevelyan was himself a keen shot, in asm, subsequent Liberal initiatives like at the Rainbow Tavern in Fleet Street. Among the public interest he made most of the Liberal Summer Schools and Lloyd others, it involved Graham Wallas, J. A. them over to the Forestry Commission. George’s ‘coloured books’ were not Hobson, and Ramsay MacDonald. 6Trevelyan to his father, 10 October 1900; In 1941 he gave the whole estate to the enough to revive a declining party. Charles Philips Trevelyan (hereafter CPT) Ex. National Trust, continuing to reside They were central contributors to the Misc. Letters, 1890–1902. there as a tenant. He loved showing realignment of the left in the 1920s. 7 Campbell-Bannerman to Trevelyan, 6 October 1903; CPT 5. visitors round his house and the estate, And Trevelyan, in particular, acted as 8 Loreburn to Trevelyan, 21 September 1906; and Wallington became a meeting point an inspiration to others. On his eighti- CPT 6. for young people interested in politics. eth birthday in 1950, a friend wrote: 9Trevelyan to his wife, 10 June 1913; CPT Ex. 105. He died at Wallington on 24 January In the first half of your career you made 10 Morris, C. P. Trevelyan 1870–1958, p. 92. 1958, at the age of eighty-eight. With the very best of the luck of your birth, 11 Trevelyan to his wife, 23 July 1906; CPT Ex. 21. his wife Mary (or Molly, as she was brought up in the surroundings of a 12 Trevelyan to his wife, 4 August 1914; CPT Ex. commonly known), he had four distinguished family, educated in the 106 height of fashion of the time, estab- 13 The Nation 2 February 1918, pp. 566–67. daughters and three sons, the eldest of lished as a promising politician, a junior 14 Notes by Trevelyan for speech, ‘Reasons for whom, George Lowthian (born 1906) minister for the party that had been leaving Liber’ (undated); CPT 79. succeeded to the baronetcy. His entry your father’s, married to a handsome 15 C. P. Trevelyan, Preface to H. Langshaw, Social- ism and the Historic function of Liberalism (Lon- and brilliant woman. That was the dis- in the Dictionary of National Biography don, 1925), p. vii. was written by his cousin and friend, tinction of the first forty years; but the 16 Ibid. the left-wing Labour MP M. Philips real courage and enterprise emerged in 17 Trevelyan to his brother Robert, 20 November the second half… Your absolute convic- 1922; CPT 231. Price; and there is one biography, tion of the fault of the war policy in 18 Quoted in Mary, Lady Trevelyan, The Number which draws extensively on his corre- 1914 in the face of universal support… of My Days (privately printed, 1963), p. 93. spondence but misses much of the po- Anyone who knows you appreciates 19 H. G. Wells to Trevelyan, 21 October 1924; CPT litical context: C. P. Trevelyan 1870– that you made your policy from your 108. 20 Trevelyan to his wife, 16 November 1930; CPT 1958: Portrait of a Radical, by A. J. A. own reasoning and whatever the in- convenience and unpopularity you act Ex. 124. 21 The school leaving age was not raised to fifteen Morris. His papers are kept at Newcas- unflinchingly and conscientiously to tle University Library. until Butler’s Education Act of 1944. work out your own policy. You know 22 Trevelyan to Ramsay MacDonald, 19 February what you think you should do, and you 1931; CPT Ex. 125. ‘You know what you do it.26 23 Mary, Lady Trevelyan, The Number of My Days, This was Trevelyan’s strength, and his p. 130. think you should do, and 24 Wedgwood to Trevelyan, 29 October 1931; weakness. It prevented him achieving CPT 98. you do it’ what other, more flexible, politicians 25 Trevelyan to his wife, 30 September 1934; CPT Trevelyan was one of the important might have managed; but it also estab- Ex. 128. group of Liberals, including Haldane, 26 Claude Bichnell to Trevelyan, 27 October 1950; lished him as a real inspiration for CPT Misc. Letters 1950. Wedgwood, Buxton, Ponsonby, Addison, thousands of others. The experience of

8 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 Speeches Tony Little provides a foretaste of the Liberal Democrat History Group’s next publication, Great Liberal Speeches, by introducing a speech by John Bright on 20 May 1858 PlusPlus ÇaÇa ChangeChange The politics of faction in the 1850s

n May 1858, Cardwell tabled a motion of censure Liberal factions to generate sufficient support to Ito force Lord Derby’s minority Conservative ad- eject Derby and Disraeli. He shows that Palmerston ministration out of office. The pretext chosen was a had little to learn from New Labour in the manipu- proclamation issued by Lord Canning, Governor lation of the press. General of India, in the aftermath of the Indian Mu- Palmerston was a good man-manager, both in his tiny and condemned by Lord Ellenborough, Presi- attention to back-benchers in the corridors of West- dent of the Board of Control, in a despatch from minster and in the glittering parties at Cambridge London. The condemnation was leaked to the Lib- House hosted with his wife. Lord John Russell was erals and the press. Was this a manoeuvre by Disraeli Palmerston’s leading opponent within the Whigs as an excuse to publish the condemnation officially? and the two had long-standing quarrels. Bright was The government had not been fully informed of wrong to assert that they were reconciled, or shared Canning’s intentions and their condemnation was a ‘loving cup’, and Russell was only dissuaded from unjust. However, the reason for their ignorance publicly denouncing Bright when friends pointed could be laid at the feet of Palmerston’s retiring out the further damage it would do. ministers. When this became clear and when it was known that a defeat for the government would re- sult in a new general election after only a year, Lib- The colour of faction eral dissensions surfaced. Facing an overwhelming ‘I think it is but fair, just, and generous that Members mutiny from the back-benches, Disraeli humiliated on this side of the House, at least, should take no the Liberal leaders by forcing them publicly to re- course which wears the colour of faction, for the quest Cardwell to withdraw his motion. Derby’s purpose of throwing the present Government out of government survived for another year. office. Whenever I join in a vote to put Gentlemen John Bright was a Radical MP, best known for his Opposite out of office, it shall be for something that association with Richard Cobden in the campaign the country will clearly understand – something that against the Corn Laws. He spoke out against the shall offer a chance of good to some portion of the Crimean War and helped defeat Palmerston’s gov- British empire – something that shall offer a chance ernment in 1857 over British gunboat diplomacy in of advancing distinctly the great principles for China. He lost his seat in the ensuing which we – if we are a party at all on this side of the general election but quickly returned to the house House – profess to care. in a by-election in Birmingham. Thereafter he be- But there is another reason. Not only is it feared came a leading campaigner for a second Reform that hon. Gentlemen opposite will get firm in their Act. Bright remained a Birmingham MP until his seats, but it is also feared that some hon. Gentlemen death in 1888, but broke with the Liberal Party in near me will get less firm in their alliance with the 1886 when he opposed Home Rule. right hon. Gentlemen on this side. I have heard of In May 1858, Bright did not wish Palmerston to mutinous meetings and discussions, and of language return with a government as narrowly based as it of the most unpardonable character uttered, as Gen- had been in 1855–57. In Bright’s eyes, Palmerston’s tlemen now say, in the heat of debate. But there was aristocratic Whigs were almost as serious an obstacle something more going on, which was traced to a to radical progress as the Tories. He devoted the bulk meeting of independent Members recently held in of his speech to India, but also exposed to public Committee-room No. 11; and if a stop were not put gaze the techniques being used by the leaders of the to it, the powerful ranks on these benches might be

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 9 broken up, which, if united, it was be- unblushing manner, published articles lieved, would storm the Treasury emanating from the pen of somebody benches and replace the late Govern- who knew exactly what was wanted to ment in office. be done. In the case of a gentleman, for example, who was engaged in Commit- tee-room No. 11 – a gentleman whom I A desperate effort need not mention because the House should be made knows all the circumstances of this case, I believe it was intended that a desper- but a gentleman who took a most ate effort should be made to change prominent part in the proceedings in the state of things here before that Committee-room – and no one is Whitsuntide. That was a resolution probably more indignant at what has which had been come to long before been done than himself – those newspa- any one knew anything about Lord pers have positively fixed upon and des- Ellenborough’s despatch. And the ignated him for a certain office, if the John Bright MP present seems to be a convenient op- present Government go out and another portunity, inasmuch as it has this in its comes in; another gentleman who sec- your character in the House – your favour, that it appears to be defending onded a Resolution on that occasion is self-respect will go for nothing if you an absent servant of the Crown; that it also held up for an office; but they do have a miserable temptation like this appears to be teaching a lesson to the not state exactly what his precise posi- held up before you.’ Sir, if we could see Government who have acted injudi- tion is to be; and the glittering bauble of them taking a course which is said to be ciously in publishing a despatch; alto- some place in the incoming Govern- taken by the celebrated horse-tamer, gether it has that about it which makes ment is hung up before many hon. Gen- who appeals, as I am told, to the nobler it an excellent pretext on which hon. tlemen who sit around me. It is not said, and more intelligent instincts of the Gentlemen may ride into office. ‘It is for you,’ and ‘It is for you;’ but it is animal which he tames, then I should Now, I do not speak to Whigs in of- hung up dangling before them all, and not com- plain. But they appeal to in- fice or to those Gentlemen who have every man is expected to covet that glit- stincts which every honourable mind been in office and expect to be in office tering bauble. repudiates, and to aspirations which no again; but I should like to say what I be- hon. Gentleman on this side of the lieve to be true to those Gentlemen House can for a moment admit. who call themselves independent Beautifully engraved Members, who come here with no per- cards sonal object to serve, not seeking place, But this is not all. These are not the A loving cup patronage, or favour, but with an honest only arts which are employed. Mem- Well then, if they succeed, what sort of desire, as far as they are able, to serve bers of this House sitting below the a Government shall we have? I am as their country as Members of the House gangway, who have been here for years anxious for a Liberal Government as of Commons. If this Resolution be car- – Gentlemen of the most independent any man in this House, but I cannot be- ried, it is supposed that the old Govern- character – receive flattering and beau- lieve that, in the present position of ment, or something very like it, will tifully engraved cards to great parties at things on this side of the House, a Lib- come back again. Now, there was great splendid mansions; and not later than eral and solid Government can be discontent with that old Government Friday last, of all times, those invitations formed. We are told, and the whole before it went out; yet no pledge what- were scattered, if not with a more lib- country has been in a state of expecta- ever has been given that its conduct eral, no doubt with a much more dis- tion and wonder upon it, that two emi- will be better or different; no new criminating hand than they ever were nent statesmen have actually dined to- measures have been promised, no new before. [An hon. Member: ‘Absurd!’] Of gether; and I am very glad to hear that policy has been avowed, no new men, course it is very absurd; there is no men engaged in the strife of politics can that I have seen, have been held forth to doubt about that, and that is precisely dine together without personal hostil- the public very distinctly as likely to why I am explaining it to the House. ity. I say nothing of the viands that were take high office in the State. Why, Sir, if those cards of invitation eaten. I say nothing of the beverage that contained a note with them, giving the was in the ‘loving cup’ that went round. exact history of what was really meant, One of our oldest and greatest poets The glittering bauble it would say to hon. Gentlemen, ‘Sir, we has told us that – There have been some things which I have measured your head, and we have ‘Nepenthe is a drink of soverayne should think Members of this House gauged your soul, and we know or be- grace’ must have felt pain at witnessing. There lieve’ – for I believe they do not know – He says that it was devised by the gods are newspapers in the interest of this ex- ‘we believe that your principles which to subdue contention, and subject the Treasury bench which have, in the most you came into Parliament to support – passions; but that it was given only to

10 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 the aged and the wise, who were pre- pared by it to take their places with an- In this month... cient heroes in a higher sphere. But that could not have been the contents of the What was happening in the Liberal world in ‘loving cup’ in this instance, for these the second three months of years gone by? aged statesmen are still determined to 14 May 1954 cling to this world, and to mix, as here- 18 June 1941 LPO Executive Committee – 1955 Assembly: tofore, with all the vigour and the fire Scottish Liberal Federation Executive , backed by John Baker, called for Committee – A one-day conference would an end to old-fashioned Assemblies and of youth in the turmoil and contention be held in September to urge the advocated a party rally in its place, without of public life. government to introduce home rule, amendments and resolutions. electoral reform and land tax. A letter from (The was a rather the Scottish National Party urging a The worst of all shambolic affair. This radical suggestion was referendum on the question of home rule not taken up but major reforms were made in coalitions after the war was agreed with. the late ’50s.) But does the fact of this dinner point to (Liberals were often criticised for ignoring reconciliation, and to a firm and liberal key issues in favour of minority concerns 2 April 1963 administration? I believe that any such such as electoral reform.) Government would be the worst of all Inverness Liberal Association Executive coalitions. I believe that it would be Committee – told the meeting built upon insincerity, and I suspect it 27 April 1954 that financial support from the LPO would Extract of letter from H Graham White to depend on certain targets being met. If the would be of no advantage to the coun- Seebohm Rowntree – ‘I am told that the association had an income of £2000 in 1963/ try. Therefore I am not anxious to see Assembly at Buxton was a success as things 64, had 3000 members by April 1964, held an such a Government attempted. I ask the go. But there was a lot of sentimental autumn publicity campaign and appointed a House, then, are they prepared to over- nonsense talked about co-ownership, and full-time agent and two part-time sub-agents throw the existing Government on the this mistaken idea we can irradicate (sic) the LPO would donate £250 with a futher question which the right hon. Gentle- quite soon I think. A new committee has £250 promised after three months. Further man has brought before us – a question been set up to deal with it and make an contributions would depend on progress which he has put in such ambiguous enquiry. It is astonishing how normal people thereafter. can be swept away by emotion and lose any terms? Are they willing in overthrow- (This is an example of the first coordinated responsiblity on a particular subject. I am ing that Government to avow the targeting of resources into a winnable seat by myself most anxious to see a review of the policy of this Proclamation for India? the Liberal Party.) Are they willing to throw the country present situation in industry to bring the Liberal thought which inspired the Yellow into all the turmoil of a general election Book up to date. I find few people realise the 21 May 1964 – a general election at a moment when enormous changes which have taken place in London Liberal Party Executive Committee – the people are but just slowly recover- the structure of industry in the last 15 years. A motion was carried urging the LPO to ing from the effects of the most tre- What I feel is needed is something like the concentrate on promoting propaganda not mendous commercial panic that this Acton Trust, if possible on a more popular policy before the general election, especially country ever passed through? Are they basis.’ building up the advantages of holding the willing to delay all legislation for India balance of power. (The policy of industrial co-ownership was till next year, and all legislation on the popular with rank-and-file Liberals who (The 2001 election was the first for many subject of Parliamentary reform till the sometimes suspected that their enthusiasm years in which the Liberal Democrats’ year after that? Are they willing, above was not shared by the Party's leadership. campaign was not dogged by questions all, to take the responsibility which will H. Graham White was President of the Party about what the party would do in the event of attach to them if they avow the policy when this letter was written.) a hung parliament.) contained in this Proclamation?’

Tony Little is Chair of the Liberal Democrat History Group, and a writer on nineteenth- liberator … century Liberalism. • The radical Liberal magazine, now in its thirtieth year. • Recent contributors include , Chris Davies, Nick Great Liberal Speeches, which will contain Clegg, Conrad Russell and . over forty complete or edited speeches from Liberal politicians from Charles James Fox to • As reviewed in the Journal of Liberal Democrat History, Spring Charles Kennedy – including John Bright – 2001. together with introductions, will be published • Annual subscription (eight issues): £15 by cheque, payable to by Politico’s Publishing in September 2001 – ‘Liberator Publications’, to: Flat 1, 24 Alexandra Grove, see back page for further information. London N4 2LF.

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 11 Campaigning Terry McDonald recounts the experiences of one of the unsuccessful Liberal candidates of the nineteenth century. AA PoliticalPolitical ManMan The political aspirations of William Taylor Haly

hat most political of nineteenth century novel Lords of the nearby Manor of Canford, who Tists, Anthony Trollope, regarded a seat in Parlia- owned most of the land around Poole, had influ- ment as ‘the highest object of ambition to every enced the choice of the members and, as the Lords educated Englishman’. 1 His own attempt to enter of the Manor were usually Liberals, 4 they naturally Parliament, at Beverley in 1868, was described in his expected Poole to return men from that party. This autobiography as ‘the most wretched fortnight of was deeply resented by many people in Poole, for my manhood’ and confirmed his agent’s prediction the majority of its leading citizens, especially the that ‘You will spend £1,000 and lose the election’. 2 Newfoundland merchants, were staunch Tories. That Trollope went ahead with his campaign at During the early 1850s a compromise had been Beverley is indicative of the lure of parliament for an reached whereby the town was represented by one ambitious man. Just how many men held this ambi- member from each party and was dubbed a ‘Whig- tion is revealed in that ‘bible’ of nineteenth century To ry Compact’. Thus there had been no contest at elections, McCalmont’s Parliamentary Poll Book. 3 the general election of 1852, there being only two Within its pages and index are the names of all the candidates. These were a Bristol merchant named candidates, both successful and unsuccessful, who George Woodroffe Franklyn for the town and the stood for Parliament between 1832 and 1910, and To r ies, and Henry Danby Seymour, a relative of the many of them were to see their ambitions frustrated Duke of Somerset, for Canford and the Liberals. on more than one occasion. This arrangement was expected to continue at the One such frustrated candidate is the subject of next general election in 1857, but the appearance this article, a lawyer named William Taylor Haly of a third candidate, William Taylor Haly, brought a whose attempts to become one of the members for return to contested elections. the Dorset seaport borough of Poole in the late Haly had been born in Poole on 30 June 1818, 5 1850s brought elements of excitement and acri- the first son of Richard Standish Haly, a Lieutenant mony into what had become a cosy pact between in the Royal Navy, and Ann Gee Young, a member the town’s two political parties or, more realistically, of an old Poole family. The Youngs had been among factions. Haly’s experience is probably typical of the first to enter the Newfoundland trade and were many an unsuccessful parliamentary candidate but ship masters and merchants into the early nineteenth he does reveal the hold politics can exert over a man. century. Richard Haly was not a Poole man but, Poole was one of the boroughs whose electorate probably through the influence of his in-laws, had had been changed by the Reform Act of 1832. Be- become a member of the town’s unreformed Cor- fore that date the right to vote had been limited to poration. Surviving poll-books record him as voting members of the town’s Corporation, a self ap- Liberal in Poole at the general election of 1826 and pointed and self perpetuating body of ninety-one in the Dorset county by-election of 1831. His Lib- resident and seventy-one non-resident ‘burgesses’. eral views clearly went further than just voting for The majority of these were merchants and their re- the party’s candidates. In 1821 he published a forty- lations whose wealth and prosperity was based three page pamphlet entitled Impressment: an attempt upon the lucrative Newfoundland trade (the town to prove why it should and how it could be abolished. 6 had long been major supplier of goods to, and im- During his early years William accompanied his porter of products from, that island). After the Act father to the West Indies and subsequently made an the electorate increased to 412 (reaching 547 by extended tour of the United States. 7 Precisely 1859) and was made up of shopkeepers, craftsmen, when the Halys left Poole is uncertain but it would merchants and professional men. By tradition the appear to have been in the early 1830s, for Rich-

12 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 ard’s name appears among the Bur- he should set his sights on membership cal societies in favour of the ballot, he gesses (members of the Corporation) of the House of Commons. said ‘I urged upon some men in the of 1830 and (as mentioned above) in His active involvement in Parlia- , whom I met there (such the County poll-book for 1831. He mentary politics began during the gen- as…Haly etc) to work in this matter.’ 15 does not appear in any of the three eral election of 1852 when he con- In 1856 Haly was, for a short time, edi- poll books published in Poole after the tested the Scottish borough of Paisley, tor of the Morning Star, a newspaper election and subsequent by-election of carrying with him letters of praise and that had Cobden as its chief advisor. 16 1835. The Admissions Register of the recommendation from five leading In 1857 William Haly came back to Middle Temple, where William was Radical-Liberal MPs, one of whom Poole after an absence of some twenty- admitted in April 1846, has Richard was Richard Cobden. Another, from five years. He had a detailed knowledge Haly as being ‘late of the Parish of Viscount Duncan, acknowledged of Parliament and public life and pre- Clarendon in the Island of Jamaica’. 8 Haly’s support in his campaign to have sented himself as someone who would Before studying law William Haly the Window Tax repealed and de- break the ‘Whig-Tory Compact’. ‘devoted himself to literary pursuits’ 9 scribed him as ‘an indefatigable and Naturally, the existing parties within and in the early 1840s was connected zealous advocate of Reform and Re- the constituency did not welcome with The Times and the Daily News. trenchment’. 12 His address to the elec- Haly’s intervention. The Mayor initially The Glasgow Citizen of 10 April 1852 tors of Paisley clearly stated his views refused to allow him the use of the states that he ‘commenced life as a Par- which included a large extension to the Town Hall and a long, anonymous liamentary reporter for the daily press’. Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, the Bal- poster was published querying his po- He also published three books during lot, Free Trade and opposition to ‘every litical principles and concluding that he this period, two of them being con- State Endowment for ecclesiastical pur- was an extreme radical. Haly described cerned with contemporary politics. poses’. 13 Haly was clearly a Liberal, but his views as being those of an ‘advanced One, in 1843, was The Opinions of Sir so too was his opponent at this election, Liberal’ but in both Poole and Paisley , expressed in Parliament and Archibald Hastie, who had held the seat he had to defend himself against in Public which The Times described in since 1836. charges of radicalism. Although the its review as ‘…a perfect encyclopae- Newspaper accounts of this election poster that charged him with being a dia of political knowledge’. 10 The sec- include comment on Haly with the radical had no signature it had been ond, also in 1843, was an esoteric work Glasgow Citizen saying that ‘as a public printed by a firm whose partners were called A Report on the Proceedings at the speaker, Mr Haly, although much supe- to vote for the sitting Liberal, Seymour, Bread Street Ward Scrutiny AD 1843, rior to Mr Hastie, does not seem to at this election and did so again in 1859. with a Digest of Decisions Exemplifying rank very high.’ It went on to note that Six years later, at the election of 1865, their Bearing upon the Act II Geo. I Cap. ‘He seems to be an intelligent man, well they again voted for Seymour and a 18. His third book was entitled Educa- acquainted with business, and might like-minded Liberal. This suggests that tion: Showing What is done; What is not probably be a useful working member; it was Poole’s Liberals (and therefore done; What we can do; What we must do: but the oratory of the House of Com- the Manor of Canford) who most to Educate the People, a title reminiscent mons must be no great thing if his feared Haly’s candidacy. Indeed, Haly of his father’s Impressment… of twenty- would command attention.’ Other seems to have made a point of fighting six years earlier. William’s book was a newspapers, however, such as the Ren- other Liberals, rather than the Tories. ninety-five page analysis of how the frewshire Independent, describe his style as His campaign began with a meeting state must involve itself in radically ex- inciting great laughter and applause. at the Town Hall and, according to the tending primary education although, Accounts of his speeches in Poole, a few Poole Pilot, he ‘carried the whole town’. rather paradoxically, he maintained years later, confirm his ability to enter- He concentrated on Poole’s economic that compulsory education was repug- tain an audience. problems, the town’s capabilities and its nant to English feeling. It was ad- Haly was unsuccessful in Paisley, possibilities in the future, ignoring dressed to Sir George Grey, Bart., MP, Hastie polling 406 votes to his 374, but party politics. The following evening he Secretary of State for the Home De- his active involvement in politics con- invited the electors to meet him at the partment and Haly was described on tinued throughout the 1850s, particu- London Tavern. ‘They came’ said the the frontispiece as being ‘of the Mid- larly through his association with Rich- Poole Pilot ‘without distinction of party dle Temple, Secretary to the South- ard Cobden. A letter from Cobden to or sect’. 17 The next time he addressed wark Fund for Schools, etc’. the Leicester MP Joshua Walmesley in the electorate was on nomination day, Haly studied law at the Middle Tem- 1852 informed him that ‘the League, Friday 27 March. This was a rowdy af- ple from 1846 and was called to the Bar having a little money left, is employing fair, with a five-foot high barricade in May 1849. His subsequent legal ca- Haly to collect together some of the separating those who possessed the reer was at the Parliamentary Bar and facts concerned with intimidation, right to vote from the less privileged he acted on behalf of the Corporation bribery etc of the late election’. 14 He majority of the population. During a of the City of London on several occa- was again mentioned in a letter from speech by one of the proposers of the sions. 11 He was thus already a political Cobden for, when writing in Septem- To ry candidate, Franklyn, it was sug- man and it was perhaps inevitable that ber 1852 regarding the formation of lo- gested that the electors also returned

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 13 by’s minority Conservative Govern- the special constables rescued him. Poll- ment’s attempt to tackle the recurrent ing took place the following day and problem of further Parliamentary re- Haly and Franklyn were present but form. In Poole the contest was to be a Seymour took the advice of his friends re-run of 1857 with Seymour, Franklyn and stayed away. and Haly the only candidates to face When the poll was declared the re- the electorate at the polls. sult was Franklyn 208, Seymour 193 All three candidates published elec- and Haly 143. Perhaps the most impor- tion addresses during the first week of tant point about these figures is that 69 the campaign although Seymour’s was of Haly’s votes were from ‘plumpers’, actually produced by his brother as he people who supported only him, while was away on a visit to the United States. a further 51 votes were from people Franklyn’s pamphlet stated simply and who used their other vote for Franklyn. confidently that ‘my political principles Only 22 people voted for Seymour and are well known to you – I therefore will Haly despite them both being Liberals. not trouble you with a detail of them’18 Thus the division was clearly between although he did go on to re-affirm his the ‘Poole’ and ‘Canford’ parties and support for Derby’s Government. Haly, Haly was not part of the latter and only on the other hand, dwelt at length on had partial support from the former. Poole’s ills, its possible disenfranchise- Thompson has pointed out that the ment, and his own local origins. He Canford influence over Poole was Seymour, the sitting Liberal. This idea was also the most active of the candi- ‘something much more shadowy and immediately led to cries of ‘coalition!’, dates, holding meetings in the suburbs delicate than secure proprietary owner- an allegation that Seymour emphati- of Parkstone and Hamworthy as well ship’20 and there were certainly men cally rejected during his own speech. as in the Town Hall. His continual em- living within the town (as against those When Haly came to speak, he main- phasis on local matters at his meetings living in its suburbs) who gave their al- tained that one member should be a led to Seymour and Franklyn having legiance to the Manor rather than the Poole man, and in addition to stating to defend their Parliamentary records To ry dominated Corporation. That his political views, promised (in a rather on matters concerning Poole. For many of these were from the profes- modern gesture) that, if elected, he Franklyn this was difficult as he was an sional classes within the town suggests would visit the borough during each infrequent attender and never spoke an empathy with their social betters at recess and live in the neighbourhood during his time in the House. Canford. for four months a year. This promise, Seymour, though, was an active mem- Haly’s final attempt to enter Parlia- however, was to no avail for at the fol- ber and held a minor government post ment came six years later. In July 1865 lowing day’s poll Seymour was placed between March 1855 and March 1858 the Poole electorate prepared them- first with 211 votes and Franklyn was as Joint Secretary to the Board of selves for what, although they did not also re-elected with 189 votes. Haly re- Control. His political career was cut know it, was to be the last occasion ceived 98. Seymour’s triumph ended short in 1868 by financial problems. they would return two members to on a sour note for him for when he was The nominations were once again Parliament.21 returning from the Town Hall to his an unruly affair with all the speakers Steps towards selecting the candi- hotel after the declaration, he was set having to contend with the cheering dates had begun eighteen months ear- upon by a mob of youngsters. Fortu- and heckling of the crowd, many of lier when the Canford backed Liberals nately he was rescued by several gentle- whom were not entitled to vote. Once decided to abandon the ‘compact’ and man whom the Poole Herald described again these un-enfranchised citizens try to win both seats. Seymour was as his political opponents. were segregated from their more privi- again a candidate and the choice for the In December of that same year Haly leged fellows by being restricted to the second seat was Charles Waring, ‘a part- saw a third chance to enter Parliament back of the hall by barricades and spe- ner in the firm of Waring Brothers of when Hastie, the victor at Paisley in cial constables. One topic which pro- Westminster, contractors for public 1852, died. Haly returned to Scotland voked a great deal of interest was works’.22 This firm was the contractor for the by-election but it was again a whether Poole would retain two Mem- for the Dorset Central Railway Com- wasted journey. His opponent, once bers of Parliament after any future re- pany whose directors included Henry again another Liberal, was H.E. Crum- form act.19 When the speeches were Danby Seymour and Sir Ivor Guest of Ewing and he received 767 votes to over a show of hands was taken and the Canford. In March 1865 Waring, with Haly’s humiliating 98, coincidentally Sheriff declared this to be in favour of Seymour’s assistance, had obtained the the same number that he had achieved Franklyn and Haly. Inevitably a poll was necessary Parliamentary authority for in Poole the previous April. demanded and as the candidates left the an Act to set up a company to provide a In 1859 there was another general hall, Seymour was jostled and his much needed railway line between election, brought about by Lord Der- clothes damaged until the police and Poole and the new and rapidly growing

14 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 seaside resort of Bournemouth, a few knowing from bitter experience that he his body was brought back to Poole, the miles to the east. would again be fighting a hopeless bat- town in which he was born and spent William Haly once again came for- tle and could not hope to overcome the much of his childhood, and whose ward as a candidate and on this occa- Canford influenced suburban or ‘outer politics he enlivened. He was buried in sion it seemed possible that he might district’ vote. The wisdom of his deci- Poole cemetery where his tombstone have ‘official’ backing, albeit from those sion to withdraw is shown by the even- still stands, a memorial which fails to who should have been his political op- tual result, for when the poll was taken reveal his role in the electoral history of ponents. The Conservative member, the two Liberals, Seymour and Waring, the borough. In truth, though, his only Franklyn, had decided to retire after received 259 and 249 votes respectively enduring memorial is his inclusion in thirteen silent years in the Commons whilst Lewin received only 178. the pages of works of reference such as and Poole’s Tories toyed with the idea William Taylor Haly cannot be re- McCalmont. There his italicised name of adopting Haly as the independent garded, in the national context, as being indicates not only his presence at elec- candidate for the town against the in- even a minor historical figure. He was tion campaigns, but also the fact that he fluence of the Canford Liberals. How- never important politically, just inter- failed to win a seat. ever, at a meeting called by the Tories at esting as someone whose efforts to be- the Antelope Hotel three days before the come an MP reveal something of the Te rry McDonald is a Senior Lecturer in history nominations, a gentleman from Lin- new breed of man entering public life and politics at the Southampton Institute. colnshire named Stephen Lewin and at a time of great social and political who had recently bought an iron foun- change. Haly was, in some ways, a 1 A. Trollope, An Autobiography, (Oxford, 1928), dry in the town, offered himself as a rather modern figure because of his p.265 2 Ibid., pp. 272-4. candidate and was accepted. opinions and his promise to be a ‘full- 3 J. Vincent and M. Stenton (eds.), McCalmont’s When the news of Lewin’s adoption time’ member, even to the extent of of- Parliamentary Poll Book of all Elections, 1832- reached Haly ‘he left the borough in fering to live in the constituency. The 1918, (Brighton, 1971). 23 4The Manor had been bought in 1846 by the iron disgust’. The Dorset County Chronicle Glasgow Citizen’s hunch that he would master and Liberal MP for Merthyr Tydfil, Sir stated that a deputation from among make a ‘good working member’ was Josiah John Guest from another Liberal (and Haly’s supporters visited him in probably an accurate one and, as the former MP) the Hon. Charles Ponsonby. 5 His date of birth comes from a poster which Bournemouth and asked him to fight Liberal party evolved into a powerful Haly published on 30 June 1865, mentioning the election ‘in connexion with Mr provider of governments, he might well that it was the anniversary of his birth in Poole, Lewin’. Haly declined this offer and the have become a junior minister. and from his tombstone. He was not baptised Chronicle, after saying that this sugges- After 1865 Haly ceased to be active until 27 December 1818. (Entry in parish regis- ter of St James, Poole.) tion ‘caused the Liberal party to trem- in politics. Like Anthony Trollope, who 6 British Museum Catalogue, BM 8807 bb.37. ble’ and that it ‘shook the foundations admittedly made only one attempt, he 7 Obituary in The Law Times, February 1874. of all their hope’, then concluded that had experienced the excitement and 8 It also has him as ‘Captain’ and ‘deceased’. 9 Obituary in The Law Times, February 1874. the refusal was ‘the wisest thing Mr discomfort of fighting elections and 10 Cited in Haly’s book on the Bread Street Scru- Haly ever did for had he returned there presumably decided it was simply not tiny. would in all probability have been a riot worth the effort. A bachelor, he spent 11 Glasgow Citizen, 10 April 1852. 12 The five letters were published in the Scottish on the day of nomination and poll- the rest of his life in London, but when newspapers in 1852 and in the Poole Herald in 24 ing’. Perhaps Haly was simply a realist, he died there in 1874 at the age of 55, 1857. 13 Paisley Central Library collection. 14 Cited in H. Walmesley, Life of Joshua Walmesley, (London, 1879) p.268. The ‘League’ referred to was the Anti Corn Law League. 15 Ibid., p.277. 16 J.A. Hobson, Richard Cobden – The Interna- tional Man, (London, 1918) p.141. The Morning Star was published between 17 March 1856 un- til 13 October 1869. 17 The Poole Pilot, 17 October 1868. 18 Dorset County Chronicle, 14 April 1859. 19 Reform, when it came in 1867, did indeed re- duce Poole to one Member of Parliament. It ceased to be a Parliamentary constituency in 1885 but was re-created in 1950. 20 F.M.L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century, (London, 1971), p.42. 21 Until 1997 when part of the town was joined with Mid-Dorset to create a new constituency. 22 F. Boase, Modern English Biography, contain- ing… memoirs of persons who have died since 1850, 6 Vols., (Truro, 1892-1921.) 23 The Poole Pilot, 17 October 1868. 24 Dorset County Chronicle, 13 July 1865.

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 15 running the election and maintaining the electoral register. They also faced the costs arising from any election petitions, ReportsReports of which there more than 1,000 between 1832 and 1885. According to one estimate, between 1867 and 1883, the average local expenses for a county From Midlothian to Direct Mail: candidate were around £50,000 per annum (in today’s values) and, for a Parliamentary and political borough candidate, the figure was campaigning in the 19th and 20th around £25,000. And successful candi- dates would have to pay their parliamen- centuries tary expenses and their personal living expenses when in London. The parties would sometimes make Fringe meeting, March 2001 deals so as to avoid elections. For with Professor Michael Rush (Exeter University) and instance, in two-member constituen- Graham (Lord) Tope cies, they would agree to contest one seat each. And in safe seats the deals Report by Neil Stockley were struck within the parties, with, for example, a more moderate Whigs balanced by a radical. he History Group’s pre-general and they were also more boisterous Still, Professor Rush showed how Telection campaign fringe meeting and unruly! The Great Reform Act by the end of the nineteenth century, was about… general election campaigns. introduced the registration of electors, British politics had become ‘national- Our first contributor, Professor which led to the establishment of local ised’. National campaigns began with Michael Rush of Exeter University, party organisations. The local parties Gladstone’s mass public meetings in used the Great Reform Act of 1832, assumed control of candidate selections 1865 and 1868, which culminated in rather than Gladstone’s Midlothian and (whatever some members of the St his Midlothian campaigns of 1879 and campaign, as his starting point. He Helens South Constituency Labour 1880. Disraeli, Joseph Chamberlain described how the techniques of Party might say) still hold it today. and Lord Salisbury all addressed huge campaigning developed in line with But Professor Rush did not try to public rallies at various times in the major changes to the electoral system draw a perfectly straight line from the latter part of the century. The Con- during the nineteenth century. election campaigns of the early nine- servatives held the first national party Immediately before the passage of teenth century to those of today. For conference in 1867. The modern the Great Reform Act, the House of example, while the advent of the secret party system can also be traced from Commons had 658 members, one ballot made corrupt practices more around this time, when it was obvious fewer than today, and they were elected difficult, they did not stop them that voters would choose candidates using the first-past-the-post system, altogether. After all, the industrial from two big national parties. By just as MPs are now. The first major revolution had created a new class of 1874, it was clear that those parties difference from the current day was manufacturers who were keen to would be the Liberals and the Con- that only half a million men were spend considerable sums of money on servatives. The first national party eligible to vote, a total that increased their favoured candidates. manifesto, setting out a programme by around 800,000 in 1832. Until Furthermore, over half the electorate for government, was the Liberals’ 1885, many constituencies were did not have the opportunity to vote in Newcastle Programme of 1891. represented by two MPs; some, indeed, all the general elections from 1832–68. Professor Rush argued that from had three or four. The number of At least a quarter of all seats were not 1867 to around 1890, politics and eligible voters in each varied consider- contested until 1865; in one election, elections were a ‘spectator sport’, with ably, from one (or even none) to sixty per cent of constituencies were men attending political meetings, 20,000. Ballots were open. As a result, uncontested! As Professor Rush ex- discussing politics and following events election campaigns were entirely local plained, there were powerful disincen- by reading national newspapers. With affairs, typified by tawdry episodes of tives to standing for the House of the exception of the 1885 election, bribery and corruption. Commons. Individual candidates, rather when just six per cent of seats were not As the franchise widened, to 2.4 than their parties, paid the campaign contested, he did not give figures for the million electors in 1868 and 5 million expenses, as well as assisting their local number of seats fought during this six years later, campaigns changed. organisations and paying subscriptions to period, but he implied that people were Public meetings became more impor- local charities. All the candidates in a more likely to have the opportunity to tant for candidates and voters alike – constituency shared the expense of vote. Political interest started to fall away

16 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 during the 1890s, partly because of the month after month after month,’ he opinion poll showed that he might rise of organised sport. But the basis of recalled. well win. Professor Rush suggested modern politics – and campaigning – Lord Tope said that after Sutton & that a rich political culture evolved in was now firmly established. Cheam, the party used Focus every- the latter part of the nineteenth Lord (Graham) Tope, standing in at where, and was certain that this greatly century; Graham Tope feared that Focus late notice for an unavoidably absent assisted the Liberal revival of 1972–73. leaflets may now have ‘dumbed down’ Bill Rodgers, told a personal story of He also argued that it changed funda- Liberals’ and Liberal Democrats’ late twentieth century campaigning. mentally the way the party fought communication with the electorate, In December 1972, he won the elections, both local and national. In giving too little serious discussion of Sutton & Cheam by-election for the the longer term, he said, Focus cam- the party’s philosophy and policies. Liberals. Lord Tope credited his upset paigns helped to lift the Liberals’ base There was not enough time to show victory to Sir Trevor Jones – ‘Jones the level of support all over the country. how Liberal and Liberal Democrat vote’ – who literally turned up on his All of this seemed to be a total general election campaigns evolved doorstep one day, determined to departure from Professor Rush’s topic. since the 1970s. We have seen more prove that the campaigning tech- Yet both contributions served to effective and disciplined national niques he had pioneered in Liverpool highlight basic tensions in the history efforts, more sophisticated polling and could work anywhere. The Jones style of election campaigns. Professor Rush the advent of direct mail and, now, was, of course, founded on Focus traced the development of national email campaigns. But in their very leaflets that highlighted local issues campaigns; Graham Tope recounted a different ways Professor Rush and and community concerns. ‘They were breakthrough in local campaigning Lord Tope both demonstrated how done with Letraset, usually wonky, based on community concerns. candidates and parties will adapt their printed on the offset litho in Trevor’s Professor Rush explained how na- campaigning techniques to what they building in Liverpool [and] delivered tional parties had emerged; Graham understand of the needs and demands by never more than twenty people, Tope remembered being left to his of their electorates, the opportunities mostly from outside the constituency, own devices by the Liberal Party provided by new technologies and the who would deliver for eight, ten Organisation until two weeks before limits of the law. In the end, what hours a day … that went on for polling day, when a privately funded counts is what seems to work.

already had Parliamentary representa- tion in the 1950s and ’60s is probably illustrative of my argument rather than LettersLetters toto thethe indicative of its weakness.

David Rebak EditorEditor Without Michael Meadowcroft’s EditorEditor encyclopaedic knowledge and always available help and encouragement, Liberal councillors in the 1960s would John Meadowcroft The three reasons I propose remain, barely have been able to do our jobs at In their letters in reply to my article on I believe, valid. First, the tradition of all. So it is with reluctance that I correct community politics (Journal 28), social liberalism that was very much his letter in Journal 30 (spring 2001). Richard Ingham (Letters, Journal 30) alive in Liberal thinking at the time. Frank Liberal Davis didn’t join the and David Rebak (Letters, Journal 29) Second, the electoral efficacy of local Labour Party. He was elected as a both make some interesting and valid campaigning on local issues, as demon- Conservative. And the ‘Grumble’ sheet points with regard to the contribution strated by the party’s growing presence was invented by Frank’s agent Mr Satin. of different individuals to the develop- in local government. Third, the role of The radical end to which Michael ment of community politics. I fear, the Young Liberal activists who, of refers was precisely what I, and quite a however, that they have both missed the course, wrote and proposed the few others, had in mind when we essential point of my article, which was amendment to party strategy and encouraged groups of people to act not to assess the contribution of tactics passed at the 1970 assembly. together to obtain local reforms or different individuals or groups of Finally, I feel compelled to also improvements. individuals to the development of point out, in answer to one of Robert The following are good examples of community politics, but to ask how did Ingham’s specific points, that the fact how ‘empowering the people’ was the Liberal Party come to adopt the that Liberals did not wish to ‘politicise’ encouraged by me and other Bushey strategy of community politics in 1970? local elections in areas where the party Liberals:

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 17 The Aldenham Road by a Liberal councillor. The pressure meetings with Lloyd George and to his This road had a pavement only 2’ 6" from the petitioners eventually enabled opinion that Liberal radicals would wide in places. When a mother took a the councillors to secure necessary welcome Lloyd George back without toddler to school with a baby in a improvements. any reservations providing he severed pram, either she or the toddler had to his Tory links. walk in the heavily trafficked road He also refers to the derogatory feeding into the M1. Bushey Liberals Malcolm Baines view that many Asquithians had of encouraged the formation of, and were I was delighted to see the biography of Hogge – often linked to what were involved in, a non party Aldenham J. M. Hogge in issue 30 of the Journal. perceived as his rather loose morals. Road Committee to draw up plans Hogge, like Vivian Phillipps and Donald C. F. G. Masterman described him as a and pressure the UDC, the County Maclean, has been seen as one of the vulgar lowland Scot in the pay of Council and the Ministry to take small band of Asquithians who tried to Lloyd George, whilst Herbert remedial action. Eventually the Tory- keep a separate Liberal identity follow- Gladstone claimed that he was fre- led authorities caved in and agreed to ing their titular leader’s defeat in the quently drunk and had run off to the Committee’s proposals. 1918 election, and his career is well Scotland with a House of Commons worth looking at more closely. waitress. Many leading Asquithians King George Recreation Ground However, Ian Elder’s overview of spent the 1922 election campaign Children’s Play Area Hogge’s career omits some of the expecting the scandal to break in the The Play Area was in a state of com- tension there was between Hogge and newspapers. plete disrepair, the paddling pool full of the other Asquithian leaders, and Altogether, although exposure in broken glass and debris and the grass underplays his role in promoting a the press was, I think, avoided, Hogge’s surround fouled by dogs. Two Liberal reunion with Lloyd George’s Coalition political activities during the crucial councillors encouraged residents to Liberals after the 1922 election. C. P. immediate post-war years showed that raise a petition. Hundreds of signatures Scott, editor of the Manchester Guardian despite his appointment as the were obtained by concerned parents and a major Liberal figure of the time, Asquithians’ joint chief whip he always who had no party affiliation. The refers in his diary to Hogge’s low remained something of both a social petition was presented to the council opinion of Asquith, his surreptitious outsider and a political maverick.

1945. The title comes from a quotation from ’s Great ReviewsReviews Contemporaries, in which he describes ReviewsReviews Lady Violet as a champion redoubtable for her father, H. H. Asquith. The volume is not, however, focused The party leader who never was primarily on Asquith, who died in 1928, less than half-way through its time-span, but rather on the two world Mark Pottle (ed): Champion Redoubtable: The wars. There is a little on Violet Bonham Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Carter 1914– Carter’s visits to Germany and Ireland 1945 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1998; 418pp) in the aftermath of the First World War, and on her role in Asquith’s election Reviewed by Malcolm Baines campaigns in Paisley. However, the 1920s as a whole receive only cursory coverage, and the 1930s an outline espite the existence of the Lady of both national life and the party from summary only. This makes the second DViolet Room at the National 1904 onwards. The first, Lantern Slides, volume the least satisfactory of the Liberal Club, Violet Bonham Carter – covering the period to 1914, provides a three because there is no coherent in common with most Liberal figures portrait of upper-class life in the narrative, reflecting Mark Pottle’s between Lloyd George and Jo halcyon era of Edwardian England, decision to focus on Lady Violet as a Grimond – has not had the recogni- while the last, Daring to Hope (reviewed public rather than a private person. tion of her contribution to twentieth- opposite by David Dutton) is a moving Consequently, he has ignored the bulk century Liberalism that she deserved. account of how Violet Bonham Carter of the interwar period when she The publication of the three struggled to keep the Liberal flame herself was preoccupied with her volumes of her diaries and letters has alive in the post-war period. ‘journal of motherhood’. This was the begun to remedy this. All three vol- This review is of the middle volume, record that she kept of her children umes provide a fascinating insight into Champion Redoubtable, which is growing up, and its exclusion detracts the character of a Liberal at the heart concerned with the years from 1914 to from our understanding of her as a

18 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 character it is possible that she might class London in the first volume. have held the seat in 1945 when Between 1939 and 1945 the accounts Beveridge lost it. One could even of the escape of Violet’s son Mark from speculate that she would then have prison camp in Italy and his arrival in become leader in succession to Sinclair, England, together with Lady Violet’s as the hapless was no- roles as an air-raid warden and BBC one’s first choice. The local Liberals’ Governor, make a lasting impression. It bias against women candidates which is these accounts that really bring the led to George Grey (subsequently book to life, giving a deep insight into killed in Normandy) being selected her character and confirming her place may have prevented the Liberals from in the pantheon of Liberal heroes. being the first British political party to Overall, Mark Pottle is to be have had a woman leader. congratulated on the scholarship that More interesting, though, are the has gone into his edition of the diaries accounts of Violet Bonham Carter’s life and letters. Even though this volume in the First and Second World Wars. is the weakest of the three, it deserves The reader is made very aware of the a place on the Liberal historian’s constant stream of deaths of friends bookshelf. and acquaintances between 1914 and person. Indeed, the reader finds this 1918 by Pottle’s skilful editing, includ- Malcolm Baines works in corporate tax for volume a little disjointed because there ing his use of biographical footnotes a large accountancy firm. His doctoral thesis is no real sense of the progression from linking individuals to their appearances at Oxford was on the survival of the British a young unmarried woman of twenty- in the social whirl of pre-war upper- Liberal Party 1932–59. seven in 1914 to a grandmother in 1938. This dysfunction is paralleled by a similarly sharp move from the governing Liberal Party of Asquith and Lloyd George at the opening of the A life-long espousal of Liberal volume to its divided remnants pain- fully reassembling themselves at the values close to fight a post-war election. However, Champion Redoubtable Mark Pottle (ed): Daring to Hope: The Diaries and does give an insight into the byways of the Liberal Party’s decline through the Letters of Violet Bonham Carter 1946 – 1969 life of Violet Bonham Carter. In (Weidenfeld & Nicolson 2000; 431pp) particular, there are some lively ac- counts of the Paisley campaigns of Reviewed by David Dutton Asquith in the early 1920s, of the impact of the coalition with the Conservatives in 1915 on Asquith, and iolet Bonham Carter’s political task has been expertly performed. This of Lady Violet’s own campaign in Wells Vcareer extended from the hey-day book, unusually for a published diary, is in 1945. Most interesting of all, per- of Victorian Liberalism, when her not just a book to dip into; it offers an haps, is the intriguing possibility of father H.H. Asquith was Prime Minis- often compelling continuous narrative. what might have happened had she ter, to the fag-end of Harold Wilson’s Pottle’s editorial work is first-rate. I entered the Commons in 1941, of Labour government in the 1960s. She found only one footnote to which I which I was certainly not aware before made her first reported speech in 1909 felt exception could be taken – the reading this volume. In August that at the age of twenty-two. When she suggestion that Anthony Eden made year Hugh Seeley became Lord died sixty years later she was still no recommendation to the Queen as Sherwood, leaving a vacancy at espousing Liberal values, protesting to his successor when he resigned the Berwick-on-Tweed. Violet Bonham against the effects of British policy in premiership in 1957. In fact, with all Carter was clearly anxious to be the Nigerian civil war which, she the circumlocution to which his selected in his stead. Under the condi- argued, was contributing to mass diplomatic training had conditioned tions of the wartime truce either starvation in the province of Biafra. him, he gave a firm – if fruitless – Labour or the Conservatives would With the volume Daring to Hope, Mark nudge in favour of R. A. Butler. not have opposed her. In retrospect, Pottle completes the huge enterprise There are several recurring themes this was clearly her only realistic that he began, in partnership with the in this volume: Lady Violet’s consist- chance of entering the Commons. late Mark Bonham Carter, of editing ent support from the late 1940s Given her forceful and campaigning Lady Violet’s voluminous diaries. The onwards for the goal of European

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 19 situation meant that her own political Liberal Party could not. After all, ‘the career had to be pursued largely only purpose of politics (or so it seems outside parliament. Her two attempts to me) is the expression of one’s own to enter the Commons in 1945 and deepest convictions – and their 1951 were unsuccessful and she translation into facts’ [p.178]. She never remained, as Colin Coote described had much regard for Davies’ powers of her, ‘the best politically equipped political leadership. Only when he was person who never sat in Parliament’ succeeded by Jo Grimond did her faith until her belated elevation to the in the continuing viability of the in 1964. Liberal Party revive. The diary offers particularly inter- Like all good diaries this one esting insights into her thinking on the contains some marvellously perceptive future of the Liberal Party in the observations. An evening in the immediate post-war era. Violet company of George Brown left Lady Bonham Carter was somewhat Violet with the conviction that she had equivocal about where Liberalism ‘never before – in the course of an stood in relation to the other two unsheltered life, spent among all sorts parties. Her radical roots ought perhaps and conditions of men – met anyone to have inclined her towards Labour, so completely un-house-trained’ but the latter’s lack of enthusiasm for [p.140]. Lord Beaverbrook she found, unity and for British membership of Europe and her own affection and despite his closeness to Churchill, ‘the whatever organisation emerged from regard for Churchill certainly compli- quintessence of evil’ [p.287]. Prince this process – an aspiration that was cated matters. ‘Until now’ noted Charles was ‘so different from his still being thwarted at the time of her Harold Nicholson in October 1947, ‘ parents that one wonders where he has death by the apparently immovable she had believed that the Liberal Party come from’ [p.342]. And of Robert presence of General de Gaulle; her were closer to the Socialists than to any Boothby, it was ‘odd that a man who deep and abiding friendship with other party. Now she doubts it.’1 By always does the wrong thing in private Winston Churchill, from their com- this date, as the diary reveals, she had life shld. be so invariably right on the mon espousal of the European ideal become convinced that the Liberals political issues’ [p.356]. One anecdote through the sad years of his physical could ‘do no good at the next election in particular sticks in the mind – that and mental decline; the fierce protec- and that our one chance of survival as a of Randolph Churchill, on the day that tion of her father’s memory, even to party in the immediate future would his father was constructing his last the extent of trying to suppress be a deal [with the Conservatives] over government in 1951, telephoning Asquith’s letters to his youthful female seats and P.R.’ [p. 35]. Such thinking ministerial hopefuls and leaving a confidante Venetia Stanley; and her culminated in the unusual spectacle of message to say that ‘Mr Churchill rang unshakeable commitment to tradi- Churchill, as leader of the Conserva- you up’! [p.104]. tional Liberal causes such as racial tive opposition, speaking on Lady Violet Bonham Carter once equality, including an unequivocal Violet’s behalf at Colne Valley in the reflected that ‘everything – or nearly detestation of apartheid. 1951 general election. At the 1950 everything – shld. be written down – The volume also straddles a transi- election he had unsuccessfully offered because the sub-conscious memory tional period in the history of the her one of the Conservatives’ election keeps its secrets until they are de- Liberal Party. Lady Violet lived with broadcasts. manded of it – and then yields them the fear, and perhaps the expectation, As is well known, Churchill subse- up as fresh as daisies’ [p.239]. Her diary that the party would disappear as a quently offered the Liberal leader vindicates this sentiment. Daring to national political movement in the late Clement Davies a seat in his cabinet, Hope will be read with much pleasure. 1940s and early 1950s. Yet she survived even though the Conservatives had But it also offers a rewarding insight long enough to witness the first signs managed to secure a narrow overall into post-war British politics. of revival, beginning, appropriately majority in the new House of Com- enough, with her son’s victory in the mons. Lady Violet too, it seems, would David Dutton is Senior Lecturer in History To rrington by-election of 1958. But have been offered ministerial prefer- at the University of Liverpool and a the fact that Mark Bonham Carter lost ment had she secured election to the Visiting Professor in the School of Arts and his seat at the general election eighteen Commons – and, unlike Davies, would Science in the Bolton Institute. He is the months later, and that other supposed have been inclined to accept. At this author of biographies of Austen Chamber- ‘breakthroughs’, such as Orpington in moment, perhaps, the historic Liberal lain, John Simon and Anthony Eden. 1962, proved in fact to be false dawns Party came nearer than at any other ensured that Liberalism remained a time to disappearing from the political 1 N. Nicolson (ed.) : Diaries and relatively minor force in British map. Lady Violet’s hope, no doubt, was Letters 1945 – 62 (London, 1968) p.111 politics at the time of her death. This that liberalism could survive even if the

20 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 cause and the contrast between the apparent treachery of the A Liberal partition and the sacrifice of Ulster regiments at the Somme in the same year reinforced Thomas Hennessey: Dividing Ireland: World War I Ulster Unionists’ sense of attachment and Partition (Routledge, 1998; 280pp) to Britain and their separation from nationalist Ireland. Reviewed by Iain Sharpe In his conclusion, Thomas Hennessey argues that while Ireland might have been partitioned even n the summer of 1914, before the view of Britain as the historic oppres- without the intervention of the First Ioutbreak of the First World War, the sor and instead to accept the justness of World War, the war ‘led to a form of Irish parliamentary party and their Britain’s cause in the war. In 1914 this psychological partition that could not Liberal allies constituted a majority in could be justified on the grounds that have been predicted before the war’. Parliament, and stood at last on the the British Parliament had legislated He points out that the form of Home verge of achieving their long-standing for Home Rule and that the Liberals, Rule envisaged in 1914 was devolved aim of bringing about Irish Home the traditional allies of the Irish government within the framework of Rule. By the end of the war both parliamentary party, were in govern- the , and speculates parties had seen their political power ment. However, key events during the that this would have made the moves and influence destroyed, and the Home war pulled Liberals and Irish National- towards separation made by the Rule cause that united them discred- ists in different directions, as each had southern Irish government between ited and superseded. different audiences to please. When the 1922 and 1948 much more difficult. In Thomas Hennessey’s book describes Liberals brought the Conservatives doing this he hints that but for the First the widening divisions within Ireland into government in 1915, to Irish World War, partition might not have that undermined Home Rule and Nationalists this felt like a betrayal of been permanent, and a united Ireland brought about the triumph of the their cause, the more so as the Ulster could ultimately have remained within separatist strand of Irish nationalism. In Unionist leader Carson was now a the orbit of the British Common- a sense the subtitle of the book serves member of the cabinet. At the same wealth, if not the United Kingdom. to obscure rather than clarify its time Redmond was unable to accept a I am not so sure about this. It seems subject matter, since Hennessey seat in the cabinet for fear of appearing to me that the Irish parliamentary primarily deals with the widening to sell out to British imperialism. party always depended on ambiguity divisions between the Ulster Unionist Redmond’s position was further about the ultimate objective of Irish and Irish Nationalist communities undermined in early 1916, when nationalism, in order to keep republi- rather than with the process of parti- nationalist Ireland became increasingly cans and moderate Home Rulers tion itself. alarmed at the prospect of the introduc- under its broad umbrella. But the lack On the outbreak of war, the Irish tion of conscription. He hesitated about of empathy with British imperial Nationalist leader, John Redmond, campaigning against it for fear of causes displayed by even the Irish sought to demonstrate the loyalty of undermining Asquith, since any parliamentary party during its period Ireland to the British Empire by alternative government seemed likely to of political hegemony in Ireland making the nationalist Irish Volunteer be less sympathetic to Home Rule. But suggests that in different circumstances force available for home defence. He to many nationalists it seemed that he progress toward independence might hoped to win over both Irish and was paying too much attention to have been slower, but it would have British unionists to acceptance of British opinion rather than fighting for happened sooner or later. Equally, Home Rule. However, in committing Ireland’s interests, and this led to further while the Ulster Unionists’ perception Ireland to supporting the British cause, loss of confidence in the Irish party. of what they saw as nationalist treach- he alienated the more advanced The brutal response of the British ery might have strengthened their nationalists, who felt no loyalty to their government to the 1916 Easter Rising, British rather than Ulster loyalty, they traditional, English, enemy. Redmond’s the revelation in the ensuing talks had made it plain over nearly three gesture equally failed to placate the about Home Rule that Lloyd George decades that they did not want to be Ulster Unionists who were unhappy at had guaranteed to Carson the perma- part of a united, Home Rule, Ireland. the way the Home Rule bill was nent exclusion of the six north-eastern Their attitudes were surely reinforced, placed on the statute book (albeit counties, together with the 1918 but not fundamentally changed, by the suspended for the duration of the war) conscription crisis, eroded and de- course of Irish politics during the First without any amending bill to make stroyed the power of the Irish parlia- World War. special provision for Ulster. mentary party for good. At the same What Thomas Hennessey has Redmond was asking Irish Nation- time, the equivocal nature of the Irish written, therefore, is a book that very alists to put on hold the nationalist Nationalist support for the British clearly outlines the way the First World

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 21 War highlighted the depths of the of Home Rule – a great cause of Liberal have scores of times come home in divisions within Ireland. Readers whose governments – it should still be of the dead of night to a cold, dark and primary interest is Liberal history may interest. comfortless flat without a soul to find it rather too much focused on the greet me.’ But six years earlier she Irish rather than the British aspects of Iain Sharpe is a member of the Liberal had written to him, warning him the issues under discussion. But since Democrat History Group and a Liberal bluntly that: ‘I am glad you have not the book chronicles the ultimate failure Democrat councillor in Watford. seen anyone to flirt with. Remember to be careful in that line, or I will soon find out.’ The profound differ- ences in their characters are well illustrated by a letter Lloyd George The Library knows Lloyd George wrote to his brother William in December 1907, shortly after the tragic death of his first daughter, J. Graham Jones: Lloyd George Papers at the National Mair Eluned. He had resolved to go Library of Wales and Other Repositories (National to the continent while Margaret Library of Wales, 2001; 95pp) remained at home. ‘M. would rather go to Criccieth, otherwise she might Reviewed by Duncan Brack very well come. But, as she puts it, she likes quiet & hates meeting people. On the other hand solitude eaders of the Journal of Liberal leum’. As Jones puts it, ‘to a large or even quietness would kill me.’ RDemocrat History have been extent, this hope has by now been For readers of the Journal it is the forewarned of the publication of this fulfilled’, and he is confident that no letters tracking the course of Lloyd excellent booklet; it was mentioned in major Lloyd George archive now George’s political career, and his the guide to Liberal archives at the remains in private hands. observations on political events and National Library of Wales written by Lloyd George was not a particu- personalities, that will probably prove its author, J. Graham Jones (assistant larly prolific correspondent, but he most interesting. In 1904 he wrote to archivist), in issue 26 of the Journal did write regularly to his first wide Margaret, after a long conversation (spring 2000). But the booklet is Margaret, and to his younger brother with Sir Edward Grey, that: ‘We had a much more than a dry listing and William, and the latter group of letters very frank chat about the prospective numbering of archives: it includes a are especially interesting for their Liberal ministry – if it comes off. He series of fascinating quotes from the political observations. The other says I am certain to have a seat in the sources themselves, a short chronol- groups of papers derive from three of Cabinet. Told him I must bargain for ogy of ’s career, a Lloyd George’s children – Richard Wales.’ In 1912, writing to William comprehensive bibliography of (the eldest son), Olwen (the second about the party’s reaction to his land biographies and other monographs, daughter) and Gwilym (the second campaign, he observed that: ‘Winston some pictures and cartoons from the son, later Viscount Tenby) – from [Churchill] alone being doubtful – but Library’s collection, and a brief guide Lloyd George’s principal private he has become very reactionary of late. to Lloyd George-related material held secretary A. J. Sylvester, and from his However Winston is not going to give in other archives. confidante, mistress and second wife The most important group of Lloyd Frances Stevenson. The booklet George’s political papers are held by describes the contents and origins of the Parliamentary Archive at the each of these seven groups of papers, House of Lords, but the Welsh Political and provides quotes illustrating key Archive at the National Library of points in his political career and Wales holds no fewer than seven personal relationships. significant groups of papers, six of His affection for his first wife them acquired in the last two decades. Margaret is very obvious, but so too In this it is fulfilling the prophecy of are the strains in their marriage. Sir John Herbert Lewis, Liberal MP for Tr ying to persuade her to join him in Flintshire, in 1910. Writing to thank London, for example, he implored Lloyd George for his grant, in his her in 1896 to ‘drop that infernal capacity of Chancellor of the Excheq- Methodism which is the curse of uer, to the newly established National your better nature and reflect Library, Lewis had expressed his belief whether you have not rather ne- that ‘the Library will be, at, I hope, a glected your husband. I have more very distant date your literary mauso- than once gone without breakfast. I

22 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 trouble provided I give him money for his navy. If he keeps quiet he is worth a million or two.’ On 9 December 1916, What might have been another letter to William (expecting it would be read by his revered uncle Phillip E. Tetlock and Aaron Belkin (ed.): Richard Lloyd) announced that he had ‘presided over my first War Cabinet. Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Found it embarrassing to be addressed Politics: Logical Methodological and Psychological as “Prime Minister” by all the mem- bers … Love to all. Thank Anita for her Perspectives (Princeton University Press, 1996) very sweet letter. Tell Uncle Lloyd that Reviewed by Andrew Hudson he is responsible for putting me in this awful job.’ And in 1924, writing to his daughter Megan (on a tour of India), ounterfactual thought offers a and the use of computer simulations he observed that: ‘What changes are Cmethod of evaluating the causes and game theory. A final section deals taking place. A Socialist Govt. actually and consequences of historical events with other factors including blending, in power. But don’t get uneasy about by considering how they might have causality, statistical inferences and your investments or your antiques … had a different outcome had some of psychological bias, including the They are all engaged in looking as the antecedent events been different. tendency to see deterministic out- respectable as lather & blather will This collection of essays considers the comes through hindsight. make them. They are out to soothe ground rules for constructing such The book demonstrates why ruffled nerves … Ramsay is just a fussy ‘counterfactuals’, their application to counterfactuals tend to concentrate in Baldwin & no more.’ case studies and classes of event, the use detail on antecedents rather than The archives contain letters to of computers and game theory, and consequent events, as can be seen in Lloyd George, as well as many from other related factors. Niall Fergusson’s Virtual History. him. Two from are of Tetlock and Belkin describe what Fictional equivalents, or ‘alternate particular interest, given Lloyd they consider to be the rules for con- world’ stories, as they are called by George’s replacement of her husband structing plausible counterfactuals in the science fiction enthusiasts, are more as Prime Minister in December 1916. opening chapter. Six criteria are sug- entertaining, including books such as In May 1914, commenting on C. F. G. gested – clarity, logical consistency, Keith Roberts’ Pavane or Robert Masterman, the proposed Liberal historical consistency, theoretical consist- Harris’ Fatherland. But counterfactuals candidate in the Swansea by-election, ency, statistical consistency and are not intended for entertainment – she wrote: ‘I’ve always had the same projectability. Their rules on consistency they represent a serious study, con- view of Masterman. With all his brains, largely concern the relationship between cerned with the evaluation of histori- he is au fond complacent, smug & soft antecedent and consequent, while the cal events and the derivation of as margarine … It wants a man of concept of projectability examines conclusions from them. genius to prevent us being swept in the whether the implications are consistent The essays are largely written by next Gen. Election & that man is to be with observations in the real world. social scientists, with the bulk of the sweet tempered, sunny, tactful & a man In the second essay James Fearon contributors being political scientists. who understands men & likes the job. It considers the use of counterfactuals in The text is heavy going in places. The is you.’ And in May 1915, after the the social sciences, covering issues such section covering computer simulations political crisis that forced the first as the ‘butterfly effect’ whereby a minor and game theory contains a consider- coalition with the Unionists: ‘I said event results in a major outcome, and able amount of mathematics, but this is years ago to Henry, I like Winston, but deterministic arguments whereby not essential to understanding the he is the man who will do for yr. individual events are dampened down principles. Cabinet, he or Ll. George if he doesn’t by long-term trends. Fearon also queries The first two chapters, in particular, get fond of you.’ the legitimacy of some types of ante- by Tetlock and Belkin, and James All this is simply a taster for the cedent, including the much-quoted ‘if Fearon, are useful in providing a wealth of material available in the Napoleon had had a stealth bomber’ methodology that could be applied to archives themselves, some of which, as which is generally regarded as implausi- the study of Liberal history. The Jones observes, have been very little ble. He also adds a criterion of proxim- techniques that the book suggests used by historians. This book is an ity between the antecedent and conse- could also be used by council groups invaluable guide to those sources, and quent when judging the plausibility of a to consider the potential outcomes of for serious students of Lloyd George, it counterfactual. policy options. will be required reading. Subsequent chapters include studies of individual events such as Munich Andrew Hudson is a member of the Liberal Duncan Brack is Editor of the Journal of and the Cuban missile crisis, classes of Democrat History Group and of the Associa- Liberal Democrat History. event including wars and revolutions, tion of Liberal Democrat Trade Unionists.

Journal of Liberal Democrat History 31 Summer 2001 23 A Liberal Democrat History Group Evening Meeting Post-war Liberalism and the Politics of Race and Immigration In the run-up to the 2001 general election, the issues of asylum and race relations moved to centre stage, with Liberal Democrats winning plaudits for their firm stand against discrimination. But the arguments are not new. Race relations and immigration were a major phenomenon of post-war politics. From the Macmillan Government’s ‘voucher’ system for would-be immigrants to Labour’s 1968 legislation to end the passport privileges of Kenyan Asians, both major parties sought to pander to white prejudice. The late 1960s also saw Enoch Powell’s infamous call for the repatriation of black and other Commonwealth immigrants and the rise of the National Front. Where did Liberals stand? And what impact did racial politics and immigration have on Liberalism? Speakers: Dr Shamit Saggar (Reader in Electoral Politics at Queen Mary, University of London and author of Race and Politics in Britain) and Lord (Navnit) Dholakia (President of the Liberal Democrats) 6.30pm, Monday 2 July Lady Violet Room, , 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1

Coming soon from the Liberal Democrat History Group: Great Liberal Speeches

Bringing together in one volume more than forty-five of the greatest Liberal speeches by the greatest Liberal speech-makers, from Charles James Fox to Charles Kennedy.

Great Liberal Speeches includes: • Jo Grimond, ‘The sound of gunfire’ • ’ Dimbleby Lecture • David Lloyd George, ‘We can conquer unemployment’ • , ‘Go back to your constituencies’ • W. E. Gladstone, ‘Ireland stands at your bar’ • Paddy Ashdown, Chard speech on realignment • Henry Campbell-Bannerman, ‘Methods of barbarism’ and speeches by Macaulay, Palmerston, J. S. Mill, Bright, Keynes, Beveridge, Asquith, Conrad Russell, and many more. Each speech is given a concise introduction setting it in context and explaining its impact. The book opens with general introductions on the evolution of Liberal thinking and themes (by Tony Little and Duncan BrackBrack) and on the art of political rhetoric (by Max Atkinson, author of Our Masters’ Voices). Great Liberal Speeches will be a unique source of reference for anyone interested in the contribution of Liberals and Liberalism to British politics, and in the importance and impact of political speech-making. Great Liberal Speeches will be published by Politico’s Publishing in September 2001. Special pre-publication offer Order your copy of Great Liberal Speeches for £20.00, including postage and Place your order for Great Liberal Speeches with: packing (normal price £25.00). Politico’s Political Bookstore, Please quote ‘Journal of Liberal Democrat History special offer’ when 8 Artillery Row, Westminster, London SW1P 1RZ ordering. Offer closes 17 September 2001. Tel: 020 7828 0010 Fax: 020 7828 8111