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Champion of Liberalism Dr J. Graham Jones Eliot Crawshay-Williams Biography of the Leicester Liberal MP, 1910–13 Professor Barry Doyle The rank and file and the Liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912 A note York Membery Jeremy Thorpe Interview with the former Liberal leader Ian Ivatt The 1908 Hastings by-election Dr Philip MacDougall T. H. Green Forgotten Liberal? Liberal Democrat History Group other GLC Members to interesting personalities. In letters resign in protest and fight Hampstead the group com- by-elections for their seats. prised two novelists and an The GLC Tories chose not ex-MP! One of the novelists Ireland’s Liberal MPs to participate in this piece was Ernest Raymond who As Berkley Farr implied, in Tyrone, as above, although of gesture politics but, for was charged with finding his article (‘James Wood: R. Glendinning, the Inde- all that we supported Liv- ‘paper’ candidates for the East Down’s Liberal MP, pendent Unionist MP ingstone in opposing abo- Town ward. He approached Journal of Liberal History elected in North Antrim, lition, we saw no reason a Liberal friend, Pamela 58, spring 2008), the first subsequently joined the Par- why he should have a free Frankau, who agreed to Irish Liberal MP since liamentary Liberal Party. run with the electorate. allow her name to go for- the defeat of all the Irish Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. We decided to contest all ward. As recounted in his Liberal candidates at the Waugh four by-elections. We did memoirs, Ernest had the 1885 general election was not come near to beating embarrassing task of tel- C. N. Semphill, elected in Livingstone in Padding- ephoning Pamela Frankau North Tyrone at the 1895 The London record (1) ton but we did win one of to tell her she had been general election. He held Unfortunately I missed the them – in Vauxhall where elected! Both of them faith- the seat until he was suc- History Group meeting in a very young Liberal called fully attended my councillor ceeded at a by-election in February on local govern- Mike Tuffrey stormed training sessions and were 1907 by Redmond Barry ment in London since the through to beat Labour. It assiduous councillors. (Liberal Solicitor-General 1970s; it sounded interest- was a minor triumph. In Stepney a famous and for Ireland from December ing. There is no greater long-serving local com- 1905) who was in turn suc- expert on the subject than It was a wonderful win by munity campaigner, Edith ceeded at a by-election in David Williams. That is Mike, and my comment Ramsay, was elected, car- 1911 by Thomas W. Russell why I was a little surprised was not half-hearted about rying with her another (a baronet from 1917) who to find in the report of his his personal achievement local noteworthy, Michael held the seat until 1918. T. talk absolutely no mention in any way, but in the great O’Leary. Edith was a very W. Russell had lost South of Richmond’s GLC win in scheme of things I fear that formidable woman, as her Tyrone at the first general 1981. I freely acknowledge it was only a minor triumph. biography demonstrates. She election in 1910. that the Richmond Liberals’ We were all abolished a year had been an independent T. W. Russell (1841–1920) experience of community later. councillor and would prob- was born, brought up and politics was instrumental Adrian Slade ably have been elected under educated in Scotland and in getting me elected in any label. moved to Ulster in 1859, the first place, but I would In Stoke Newington after being the unsuccessful like to think that my five- The London record (2) Joe Lobenstein was the sole Liberal candidate for Preston year presence on the GLC I read with the interest the Liberal to win in the three- at the 1885 general election. helped to contribute to the report of the meeting on member Lordship ward. A He was elected as Unionist Richmond Alliance group’s Liberals and local govern- very able politician, he later MP for South Tyrone at the massive victory over the ment in London ( Journal defected to the Conserva- 1886 election. He contin- Tories in the council elec- of Liberal History 58, spring tives – a somewhat contrary ued as a (sort of) Unionist tions of 1986. 2008). Although the meeting course of action in such an MP for South Tyrone until Your report also refers explicitly concentrated on area – and led the tiny Con- being re-elected as a Liberal to, and highlights, a remark the period from the 1970s, servative group for many MP at the 1906 election. In from my ‘memoir’. No the report notes references years. the mean time he served memoir of mine has ever to the period before that. Perhaps the oddest Lib- (1895–1900) as Unionist Par- been published and it has Though it is correct to state eral presence was that of liamentary Secretary to the only been read by six other that it was a fairly bleak pic- Edmund Hambly on the old Local Government Board. people. It remains private, ture, it is not entirely accu- London County Council. The successful candidates and I think it was therefore rate for Mike Tuffrey to state There had been no Liberal at the Ulster by-elections in unreasonable to quote it, that ‘the revival came first in LCC member since Sir 1902 and 1903 – James Wood particularly out of context. outer London’. Percy Harris and Edmund in East Down and Edward Re Mike Tuffrey’s splendid In 1962 Liberal council- Martell, who represented Mitchell in North Ferman- win in Vauxhall, the full lors were elected in four Bethnal Green from 1946 agh – did not stand as Liber- text of what I actually wrote inner London boroughs: to 1949. Edmund Hambly als and are best described as was: three in Battersea, three was first elected as one of ‘Russellites’. in Hampstead, two in the Labour representatives There were only two Curiously it [the campaign Stepney and four in Stoke for Lewisham South in 1946 MPs elected as Liberals in against GLC abolition] Newington. and was elected at every Ireland at the 1906 general included the decision of This mighty hand- election, in North and South Ken Livingstone and three ful contained a number of Continued on page 15

2 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 Journal of Liberal History Issue 59: Summer 2008 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Letters to the Editor 2 Editor: Duncan Brack Ireland’s Liberal MPs (Dr Alexander S. Waugh); The London record (1) (Adrian Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Slade); The London record (2) (Michael Meadowcroft); Lloyd George and Hitler Assistant Editor: Lysianne Egan (Harry Davies) Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Champion of Liberalism: Eliot Crawshay-Williams 4 Patrons Biography of the left-leaning Liberal MP for Leicester, 1910–13, Eliot Crawshay- Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Williams (1879–1962); by Dr J. Graham Jones Professor John Vincent The rank and file and the Liberal government 16 Editorial Board ‘crisis’ of 1912: A note Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr Professor Barry Doyle examines one activist’s reaction to the key issues facing David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr Richard the Liberal government in 1912. Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; Ed Randall; Interview: Jeremy Thorpe 23 Jaime Reynolds; Dr Andrew Russell; Iain Sharpe York Membery interviews the former Liberal leader. Editorial/Correspondence The 1908 Hastings by-election 26 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed Ian Ivatt tells the story of the first by-election to be fought after the publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. introduction of the Liberal government’s 1908 legislative programme Contributions should be sent to: 32 Duncan Brack (Editor) T. H. Green: Forgotten Liberal?

38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ Was T. H. Green the greatest British Liberal? Dr Philip MacDougall argues the email: [email protected] case. All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. Report: Salad Days – merger twenty years on 35

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Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, c/o Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal of Liberal History and other 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ occasional publications. Printed by Kall-Kwik, For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, back issues 18 Colville Road, London W3 8BL of the Journal, and archive and other research sources, see our website at: June 2008 www.liberalhistory.org.uk. Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 3 champion of liberalism: Eliot Crawshay-Williams

At Phillips’s saleroom, London on 26 June 1986 the National Library of Wales was fortunate to have the opportunity to purchase the varied and interesting archives of two now largely forgotten Liberal MPs, a father and son – Arthur John Williams (1830–1911) and Eliot Crawshay- Williams (1879–1962).1 Dr J. Graham Jones discusses the political career of Eliot Crawshay-Williams (1879–1962), the left- wing Liberal MP for Leicester, 1910–13, who held posts under Churchill and Lloyd George

4 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: Eliot Crawshay-Williams

rthur John Wil- political matters, especially in candidate. His father wrote to liams, Liberal MP the affairs of the Liberal Party.4 him at the beginning of July: for the Glamor- He was commissioned into the g ansh ire South Royal Field Artillery where he You had better let Herbert constituency from remained for some three years, Gladstone [the Liberal Chief 1885A until his defeat in 1895, one in England and two in Whip] know that if a fairly a prominent member of the India. In the Grand Durbar of hopeful opening offers, you Liberation Society and a wor- 1903 he was awarded the highly are disposed to stand. But as I thy patron of numerous Welsh coveted medal for special serv- have already told you I think causes, is now a largely forgot- ice. Having resolved to return you should clearly explain your ten figure, remembered simply home in the hope of taking up position. They must not sup- as one of the principal founders a political career, Crawshay- pose that you have anything of the National Liberal Club Williams returned to Britain but a very modest allowance in 1881.2 He was also a promi- by an overland route, travelling or that we are rolling in riches. nent barrister. He married in via Persia and Russia. Just before If you stand we shall have to 1877 Rose Harriette Thompson he began this journey home, make a serious sacrifice in order Crawshay, the elder daughter of he was accorded the privilege to find the money and can only Robert Thompson Crawshay of of accompanying Lord Curzon look upon it as an investment Cyfarthfa Castle near Merthyr in the Viceroy’s expedition up of capital. Whether it will ever Tydfil in south Wales (the the Persian Gulf. On his return yield any return I am afraid is youngest son but principal heir to England, he published a vol- doubtful.5 to William Crawshay II, the so- ume entitled Across Persia, based called ‘Iron King’). Crawshay’s on his experience of an eight- Within days, clearly following extreme displeasure at the mar- month trek across the deserts of a meeting with Crawshay-Wil- riage of his adored daughter to a Iran, a tome which was gener- liams, Gladstone himself wrote politician is evident from a cod- ally highly praised in the press to the aspiring politician, urging icil to his will which ensured reviews. him to seek the Liberal nomina- that no child born of the mar- On his return home in June tion for the Chorley division of riage would benefit from the 1904, he interested himself in Lancashire: Crawshay fortune. domestic political life with vig- One of the two sons of the our, becoming well known to I am of the opinion that the marriage was Eliot Crawshay- the leaders of the Liberal Party Chorley Division is the most Williams, born on 4 September within a short time. He was soon favourable constituency now 1879.3 Eliot was educated at Eton viewed as a zealous and aspiring open for your start in political College and Trinity College, politician of considerable per- life. The Lancashire people are Oxford, where he graduated in spicacity and, supported by his very straight-forward and ear- 1900. While a student, he was father, he was strongly encour- Eliot Crawshay- nest and they take a real interest already taking a keen interest in aged to stand as a parliamentary Williams in 1934 in politics. On what you said to

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 5 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams

me, I think we could settle the Balcarres, the Conservative political demonstration at Chor- financial side of the matter.6 candidate, had enjoyed a major- ley on 7 December 1904, and ity of 1,428 votes at the recent invited Crawshay-Williams to Crawshay-Williams himself by-election in November 1903. speak at a meeting at Manchester recalled in his autobiography, Not the least of Crawshay-Wil- North-West.11 published in 1935: liams’s supporters was Winston Throughout the year 1905 Churchill, originally elected there was a great deal of specu- On August 13th, feeling partly the Unionist MP for Oldham in lation about the precise timing like a mountebank, and partly 1900, but who had in May 1904 of the next general election, like a very small lamb among crossed the floor of the House the arrangements for campaign a horde of ravening wolves, I of Commons to sit on the Lib- meetings and the raising of the stood before the Chorley Divi- eral benches. He wrote enthusi- necessary election expenses. By sion Liberal Council to testify astically to the new candidate in March Crawshay-Williams had to my political faith. I was not September 1904: suffered a minor breakdown in yet twenty-five, and had had his health and he was constantly merely the so-called educa- I am v[er]y glad to hear that subject to considerable pres- tion of a gentleman, plus a few you are going to stand & I most sure, evoking the sympathy of years of soldiering and travel. heartily wish you all success. rising Liberal star David Lloyd My enthusiasm for Liberal- You are fighting a most-narrow George.12 He had evidently ism was great, my energy and minded & reactionary fellow & recovered by the summer, and determination were abundant, a v[er]y ill-mannered one. As his candidature continued to but my knowledge of political for my coming to speak for you attract public attention. Thomas detail was practically nil. I had, I cannot promise definitely at Burt, the working-class Liberal moreover, scarcely opened my present. But during October MP for the Morpeth division lips in public. All this, however, I shall be a good deal in Man- and prominent within the Trades had already been discounted by chester & if you could meet me Union Congress, hailed Eliot as the authorities, for this was a there we might have a talk & I ‘a worthy son of a worthy sire’ practically hopeless seat.7 could try to fix a date. who was evidently ‘going on so well’, while former Liberal The primary consideration Churchill subsequently urged Prime Minister Lord Rosebery, seemed to be the raising of the young Liberal candidate to much regretting his inability to his election expenses. Having hold his public meetings under address political meetings on discussed the matter with his the auspices of the Free Trade behalf of Crawshay-Williams, father, Crawshay-Williams told League: commented, ‘I only wish that the Chorley Liberals that he was Eton was less of a training school in a position to provide £500 I recommend you to hold your for Tories; and so I rejoice to see towards his expenses, plus a fur- meeting under the Free Trade an Etonian Liberal like your- ther £50 per annum towards League. There is no reason self’. The same month Churchill nursing the constituency until why the local Liberal Asso- In his auto- wrote to him, ‘The Government the next general election. It was ciation should not cooper- seem to drag on from month to estimated, however, that the ate. But a non-party body is biography month in an extraordinary way, election expenses could well in every way more effective. Crawshay- but after all the issue cannot now exceed £1,000. The candidate You will get supporters other- be long delayed, and I am quite was warned by his concerned wise beyond your reach. If you Williams sure we have profited by the father, ‘We can only spend manage your campaign well delay’.13 £500 on the Election and this you ought to poll every Liberal vividly Eventually, in the general you have, I understand, already vote. But that will not win the election of January 1906, as explained. I don’t know what Chorley division. You must recalled that widely predicted, Lord Balcarres previous elections have cost, but gain adherents from the Tory & ‘of all my defeated Eliot Crawshay-Wil- Mr Lawrence can tell you what non-party elements. The Free liams by the comfortable margin his were, and I am sure they were Trade League will be a power- new politi- of 1,387 votes. It was felt within considerably more than £500’.8 ful missionary.9 the Liberal Party, however, that Crawshay-Williams’s candi- cal friends, his total poll of 5,416 votes (44.3 dature at Chorley clearly gave In his autobiography Crawshay- per cent of those cast), the high- rise to considerable enthusi- Williams vividly recalled that [Churchill] est ever Liberal poll in the divi- asm within the ranks of the ‘of all my new political friends, sion and an increase of 618 votes Liberal Party – although it [Churchill] showed me the most showed me over the Liberal total in the 1903 was realised on all sides that kindness … What Winston the most by-election, was highly credit- the division was a fairly safe ever saw in me I do not know.’10 able and reflected well on the Conservative seat where Lord Churchill addressed a huge kindness …’ novice candidate, auguring well

6 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams for the success of his future polit- ‘I was invited wh[ich] I venture to make may Office, where he felt thoroughly ical career. It was widely felt that commend itself to you.16 at home. a ministerial career lay ahead. to fill a small His career was followed with Churchill was sympathetic and niche in the It was a marvellous opportunity great interest in south Wales, supportive: for the aspiring young politician. where Crawshay-Williams Government As Crawshay-Williams recalled delivered a number of absorb- I am indeed sorry you were not in his memoirs: ing lectures to local Liberal successful. You made a v[er]y Establish- associations and local history plucky fight, & the large reduc- I was invited to fill a small niche societies. Amidst repeated con- tion in the Protectionist major- ment as in the Government Establish- jecture that Sir George Newnes, ity is a substantial proof of your Assistant ment as Assistant Private Secre- the little-known Liberal MP hard work & effective argu- tary to the Under-Secretary of for the Swansea District, was ment. I hope another chance Private State for the Colonies. In spite about to be raised to the peer- will open to you before long. of the slightly Mikado-like fla- age, Crawshay-Williams was In so large a majority vacan- Secretary to vour of its title the job was one approached as a possible Liberal cies must be numerous: & if I to be jumped at, and I jumped. candidate should a by-election can be of any service to you, or the Under- I was even given a salary – £135 occur, though in the event, no you think so, you should write Secretary a year. My duties were not of by-election took place. In a per- quite freely.14 statesmanlike magnitude, being sonal letter of introduction to of State for mainly, as Winston put it, to Lord Grey, the Foreign Secre- A substantial total of more than keep the flies off him. But the tary, Churchill recommended £1,291 had been spent in the the Colonies. opportunities of coming into Crawshay-Williams: ‘He has … Liberal interest during the elec- close touch with the machinery had access to confidential papers tion campaign at Chorley, only In spite of and personnel of government, and may be thoroughly trusted about £220 of which had been the slightly with the questions of the day, as a person of discretion’.18 raised by the divisional Liberal and, more important than all During September 1906, Association.15 Mikado-like else, with a brilliant and com- together with Hamar Green- Less than a month later manding political personality, wood, the Liberal MP for the Churchill, recently appointed flavour of its were precious and unique … York division and also a private the Under-Secretary of State My prospect of the future was secretary to Winston Church- for the Colonies in Campbell- title the job changed from a vista of aim- ill, Crawshay-Williams toured Bannerman’s new government, was one to lessness to an outlook of inter- the dominion of Canada. He chose Crawshay-Williams to be esting and important activity. was impressed by a country his assistant private secretary: be jumped Whatever hand had twisted wholly new to him and the the kaleidoscope, I was deeply unfailing warmth of the recep- The Treasury have consented at, and I grateful for the touch, and on tion accorded them from coast to allow me one extra private February 23rd 1906, I took up to coast: ‘More and more I see secretary at a salary of £150 a jumped.’ my new duties.17 how important it is to anyone year; but this will only be paid who aspires to help in the affairs during the Parliamentary ses- The appointment indicated per- of the Empire to have a personal sion – i.e. about six months in sonal favour from Churchill and knowledge of men and mat- each year. I fear that the remu- a degree of acceptance within ters in our dominions beyond neration is scarcely more than the Liberal Party, now back in the seas’. He met a number of nominal; but of course the fact government after ten years in Canadian politicians, among that a government salary is paid opposition. them William Lyon Mackenzie makes the post an official one. In April Crawshay-Williams King, recently appointed the If you care to undertake the was invited to stand again as the Deputy Minister of Labour and work, which may sometimes Liberal candidate for Chorley at already considered an up-and- be hard, and wh[ich] will not the next general election, but coming politician. Following always be dull, you will place demurred because of the neces- their meeting, Mackenzie King me under a deep obligation to sity of spending long periods in wrote in his diary, ‘At lunch I yourself. It would give me great London. He enjoyed a generally met Mr. Crawshay-Williams, pleasure to have your assistance, amicable working relationship Secretary to Winston Church- & I feel certain that your help with Churchill and kept some ill, & spent the afternoon with will be most valuable to me. contact with Campbell-Ban- him at the Experimental Farm. It occurs to me that as you are nerman, the Prime Minister. … He seemed to me an active, now living in London, & are When Churchill fell ill in May, wide awake fellow, quick to anxious to keep in touch with Crawshay-Williams readily grasp points, a little aggressive the House of Commons & with stepped in to undertake some perhaps, and fairly self-satis- political matters, the proposal of his duties at the Colonial fied, tho’ pleasant in manner &

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 7 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams companionable, a great talker’.19 ageing father, A. J. Williams, Crawshay- felt that Ponsonby’s long and (Mackenzie King entered the who coveted such recognition close association with CB gave Canadian Federal Parliament almost obsessively. At the end of Williams him a distinct advantage over as a Liberal in 1908, served as the year he was appointed a JP was widely Crawshay-Williams.23 Minister of Labour and then as for the county of Glamorgan, Within days of the Stirling Prime Minister of Canada from where his father was Deputy tipped as the rejection, however, Crawshay- 1921 until June 1926, September Lieutenant. Williams’s name was mentioned 1926 until 1930, and again from He was also anxious to retain ideal candi- in connection with the Lib- 1935 until 1948.) some association with military eral vacancy in Pembrokeshire On his return to Britain life, an interest reawakened date for the caused by the elevation of the Crawshay-Williams gave a large by the publication, by Arnold ensuing by- sitting Liberal MP J. W. Philipps number of talks and lectures on in January 1908, of his well- to the House of Lords as Lord St his Canadian experiences, urg- received volume of reminis- election in Davids. The new baron warned ing his audiences to visit the cences, Across Persia. The next him, however, that: ‘Pembro- dominion. He also spoke on month he was informed that the Stirling keshire [was] a very tricky place the 1906 Education Bill and on ‘Chorley Liberalism’ was ‘in the for an outsider. I don’t think the pressing need to reform the dumps’ and that the local Lib- Burghs. for a moment a stranger would House of Lords. He published eral Party had felt compelled to be selected, and if he was, he substantial articles on political give notice to their paid political would, at the best, enormously subjects in newspapers and jour- agent in January.21 reduce the majority and have a nals. His name was mentioned as In April came the news that very unpleasant berth. It is an a potential Liberal candidate in the Prime Minister, Sir Henry extraordinary clannish county.’ several constituencies, including Campbell-Bannerman, was He urged Crawshay-Williams the Grantham division of Lin- resigning and had only a short to seek nomination in a more colnshire, where a prominent time left to live. Crawshay- congenial constituency.24 Again local Liberal wrote: Williams was widely tipped as the prize eluded him, and W. F. the ideal candidate for the ensu- Roch was chosen as the Liberal I cannot see how a prospec- ing by-election in the Stirling candidate. But Crawshay-Wil- tive candidate is going to get Burghs, a safe Liberal seat where liams was clearly much attracted off for less than £200 a year. Campbell-Bannerman had been by the appeal of Welsh politics Mr. Priestley [the Liberal MP returned unopposed in January and delivered a number of politi- for Grantham since 1900] says 1906 – ‘It was this comfort- cal lectures and speeches in south he has spent £500 a year since able and traditional stronghold Wales at this time. he became the Member. The of Liberalism which I was to Other changes were taking Tory candidates spend much inherit. If all went well.’ On place in the wake of Camp- more than this and I am afraid 9 April he received a telegram bell-Bannerman’s resignation. Grantham had got into the way from the Master of Elibank, Churchill was moved from the of expecting it. Mr. Crawshay the Liberal Chief Whip, urg- Colonial Office to succeed Lloyd Williams would be an excellent ing him to travel to Edinburgh George, the new Chancellor candidate but unless he was in for a snap meeting which went of the Exchequer, as President the position to spend money off exceedingly well, Elibank of the Board of Trade. In May, fairly liberally he will be of no proclaiming, ‘You’ve captured Crawshay-Williams announced use whatever to Grantham.20 them, and I think It’s as good as his resignation from his position arranged’.22 at the Colonial Office ‘in order As the year 1907 ran its course, Campbell-Bannerman died to enter upon active political Crawshay-Williams’s attention on 22 April, but at the elev- work’. 25 He continued his search was taken up increasingly with enth hour the Scottish Liberal for a Liberal nomination and the need to reform the Lords, Association, concerned at ‘the became more and more involved to build harmonious relations premature disclosure’ of Craw- in the ongoing debate on parlia- between the Liberal and Labour shay-Williams’s name as the mentary reform and the need for parties and the necessity of candidate, resolved that Arthur a parliamentary inquiry on the introducing electoral reforms Ponsonby, the principal pri- subject. Advocacy of the alter- such as proportional representa- vate secretary to the late Prime native vote system also engaged tion or the alternative vote. He Minister and the defeated Lib- him. spoke on the impact of social- eral candidate at Taunton in On 23 July 1908 Crawshay- ism and relations between the 1906, should be the Liberal Williams married Alice Gay- Liberal and Labour parties. aspirant for the Stirling Burghs. Roberts, originally of Turlake He spared no effort, too, in There was anxiety to avoid an in Devon, the daughter of James attempting to secure an hon- acrimonious contest for the Henry Gay-Roberts. The newly- our such as a knighthood for his nomination, and it was widely weds travelled extensively as part

8 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams of an extended honeymoon, and did not return to England until 3 December. During the same month Crawshay-Williams was pressed by the Liberal executive of the Wirral division of Chesh- ire to consider standing as their prospective candidate. Feelers came, too, from many other areas. By the beginning of 1909 he himself had resolved that he wished to be nominated ‘not for a County Division, but for a Borough, where such extended and assiduous attention is not necessary as when a large area has to be covered’. In February 1909, Craw- shay-Williams – hailed locally as ‘a radical to the core’ – was chosen as the Liberal candidate for Leicester, a two-member constituency, as successor to Franklin Thomasson, who had indicated his desire to stand down. His adoption coincided with the escalating suffragette agitation and the mounting campaign to secure universal manhood suffrage in Britain, a theme which the new candi- date tackled in his early speeches during February and March. On 9 March he addressed the Leicester Liberal Thousand and was formally adopted as the prospective Liberal candidate. In subsequent political meet- ings, he indicated his support for the introduction of radical social legislation and remained true to his long-standing sup- port for the ‘Votes for Women’ campaign, while carefully dis- tancing himself from the more militant wing of the suffragette movement. He also published a monograph advocating the Campaigning in I hope you will see that all thoroughly searched before nationalisation of the railways. Leicester, 1909; proper precautions are taken, the meeting, the roof as well In June his daughter, Alice, was centre, Eliot and that no women are allowed in as all cupboards and recesses born, and Eliot returned to part- Alice Crawshay- the meeting unless vouched being properly examined; time military duties at Croxton Williams for, that all such women, and, lastly, that the space in Park, Leicestershire.26 except those who are so well- front of the building should As Winston Churchill read- known as to sit on the plat- be kept clear by the police, so ily agreed to address a meeting form, should be placed in one as to prevent disturbance and at Leicester in support of the part of the building, and not attempts to rush the doors; this candidature of his old friend, mixed up with the men; that a last has been a feature of pre- the threat of suffragette distur- sufficiency of stewards should vious meetings, and the police bances were in the forefront of be provided to deal with any ought to know that it is their his mind: disorder; that the building be duty not to allow a crowd close

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 9 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams

to the door as otherwise a dis- Although the put up on various key hoard- candidates trailed far behind. order will ensue: it is better to ings in Leicester and to convene Although the outcome had been keep the streets clear for one outcome had a Budget League meeting in the widely anticipated, the new MP hundred yards outside the door been widely city. With regard to financial was still surprised at his election during the meeting.27 support from the Liberal Party as the ‘senior MP’ for the city of anticipated, centrally, Churchill proffered Leicester – ‘slightly bewildered, It was indeed an exciting time the following advice: but intoxicatingly happy’. He was in political life. The House the new hailed locally as a candidate who of Lords was debating Lloyd I think you take too stiff a view had given support to the aspira- George’s ‘People’s Budget’ and MP was still of the matter, as I certainly do tions of the Labour Party and he was widely expected to reject surprised at not consider that the accept- certainly remained on friendly it; on 30 November they duly ance of assistance from party terms with MacDonald.32 threw it out by 250 to 75. In his election funds involves any loss of hon- From the outset of his par- October two Conservative can- ourable independence. It seems liamentary career, Crawshay- didates were adopted at Leices- as the ‘senior to me that the small pecuniary Williams was viewed as very ter, while a joint conference aid accorded bears no propor- much an individualist, with of the local Labour Party and MP’ for the tion to the great political duties his own views on the political trades unions associated with city of Leices- discharged. At the same time I issues of the day – yet it was also the Leicester Trades Council think that the view which you recognised that he was keen to resolved to re-nominate as the ter – ‘slightly take is very respectable, & you assume ministerial office. On 16 Labour candidate James Ram- know my maxim – ‘Never force February the new MP took his say MacDonald, the holder of bewildered, little dogs to eat mutton’.30 oath in the House of Commons the second seat there since 1906. and, within just eight days, had There was no mention, however, but intoxi- Generally the contest was con- delivered his maiden speech, on of the nomination of a second catingly ducted amicably and vigorously the government resolutions to Labour candidate, a move which by the three political parties. be embodied in the Veto Bill much enhanced Crawshay-Wil- happy’. Close to the poll, however, post- designed to limit the powers of liams’s prospects of success at cards were distributed by his the House of Lords – ‘a credit- the polls in the double-member political opponents attributing able performance’ in Church- constituency.28 unacceptable views to Crawshay- ill’s words.33 On 11 March he As the general election grew Williams on betting and gam- was asked by Lloyd George, still closer, Crawshay-Williams bling issues; he was accused of Chancellor of the Exchequer, to again advocated the adoption supporting them over-zealously become his parliamentary pri- of an alternative vote system of and of being reluctant to sup- vate secretary and was, at the voting for county seats and a sys- port legislation which restricted same time, requested to return to tem of proportional representa- them. During the campaign, he a similar position at the Colonial tion for borough constituencies. played tennis each morning to Office. Perplexed, he turned to He doggedly refused the offer of remain in peak physical condi- Churchill for advice. ‘Of course financial assistance from central tion and gave up drinking alco- you must go to [Lloyd] George’ party funds; in his memoirs he hol. As Liberal Party mandarins was his unambiguous advice.34 rejoiced that both he and Ram- considered Leicester a safe seat, The new position was an auspi- say MacDonald ‘conducted our very little outside assistance was cious step up the slippery politi- campaigns with entire inde- available, and the candidate was cal pole. pendence’. Indeed, they ran himself compelled to address Crawshay-Williams took up almost in double harness, ‘work- two or three meetings each day, his new position in the midst of ing in amity, if not actually in all of them reported in detail in speculation that another gen- co-operation’. 29 As the campaign the local press. The eve-of-poll eral election might be necessary gathered momentum, Churchill meeting was held at the Leicester because of the constitutional urged his old associate to ‘try and Temperance Hall and was fol- crisis precipitated by the House poll as early as possible so as to lowed by a torchlight procession. of Lords’ rejection of the ‘Peo- influence the course of the con- An exhausted Crawshay-Wil- ple’s Budget’ and the subsequent flict’. Asserting that the Budget liams toured the city’s polling debates over the supremacy of League, a Liberal organisation stations on the day of the poll, 17 the Commons over the Lords. formed to rally support for the January 1910.31 In April he introduced to the contentious proposals embod- In the general election of Commons his Parliamentary ied in Lloyd George’s ‘People’s January 1910 Eliot Crawshay- Elections (Alternative Vote) Bill, Budget’, was ‘alive and flour- Williams just headed the poll based on the recommendations ishing’, he promised to ensure at Leicester with 14,643 votes. of the Royal Commission on that more than a hundred large Ramsay MacDonald polled Electoral Reform, while a con- Budget League posters were 14,337, and the two Conservative stitutional conference was set up

10 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams to discuss relations between the pay within their own constitu- Parliamentary Elections (Alter- Lords and the Commons. In July encies. At the end of April, he native Vote) Bill, remaining he voted for the second reading introduced the Adult Suffrage true to his long-standing con- of the Conciliation Bill on wom- Bill (promoted by the People’s viction that such a system had en’s suffrage and still displayed Suffrage Federation) which pro- many advantages over ‘the old general support for the suffra- posed to give the franchise to and cumbrous second ballot’. gette cause. In the autumn he everyone of both sexes over the In March he resolved to vote introduced a bill calling for the age of 21 years. This latter meas- against the second reading of reversal of the Osborne judge- ure also provided that the resi- the Conciliation Bill on wom- ment by the House of Lords in dential qualification should be en’s suffrage (the measure was 1909, which had outlawed the reduced to three months, that designed to grant the franchise automatic payment of a politi- plural voting be abolished, and only to certain groups of women) cal levy to the Labour Party by that the electoral registers be as a personal protest against ‘the trades unionists. revised and updated every three most recent acts of violence … A second general election months. Crawshay-Williams If, as I hope and believe will be duly took place in December was viewed as a champion of the case, other members take the 1910. Crawshay-Williams was electoral and franchise reform same course as myself, the lesson again returned at the top of and a keen advocate of progres- to the Suffragettes will, I trust, the poll at Leicester, again just sive legislation. He also pressed be obvious and effective.’ He slightly ahead of Ramsay Mac- for the closer involvement of clearly felt strongly on the mat- Donald, with the sole Conserva- the overseas dominions in the ter: ‘The wanton and disgrace- tive candidate, a new aspirant, management of imperial affairs, ful attacks on the property of trailing badly in third place. His while always underlining his unoffending persons during the 5,691 vote majority, although military experience.36 In Sep- last few days … appear to me slightly down from 6,095 in tember he suffered the loss of his to make it urgently necessary January, meant that Leicester father, Arthur J. Williams, who to show their perpetrators and, was one of the safest Liberal had always encouraged him to what is more important, those seats in the country. During the pursue a political career and had who are misguided enough to course of the election campaign given him a great deal of advice furnish them with funds, that he spoke widely on behalf of a and practical support. they are by their folly defeating number of other Liberal candi- Crawshay-Williams partici- the ends they profess to serve’. dates, addressing twelve major pated actively in the Free Trade In the same month he put political meetings outside his Lecture scheme and supported down a parliamentary question own constituency, and was the work of the Free Trade to H. H. Asquith, the Prime clearly regarded as a valuable Union set up to oppose the Minister, on the possible insti- electoral asset for his party, with retention and imposition of pro- tution of a Royal Commission a potentially glittering political tective tariffs. He delivered five From the to inquire into industrial unrest career ahead of him – seemingly major speeches in the House of in Britain. He insisted on rais- assured still further by his close Commons during the year 1911 outset of his ing the question in the Com- links with both Churchill and (compared with three during mons despite repeated requests Lloyd George.35 He personally 1910). He found that, on aver- parliamen- from Asquith, who considered contributed no less than £1,270 age, he received, as a MP, about it ‘inopportune’, to withdraw towards his election expenses. a dozen letters a day, although it tary career, it. This question aroused much Crawshay-Williams was was noticeable that his postbag Crawshay- public and parliamentary inter- prominent at Westminster as he increased significantly during est, and by May the government witnessed the final passage of the the parliamentary session (com- Williams was (tartly dismissing a full Royal Parliament Bill, removing the pared with the recesses). At the Commission as merely ‘a shelv- Lords’ power of veto, in March time of the introduction of the viewed as ing expedient’) had resolved to 1911. During the same month, 1911 Insurance Bill, he was stag- appoint a cabinet committee to at a time when the introduc- gered to receive about thirty let- very much an investigate the problem of indus- tion of the payment of MPs for ters each day, and a total number individual- trial unrest. Crawshay-Williams the first time was being keenly of some 3,744 letters came to devoted considerable time and debated in political circles as hand during the course of a ist, with his effort to the drafting of a Mini- a result of mounting pressure year.37 mum Wage Bill, and he also from the fledgling Labour Party, As 1912 dawned, Crawshay- own views on lent support to the campaign to the senior Member for Leices- Williams remained preoccupied disestablish and disendow the ter introduced a bill limiting to with the necessity to intro- the political Welsh church.38 £50 annually the total subscrip- duce the alternative vote sys- issues of the In June he put down an tions to local clubs, societies and tem in parliamentary elections. amendment to Clause 9 of the organisations which MPs might On 29 April he introduced the day. Irish Home Rule Bill, proposing

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 11 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams that the Irish House of Com- In July Carr-Gomm was Lloyd George looked down at mons should be elected on an granted a decree nisi – made his plate ‘feeling vaguely that adult suffrage basis, advocat- absolute the following Febru- he was being scolded, and said ing that the qualifying age for ary – on the grounds of his wife in a very meek voice – “I sup- males should be 21 years and for Kathleen’s adultery with Craw- pose it was rather wrong!”’42 It is females 25. There was to be a shay-Williams.40 ‘What made tempting to speculate whether three months’ residential quali- the case a bad one’, recorded the exposure of the truth about fication, and the institution of Lucy Masterman, wife of the Lloyd George’s own extra- his pet idea, the transferable former Liberal cabinet minister marital infidelities would have vote. His amendment aroused C. F. G. Masterman, was not brought his own political career considerable public interest and just that Crawshay-Williams was to an equally abrupt end; and it support. He was convinced that married with two children, a is amazing that awareness of the the Irish Home Rule Bill should daughter and a son, but that he potential risks does not appear to be pushed through Parliament was Carr-Gomm’s long-term have deterred him, a serial adul- as quickly as possible, and had ‘most intimate friend at school, terer for years past. become convinced that a system college and in politics’. Mrs Both Lloyd George and of strict proportional representa- Masterman also noted that both Churchill remained involved in tion was not really suitable in the Lloyd George and Churchill had the Carr-Gomm case well into UK or Ireland on the grounds become involved in the mat- 1914, and both remained in close that it was likely to result in a ter, the former making abortive contact with Crawshay-Wil- succession of relatively weak, efforts to bring the estranged liams, who still took an interest unstable coalition or national couple back together, and the in the course of political life. In governments. He remained a latter having made an attempt 1915 Alice Crawshay-Williams popular constituency MP at ‘to frighten Carr-Gomm out of was granted a divorce on the Leicester, where there was some bringing the case, a proceed- grounds of her husband’s statu- talk of running two Liberal can- ing which naturally made him tory desertion and adultery, and didates ‘in harness’ at the next angr y’. 41 her former husband married general election, partly as a result The case aroused considerable Kathleen Carr-Gomm later the of growing local Liberal dis- public interest and disapproval; same year. This second mar- satisfaction with Ramsay Mac- neither Crawshay-Williams riage was to last until 1924, again Donald. Asquith was invited to nor Kathleen Carr-Gomm ending in acrimonious divorce address a public meeting in the made any attempt to deny their proceedings. city during the autumn.39 adultery when the case came After the outbreak of the First During 1913, however, Eliot to court. Both Churchill and World War Crawshay-Williams Crawshay-Williams’s promising Lloyd George were said to have commanded the 1st Leicester- political career came tumbling attempted to persuade their ally shire Royal Horse Artillery down. In March he was named not to resign his parliamen- from 1915 until 1917, witness- as co-respondent in a divorce tary seat, and they apparently ing active military service in case brought by Hubert Carr- leaned on Carr-Gomm to pay Egypt and Palestine. From 1918 Gomm, Liberal MP for the an allowance to his ex-wife. He until 1920 he was attached to Rotherhithe division of South- eventually agreed to make her the Headquarters of the North- wark since 1906 and a close an allowance of £500 a year, ern Command, based mainly political associate. As Crawshay- but protracted wrangling then in Egypt, during which period Williams later wrote in his auto- During ensued over the precise details he published three volumes biography, ‘I recognised at once of the payments. According of poetry and a well-received that under the then-existing 1913, how- again to Lucy Masterman, Lloyd account of his military experi- circumstances of public life this George regarded ‘an irregular ences, Leaves from an Officer’s was almost certainly the death ever, Eliot love affair as a very trifling mat- Notebook. He also wrote intel- blow of my career’. He resigned ter – even in a married woman’, ligent, informed commentaries his Leicester seat amongst sad- Crawshay- in clear contradistinction to on political developments for ness and regret in local Liberal Williams’s Rufus Isaacs, the Attorney- newspapers and journals, and he circles at this abrupt termination General, who looked upon this remained in contact with both of a representation which, it had promising episode ‘very grimly’. At lunch Lloyd George and Churchill, been anticipated, would have one day as the drama unfolded, forwarding copies of his vari- continued for many years to political Isaacs denounced Crawshay- ous publications to both men. come. He announced his com- Williams’s seduction of Kathleen In July 1917 he approached plete withdrawal from active career came Carr-Gomm, his own friend’s the latter, by then Minister for political life, while expressing a tumbling wife, as ‘unpardonable, abso- Munitions, seeking employ- wish to continue public service lutely unpardonable behaviour’. ment within the ministry, but in some capacity. down. In a rather sheepish manner, without success.

12 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams

As the war drew to a close, vote system would have ben- During at Bridgend. In the event Ted Crawshay-Williams seriously efited the Liberal Party, which Williams, the Labour candidate, considered re-entering politi- was still split into two warring the 1930s easily romped home at the top of cal life, but now through the camps. He wrote to congratu- Crawshay- the poll. Labour Party. He approached late some Labour and advanced During the 1930s Crawshay- Arthur Henderson, the party’s Liberal candidates on their re- Williams Williams remained in touch secretary: election to parliament. He wrote with Churchill, for whom he at some length to his old ally and remained in clearly felt much admiration, I regret that, if I come back into chief Winston Churchill who, and also kept up other contacts politics, it will mean dissocia- against all the odds, had just touch with in political circles. In February tion from many friends whom been defeated at Dundee, which Churchill, 1939 he sent the ageing Lloyd I respect; but, as I told you, I he had represented since 1908: George a copy of his new novel, have been brought to believe for whom he Votes and Virgins; he had already that not only more far-reach- I was very sorry to see the forwarded a proof copy of the ing reforms, but a more live news about Dundee – not sorry clearly felt text to Churchill the previ- and vigorous spirit are needed politically, but sorry on general ous month, with a request for today than can be hoped for grounds because you ought much admi- him to write a foreword to the from either of the parties who always to be in the full stream ration, and book – predictably, the request have hitherto governed this of politics. … I often think was refused ‘in the present pres- country. If, therefore, I am to with a rather pathetic pleasure also kept sure of events’. Following the take part in politics … it will of those days at the Colonial fall of Paris in June 1940, when have to be either as an inde- Office, and afterwards in the up other the outlook looked bleak for pendent politician, or, if there House, when we were more or the Allied war effort, he wrote be room for me under your less together, and with grati- contacts at some length to Churchill, new constitution, as a mem- tude of all your kindness to me. in political then some six weeks into his ber of the Labour Party, with Now I am busy on work which premiership: whose aims, even when I was is more peaceful, if less impor- circles. an orthodox Liberal I was so far tant, than that I had hoped to It does seem to me, and, I know, in agreement as sometimes to do; but some times there still to others, that ‘if and when’ an involve me in difficulties with comes upon me the ache to informed view of the situation my own supporters.43 be doing something in the old shows that we’ve really not got sphere of action. However, I set a practical chance of actual As the Liberal MP for Leices- it resignedly by.44 ultimate victory, no question ter before the First World War, of prestige should stand in the Crawshay-Williams had cer- In the general election of Octo- way of our using our nuisance tainly taken a left-wing, quasi- ber 1931, held in the wake of the value while we have one to get Socialist stand on many issues formation of the National Gov- the best peace terms possible. and had formed a close rapport ernment, although asserting his Otherwise, after losing many with his fellow-MP Ramsay continued adherence to the Lib- lives and much money, we shall MacDonald. eral Party and the cause of free merely find ourselves in the Further legal proceedings at trade, Crawshay-Williams lent position of France – or worse. Leeds crown court in 1918–19, support to Ramsay MacDon- however, rendered impossi- ald ‘in his fight for economy Churchill’s reply was blunt: ‘I ble a political come-back, and and financial stability’ in order am ashamed of you for writing a dejected Crawshay-Williams to ‘avoid a disaster such as it is such a letter. I return it to you – turned to pursuing his literary difficult for us in this country to burn & forget.’46 endeavours for the rest of his to conceive’. He felt in conse- In 1943 Crawshay-Williams days. In the autumn of 1921 he quence that it was the patriotic lent support to the demand for produced a Grand Guignol play duty of British electors ‘to put the appointment of a Secretary entitled E. and O.E.; further aside party and vote first for of State for Wales. But his main Grand Guignol plays (dramas those who are committed to preoccupation by this time was that emphasised the horrifying maintain the national credit’. as a writer, of poetry, prose fic- or the macabre) appeared in 1924 He offered to support the can- tion, film scripts and a mem- and 1927. didature of Sir Thomas Jones, oir.47 His political acumen and But he found it impossible to the ‘National candidate’ (really a talents were never put to any escape from some involvement Conservative) in his south Wales further use, although he still in politics, following excitedly home constituency of Ogmore, continued to write articles on the course of the November 1922 against the sitting Labour MP.45 political matters, Welsh affairs, general election and speculating He even planned to speak at the Territorial Army, colonial on how the use of an alternative Jones’s final eve-of-poll meeting developments and an array of

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 13 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams other subjects. Among his best- Crawshay- Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior Archi- 15 Ibid. B4/11, Arthur W. Adkins, known novels in the 1930s were vist and Head of the Welsh Political election agent, to EC-W, 5 Febru- A Night in the Hotel and Stay Williams was Archive at the National Library of ary 1906. of Execution. He was to devote a talented Wales, Aberystwyth 16 Ibid. B14/20, Churchill to EC-W, his later years primarily to the 18 February 1906 (‘Private’) (copy). writing of light fiction which and natural 1 See NLW Annual Report, 1986–1987 17 Simple Story, p. 60. The appointment generally sold well and earned (Aberystwyth, 1987), p. 64. is noted in The Times, 26 February him a fine reputation as a crea- politician, 2 The only extensive account of A. J. 1906. tive writer. His autobiography, Williams’s political career is J. Gra- 18 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams Simple Story, published in 1935, the son of a ham Jones, ‘Arthur J. Williams MP Papers B14/23, Churchill to Lord was a moving document of con- Liberal MP, (1830–1911)’, Morgannwg, Vol. XLIV Grey, 23 August 1906 (copy), siderable human interest. (2000), 105–28. endorsed by EC-W, ‘Copy of W. S. He spent much of the Second whose popu- 3 There is a helpful overview of his Churchill’s introduction for me to World War at his Welsh home, career in his obituary in The Times, Lord Grey’. Plas Coed-y-Mwstwr, near larity was 12 May 1962, p. 10. There is also a 19 Chorley Standard, 22 September, Bridgend in Glamorgan, and useful potted biography of Eliot 13 October and 1 and 15 Decem- from 1941 until 1943 acted as the reflected Crawshay-Williams in the column ber 1906; Lancashire Daily Post, 6 Chief Civil Defence Officer at in the large ‘Political personalities’, The Planet, December 1906; Manchester Dis- the Great Trading Centre and 8 October 1910. patch, 11 December 1906; National Estate at Treforest, near Pon- number of 4 See National Library of Wales Archives of Canada, William Lyon typridd. During the later stages (hereafter NLW), Eliot Crawshay- Mackenzie King Papers, diary of the war he lectured exten- local Liberal Williams Papers B1/1, Sir Henry material, p. 255, diary entry for 12 sively to members of HM Forces, Campbell-Bannerman to EC-W, 4 September 1906. (I owe this last ref- and immediately after the war associa- May 1899. erence to the kindness of Dr Rich- he chaired the Coed-y-Mwstwr tions which 5 Ibid. B2/11, Arthur J. Williams to ard Toye, Cambridge.) (Approved) School, a social and EC-W, 8 July 1904. 20 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams educational experiment of great wished to 6 Ibid. B2/13, Herbert Gladstone to Papers B5/43, letter from J. Handley interest. Having suffered from EC-W, 14 July 1904. Parker of Grantham to Jesse Her- increasing blindness during his secure him 7 Eliot Crawshay-Williams, Simple bert, 16 March 1907. last years, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- Story: an Accidental Autobiography 21 Ibid. B6/5, Arthur W. Adkins, elec- liams died on 11 May 1962 at the as their par- (London, 1935), p. 50. The Times tion agent, to EC-W, 5 February age of 82. liamentary had announced on 30 July the deci- 1908. Crawshay-Williams was a sion to recommend the adoption of 22 Dundee Advertiser, 17 April 1908; talented and natural politician, candidate Crawshay-Williams at Chorley. Glasgow Evening Times, 17 April the son of a Liberal MP, whose 8 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams 1908; Simple Story, pp. 73–74. popularity was reflected in … Yet he Papers B2/18, A. J. Williams to 23 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams the large number of local Lib- EC-W, 9 August 1904. Papers B6/24, Alexander Murray, eral associations which wished sacrificed his 9 Ibid. B14/3, Churchill to EC-W, the Master of Elibank, Scottish Lib- to secure him as their parlia- career as a 12 September 1904 (copy); B14/6, eral Association, to EC-W, 29 April mentary candidate. He won Churchill to EC-W, 6 October 1904 1908 (‘Private’); ibid. B6/27, Arthur the support of both Churchill result of his (copy); B14/7, Churchill to EC-W, Ponsonby to EC-W, 1 May 1908. and Lloyd George, and a good 9 October 1904 (‘Private’) (copy). 24 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams future, possibly even a ministe- unaccepta- 10 Simple Story, p. 52. Papers B6/39, J. W. Philipps to rial position, clearly lay ahead 11 See T. W. Killick to Churchill, EC-W, 7 May 1908; Western Mail, of him within the Liberal Party ble personal 4 October 1904, in Randolph S. 11 May 1908; South Wales Daily – though given his distinct left- life. Churchill, Winston S. Churchill: News, 11 May 1908. wing leanings, he would prob- Vol II, Companion, Part 1, 1901–1907 25 The Times, 20 May 1908. ably eventually have joined the (London, 1969), p. 363. 26 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams Labour Party, like Haldane, 12 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams Papers B7/4, EC-W to F. H. Jones, Buxton and Ponsonby, among Papers B3/9, D. Lloyd George to 13 January 1908 (copy) in relation many others. Yet he sacri- EC-W, 16 March 1905. See also the to an approach from the Stamford ficed his career as a result of his interesting letters from Arthur J. division; Simple Story, pp. 84–88; unacceptable personal life. His Williams to his son in file B3. Leicester Daily Post, 17 February experience readily invites com- 13 Ibid. B3/26, Thomas Burt to EC-W, 1909; numerous press cuttings in parison with that of Sir Charles 6 September 1905; B3/27, Lord NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams Dilke whose promising politi- Rosebery to EC-W, 10 September Papers, vol. J5, pp. 1–34. cal career was also effectively 1905 (‘Private’); B14/4, Churchill to 27 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Williams terminated in 1885 following a EC-W, 2 September 1905 (copy). Papers B14/40, Churchill to EC-W, notorious and well-publicised 14 Ibid. B14/19, Churchill to EC-W, 24 August 1909 (copy). See J. Gra- divorce case. 25 January 1906 (‘Private’) (copy). ham Jones, ‘Crawshay-Williams,

14 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 champion of liberalism: eliot crawshay-williams

Churchill and the Suffragettes: S. Churchill: Vol II, Compan- Crawshay-Williams Papers, file CHAR 1/107/11-13, EC-W a note’, National Library of Wales ion, Part 2, 1907–1911 (London, B10. to Churchill, 23 September Journal, Vol. XXX, no. 4 (Win- 1969), p. 976. Churchill here 40 Simple Story, pp. 123, 135 and 1913; University of Birming- ter 1998), 447–54. described EC-W to the King 137; The Times, 11 June and 29 ham Library, Special Collec- 28 Leicester Daily Post, 22 October as ‘a young man who was for- July 1913 and 10 February 1914; tions Department, Masterman 1909. merly an artillery officer’. correspondence in the NLW, Papers 29/2/2/2, Lucy Master- 29 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- 34 Simple Story, p. 103. Eliot Crawshay-Williams man diary entry for 18 June liams Papers B7/93, EC-W to 35 See the highly complimentary Papers, file B11. 1913. Churchill, 2 December 1909 portrait of EC-W in The Young 41 University of Birmingham 43 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- (copy); Simple Story, pp. 95–96; Liberal, December 1910, p. 14. Library, Special Collections liams Papers B12/41, EC-W to see also the friendly tone of the 36 The Times, 30 March and 28 Department, Masterman Papers Arthur Henderson, undated communication from Ram- April 1911. 29/2/2/2, Lucy Masterman [autumn of 1918] (draft). say MacDonald to EC-W, 27 37 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- diary entry for 18 June 1913, 44 Ibid. B14/83, EC-W to December 1909, in NLW, Eliot liams Papers B18/4, note on cited in Richard Toye, Lloyd Churchill, 17 November 1922 Crawshay-Williams Papers ‘number of letters received and George and Churchill: Rivals for (copy). B14/52 (copy). answered’, [c. 1911]. Greatness (London, 2007), p. 45 Ibid. B13/41, EC-W to Sir 30 NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- 38 The Times, 29 April 1912; 99. I am most grateful to Dr Thomas Jones, 20 October 1931 liams Papers B14/50, 52 and 54, EC-W to the National Union Toye for providing me with a (draft); B13./42, Jones to EC-W, Churchill to EC-W, 13 and 22 of Women’s Suffrage Societies typescript transcript of relevant 23 October 1931. December 1909 and undated in The Times, 13 March 1912; materials from the Masterman 46 Ibid. B14/92, EC-W to Church- [?December 1909] (copies). NLW, Eliot Crawshay-Wil- Papers at Birmingham and ill, 27 June 1940 (‘Personal’) 31 Simple Story, pp. 95–96. liams Papers B10/17, draft of photocopies of relevant corre- (copy); B14/93, Churchill to 32 Ibid.; Leicester Daily Post, 18 letter from EC-W to the press, spondence from the Churchill EC-W, 28 June 1940 (copy). January 1910. [? March 1912]; The Times, 1 Papers held at Churchill Col- 47 See the interesting portrait in 33 See Churchill to King Edward April 1912. lege, Cambridge. the ‘Literary Profiles’ column VII, 24 February 1910, cited in 39 The Times, 6 June 1912; corre- 42 Churchill College, Cam- in the Western Mail, 4 June Randolph S. Churchill, Winston spondence in the NLW, Eliot bridge, Churchill Papers 1952.

Letters (continued from page 2) election up to and including such meetings but it does and that it would be a minor and in dealing with strikes 1961. However, in 1962, he have a tendency to slip into coup if the party did it. We through the Emergency defected to the Liberal Party the ‘How we won Aber- duly did so and the book was Powers Act, and his opposi- and became the sole Liberal cromby’ mode. The intel- for a very long time the only tion to a limited franchise member of the LCC until its lectual rigour of the Liberal available comprehensive for women, are only three demise in 1964. Hambly was Democrat History Group source. examples of decidedly illib- a surgeon and a Cornish- and its journal need to be Michael Meadowcroft eral policies. man; he claimed to be last safeguarded by careful atten- Is it not a fact that Lloyd person left who spoke Cor- tion to the context. George’s opportunism nish. He had to be dissuaded One final curiosity of the Great Liberals? almost destroyed the Lib- from resigning to fight a 1960s in London was that I am glad that in his letter eral Party itself, and most by-election in Lewisham, the only comprehensive Professor Vernon Bogdanor certainly provided the cir- which he would certainly book of the 1965 London ( Journal of Liberal History 58, cumstances through which have lost! Borough election results spring 2008) has tempered the Labour Party was able to In outer London, was published by the Lib- the recent hagiographies of replace the Liberal Party as although it could be claimed eral Party’s Local Govern- David Lloyd George with the major opposition to the that the Liberal control of ment Department. The new a reminder of the great Conservatives? Finchley Borough Council Greater London Council man’s Achilles heel – that Not one biographer of had certain demographic had its own information that of his penchant for Lloyd George has been able similarities with Richmond, department but at the time autocratic leaders, cou- to explain his admiration that was certainly not the it took a narrow view of pled with his admiration for Hitler – an admiration case with the early Liberal its terms of reference and of Hitler. Certainly Lloyd that largely ignored Hitler’s victories in West Ham, led would only publish the GLC George advocated, and in persecution of the Jews and by David Brooke and Nor- results. I took the view as the office introduced, admirable his murder of opponents of man Phillips. party’s Local Government reforming measures, but his the Nazi regime, evidence of I don’t disparage the value Officer that the borough actions in supporting the of oral history as evinced by results should be published Black and Tans in Ireland Concluded on page 48

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 15 The Rank and File and the Liberal Government ‘Crisis’ of 1912: A Note

1912 was a stormy year for Asquith’s government, facing industrial unrest, problems with the suffragettes and the gathering storm of the crisis over home rule for Ireland. Through a recently unearthed letter, Barry Doyle offers a rare glimpse of the activist’s reaction to the key issues facing Liberals at the time. What did they think of the New Liberal programme the government was trying to implement? Was the government losing its traditional middle-class supporters?

16 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 The Rank and File and the Liberal Government ‘Crisis’ of 1912: A Note

ince the 1930s, tend to point to the war itself as relevant is whether their actions attempts to explain the the main culprit in the Liberal were causing irredeemable dam- remarkable collapse collapse.5 Within this tradition, age to the party amongst its core of British Liberalism disagreement has centred on the middle-class supporters.11 have paid particular extent to which the electorate Initial assessments of the attentionS to the Edwardian era. was realigning along class lines – effects on Liberal Party sup- The stunning victory of the either between the Liberals and port focused on the parliamen- party in the 1906 election and Labour or between progressives tary party and some sections of the wide range of social and and conservatives – in the years the rank and file, especially in constitutional reforms which before the First World War.6 Lancashire and London. From the governments of Campbell- Although these debates this Emy, Blewett and especially Bannerman and Asquith insti- remain largely unresolved, Clarke deduced that the New tuted have been juxtaposed with there is agreement that in the Liberalism was mainly adopted the emergence of an electoral years following the December by and attractive to the metro- and industrial challenge from 1910 election, the Liberal gov- politan, professional middle class Labour, the eruption of consti- ernment struggled to retain its – journalists, educationalists and tutional turmoil in Ireland and popularity and that it experi- those from the less established militant action by women seek- enced by-election defeats, bad branches of the traditional pro- ing the vote.1 press and considerable reversals fessions.12 Such ideas were less The fact that this was fol- in local government.7 In par- popular amongst the provincial, lowed by a four-year mod- ticular, in 1911–12 ‘the Liberals urban, Nonconformist middle ern war from which the party went through one of their deep- class who filled the ranks of the emerged divided and defeated est troughs of unpopularity’,8 party at both local and national has raised important questions alienating both their traditional level and who Clarke and Bern- about the health of Liberalism middle-class supporters and the stein believe were fundamen- and the Liberal Party in 1914.2 increasingly volatile working- tally alienated by the switch to Historians of the left have con- class electorate with a range of social politics.13 However, subse- sistently argued that Edwardian policies which were often inter- quent studies of both parliamen- Britain was in the throes of a cri- preted as unnecessary and costly tary and local politics by Searle, sis from which Liberalism could interference.9 That the Liberals Packer and Doyle have argued not recover,3 with their position were unpopular in 1912 is not in The letter- for a more nuanced approach, further weakened by the rise of dispute – although Packer sug- writer and the which suggests that the Edward- Labour, especially in the indus- gests that the land campaign may recipient: Sydney ian party was broadly behind trial north.4 This position has have reversed the trend as early Vere Pearson and the government, if occasionally been challenged by those who as May 191210 – but what is more Noel Buxton MP disappointed with its priorities.14

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 17 the rank and file and the liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912: a note

In addition to studying the reac- including supporters of the ideas Very little personal views on each of the tions of MPs to the legislation of of Henry George, did experience important questions highlighted this period,15 historians have used something of a golden summer evidence above. In particular, it will two further types of evidence to on the back of Lloyd George’s has been present background information assess its impact in the country: land campaigns launched in the on the author and recipient and election results – by-elections summer of 1912.23 presented the constituency in which they and municipal contests16 – and Clearly each of these issues were actively involved. press reaction.17 could and did affect the party’s as to how The author of the letter29 was Amongst the problems beset- popularity in the country and Sydney Vere Pearson, a physi- ting the government in 1912 may have helped to turn both conventional cian who specialised in tubercu- was a revolt by doctors over middle- and working-class sup- rank-and-file losis. Pearson obtained an MA the newly instituted system of porters away to either Labour or, and MD from Cambridge and National Health Insurance.18 more likely, the Conservatives. activists felt MRCP from London30 but his This legislation was also criti- The Liberals lost a number of seats career as a consulting physician cised by workers, who objected to the Unionists in by-elections about the was curtailed by a severe bout to the compulsory deduction of during 1911–12 and suffered con- of pulmonary tuberculosis. Fol- 4d a week – a greater contribu- siderable setbacks in the munici- direction lowing sanatorium treatment in tion than either the employers pal elections of November 1911.24 Liberalism Germany, he returned to Brit- or the state were making.19 As Moreover, the Liberal press was ain in 1905 and became Medical the worst of the opposition to ambiguous in its response to was taking, Superintendent of a small private National Insurance began to some of the bolder aspects of sanatorium in Mundesley on the die down the government was government policy. Certainly or their views north Norfolk coast.31 He built plunged into renewed crisis in most provincial newspapers were the business up with the help of March 1912 by a national coal uncomfortable with the min- on the key increasing government support strike for a minimum wage. ers’ minimum wage, while some issues of the for sanatorium treatment, espe- Although generally opposed to were ambivalent about home cially under the provisions of state support for able-bodied rule, hostile to land reform and day. the 1911 National Insurance Act. adult males, Asquith’s cabi- broadly supportive of female suf- He continued to run the Mun- net utilised the precedent of frage but bitterly opposed to the desley sanatorium until after the Trade Boards’ Act of 1909, militant tactics of the Women’s the Second World War, chaired which had brought in minimum Social & Political Union. Only numerous TB-related commit- wages for the sweated trades, to on the National Insurance Act tees at local and national level, help meet the miners’ demands. did they wholeheartedly support including the Joint Tuberculosis Although stopping short of a the government.25 Council of Great Britain, and national rate, the government This evidence has often been wrote extensively on aspects of did introduce regional wage taken as proof that what the Lib- TB cause and cure.32 boards, initially on a temporary erals were facing was more than Pearson was also active in basis and in the face of some just mid-term blues. Despite politics, and particularly as a opposition from moderate and Labour’s limited success in elec- follower of Henry George, in business Liberals.20 tions (they polled no more than support of the taxation of land Early 1912 also saw the gov- 30 per cent in any of the by-elec- values (the ‘single tax’).33 He ernment begin the process of tions they contested and actually played a very active role in Lib- introducing the long-promised lost four seats they were nomi- eral constituency politics prior third Home Rule Bill and con- nally defending26) historians to the First World War, organis- tinue to grapple with the thorny have pointed to Unionist and ing a full calendar of events and problem of women’s suffrage. Labour advances in municipal speakers and providing leader- On neither count could the contests, and the wavering of ship in an area dominated by party really rely on a strongly the press, as proof of a profound rural labourers and petit-bour- positive response from the Brit- ideological and electoral malaise geois elements. He was a Vice ish electorate, and both may within Liberalism.27 Yet very lit- President of the North Norfolk have offended some parts of the tle evidence has been presented Liberal Party and chaired Mun- Liberal rank and file.21 On the as to how conventional rank- desley Liberal Association until other hand, attempts to deal and-file activists felt about the the First World War when, in with traditional concerns, such direction Liberalism was taking, 1915, his pacifism led him to join as education, temperance and or their views on the key issues the Independent Labour Party land reform, had proved no more of the day.28 The rest of this arti- (ILP). He became a volumi- effective following the curtail- cle will examine a detailed letter nous propagandist for the single ment of the power of the House from a prominent north Nor- tax between the wars, writing of Lords than they had before.22 folk Liberal activist to his MP many articles and letters for the However, land reformers, in March 1912, providing his left-wing press,34 and a string

18 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 the rank and file and the liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912: a note of books in the 1930s which Buxton and remained active in emanate from a traditional urban focused on the issue of over- politics until his death in 1948.40 Liberal, it does provide a rare population.35 He seceded from He was succeeded in North glimpse of the political views of the ILP in 1933 over their more Norfolk by his wife, Lucy, who a prominent rank-and-file activ- militant stance following their lost the seat in 1931 and con- ist. On its own it is insufficient disaffiliation from the Labour tested it unsuccessfully in 1935 to allow for radical conclusions, Party,36 and though he stayed a before returning to Parliament but it is suggestive of a number Labour supporter for the rest of in 1945 as one of the two Nor- of possibilities. Looking back the 1930s, by the mid-1940s he wich Labour MPs. She stood to the early debates about the claimed to have abandoned poli- down in 1950 and died in 1960.41 social basis of support for New tics altogether. He published his Their constituency was, Liberal ideas, it tends to confirm autobiography in 1946 and died a on the face of it, unusual Lib- the view that Liberal social poli- few years later.37 eral territory. One of five agri- cies were popular with educated, The recipient of Pearson’s cultural seats in Norfolk, it professional groups – what might letter, Noel Buxton, later Lord was amongst the safest Liberal be termed ‘progressives’.47 Pear- Noel-Buxton, was also on the seats in the south of England, son’s involvement with an evolv- left of the Liberal Party. Accord- remaining in the party’s control ing state apparatus for health and ing to the great Liberal journal- even in 1886 when many simi- welfare through his tuberculo- ist, A. G. Gardiner, Buxton was lar constituencies fell to Liberal sis work helps to identify him ‘not an orator, for he is too cau- Unionism.42 Representation had closely with the type of newly tious in the use of words for that, been dominated by the Cozens- positioned professional behind and he is not a popular politi- Hardy family of Holt, Method- much of the social interven- cian, for he has no touch of the ist squires and connections of tion apparent across the western demagogue in him’.38 Prior to the Norwich Colmans,43 whilst world at the turn of the century. the Great War his main politi- Buxton had distant family links Yet in Pearson’s case this progres- cal interest was in foreign affairs, to the area. Dominated by large sivism was rooted in traditional and in particular the Balkans. He Looking back estates dependent on grain pro- Liberal concerns and issues. His founded the Balkans Commit- duction, the area had suffered position on votes for women and tee and chaired it until 1913, act- to the early badly during the great agricul- Ireland were consistent or a lit- ing as a special advocate for the debates tural depression of the 1870s and tle ahead of most Liberals at the demands of Macedonia, leading 1880s. There were relatively few time, whilst his personal com- Gardiner to note: ‘Parliament about the smallholders and large numbers mitment to the views of Henry contains no one who brings to of labourers, whilst some of the George reflected a coherent the consideration of interna- social basis landlords, like the Marquis of strand in radical Liberalism since tional affairs a wider vision and Hastings of Melton Constable, at least the 1880s. Even on social a saner judgment than the man of support were known to act in a hostile issues his views reflected nine- who for ten years has fought the for New Lib- fashion towards Liberal voters.44 teenth-century values of equity battle of Balkan freedom with Most of the towns were small, and efficiency as much as the the single-minded devotion of a eral ideas, and many of those on the coast twentieth-century view of a new Knight-errant’.39 were replacing their former social politics, whilst in foreign He visited Bulgaria for the it tends to dependence on fishing with a affairs he shared the disapproval Balkan War Relief Fund, writ- growing holiday trade.45 Non- felt by many advanced Liberals, ing up his experiences in a book confirm the conformity was relatively weak, including Noel Buxton, for the published in 1913, and he played view that though Primitive Methodism policies of Sir Edward Grey, the an important part in the Foreign was practised by many of the Foreign Secretary.48 Affairs Committee of the House Liberal social labourers, whilst the Cozens- The letter also shows that of Commons. First elected for Hardy family promoted United even a committed radical like the Yorkshire fishing seat of policies were Methodism from their chapel in Pearson could find a number of Whitby, he won North Norfolk Holt.46 Although less representa- areas where he disagreed with for the Liberals in January 1910 popular with tive of the type of seat which the government on policy, pri- and held the seat until the elec- educated, has dominated discussion of the orities and direction. Yet these tion of December 1918, when Edwardian period, this con- differences do not suggest any he was defeated as a Liberal. professional stituency may have represented major break with the party, the He regained the seat in 1922 the future for Liberalism, and contents of the document tend- as a Labour candidate and held groups – it retained its radical credentials ing to confirm the view that it until 1930, serving as Ram- into the 1920s, when it was won 1912 was just a bad year for a Lib- say MacDonald’s Minister of what might by Noel Buxton for Labour at eral government, experiencing a Agriculture in 1924 and again be termed every election. severe case of mid-term blues, in 1929–30. He was elevated to Thus, although the letter rather than evidence of a ‘strange the Lords in 1930 as Lord Noel- ‘progressives’. from Pearson to Buxton did not death of Liberal England’.

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 19 the rank and file and the liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912: a note

On the other hand, Sydney for us. I think the temporary think the average Englishman’s Pearson was not typical of the set-back Liberalism has received interest in Irish Home Rule is rank-and-file activists who have has been almost entirely due to somewhat limited, and not to captured the attention of histo- the discreditable conduct of the be compared to that which it rians of Liberal decline. He was Tories in this connection.52 But takes in the Insurance Act.57 I am a professional rather than a busi- it is a relief to feel convinced that firmly of the conviction that the nessman, rural, not urban, and this will bring discredit to them- great majority of Englishmen not a practicing Nonconform- selves alone in the long run. now want Ireland to be granted ist – and thus it could be argued I think at present, bye-elec- Home Rule. There are only cer- that his views were not repre- tions are best avoided – even in tain places, such as Liverpool and sentative. Yet he does offer a rare Norfolk. I believe for at least its neighbourhood, where keen glimpse into the mind of the as long as the rest of this year, interest and controversy on this activist at this key moment, and hardly any Liberal seat can be subject remain. his prominent position as a Vice considered really safe.53 I was glad to see that the Par- President of the constituency I hope the present stormy liamentary Section of the For- party and chair of a small town time will be weathered. Of eign Relations Committee had committee point to him hold- course, I think any able bod- you for their Chairman the other ing mainstream views broadly ied, willing worker should get These dif- day. I am afraid I am one of those in line with those of other local a living wage for his work. But Liberals who has rather weak activists. Overall, this snapshot I certainly in principle do not ferences do faith in Sir Edward Grey.58 points to greater support for the approve of a minimum wage Lest the sentiments expressed government in the constituen- being fixed by statute for any not suggest in the letter which you read in cies than has been revealed by industry. At the present minute, any major “The Nation”59 were contrary studies of elections or the press, however, almost any [‘thing’ to mine, I hasten to tell you suggesting it was indeed the war, scored out and replaced by ‘tem- break with that I have not written any let- and not pre-war government porary measure’] which can ter which has appeared in “The policies, which led Pearson and bring an end to the Coal Strike the party, Nation”. I do not see this paper. others like him to abandon the is legitimate.54 I am, to a consid- I take in, and read as a rule, so party to left and right. erable extent, a follower of the the con- many dailies that I have not time economics of Henry George, tents of the to read also any weekly. The ~ and I believe that the taxation of only letter I have written to the land values would bring about a document public press in recent months is [Typewritten draft copy of let- cessation of unrest in the indus- one which did not see the light. ter from Sydney Vere Pear- trial world. Of course, I recog- tending to It was a short letter to “The son, M.B., M.R.C.P., Medical nise that this cannot be done at Daily Telegraph” attempting Superintendent, Mundesley San- once, and that any steps in this confirm the to show up the ignorance of Sir atorium, Norfolk and President direction must be undertaken view that Ray Lancaster60 about the Insur- Mundesley Liberal Association] somewhat [‘cautiously’ scored ance Act, and about the task set out and replaced by ‘gradually’]. 1912 was just the recently appointed Tuber- To Noel Buxton [in pencil] I have an idea that the report culosis Committee. I think this March 21st 1912 which the [‘present’ scored out] a bad year Committee is an excellent one, My dear Buxton, – commission now sitting to con- and, naturally, I am much inter- I owe you an apology for not sider the relationship between for a Liberal ested to hear their doings. Some acknowledging your letter of Imperial and Local taxation government, of these reach me.61 the 28th of last month.49 First let will bring forward will have When present troubles are me answer your question with in it useful suggestions [’pres- experienc- over, undoubtedly we have not regard to the further distribution ently’ scored out].55 But the time altogether finished yet with the of some Insurance pamphlets. I is not quite ripe for them, nor, ing a severe stupid members of my own pro- have had the offer of some Cob- should I imagine, is their report fession. It is very unfortunate that den Club pamphlets “The Hun- wanted by the Government just case of mid- so many [amended to] prejudiced, gry Forties” for distribution.50 at present. term blues, conservative and often quite I am going to see Wakelin51 in The meeting on Monday unfair obstacles should be placed the course of the next few days night, at which Mr. Oglesby rather than in the way of this beneficent Act. on this matter, and, after seeing spoke, was not very full. It was With regard to the Suffrage him, I will let you know what a wet night. I think it is unfor- evidence of question: I am in favour of grad- seems best with regard to dis- tunate that the Home Rule Bill ually getting to the condition of tributing more Insurance Act had not appeared before these a ‘strange [‘establishing’ scored out] Uni- pamphlets. I certainly think meetings,56 and that the Coal death of Lib- versal Adult Suffrage. As a step that the more knowledge which Strike distracts attention from towards this, I favour Woman is spread of this Act, the better this subject. But, in any case, I eral England’. Suffrage.62

20 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 the rank and file and the liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912: a note

[In pen] I apologise for the Overall, this 6 Laybourn, ‘Rise of Labour’; P.F. 15 Packer, Liberal Government for the length of this [illegible]. Clarke, Lancashire and the New Liter- most recent analysis of attitudes I remain, Yours sincerely snapshot alism (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- within Parliament to government SVP points to versity Press, 1971); Tanner, Political policy. Change; Barry M. Doyle, ‘Urban 16 Douglas, ‘Labour in Decline’; P.F. Professor Barry Doyle is Head of greater Liberalism and the “Lost Gen- Clarke, ‘The Electoral Position the Department of History, English, eration”: Politics and Middle Class of the Liberal and Labour Parties, Languages and Media at the Uni- support for Culture in Norwich, 1900–1935’, 1910–14’ English Historical Review 90 versity of Huddersfield. He is the Historical Journal 38 (1995), 617–634; (1975), 828–836; Laybourn, ‘Rise author of numerous articles on early the govern- Barry M. Doyle, ‘A Conflict of of Labour’; Cook, ‘Downfall of the twentieth century urban politics and ment in the Interests? The Local and National Liberal Party’; George L. Bernstein, has recently edited Urban Life and Dimensions of Middle Class Liber- ‘Liberals and the Progressive Alliance Politics in the Nineteenth and constituen- alism, 1900–1935’ in C. Jones & D. in the Constituencies, 1900–1914: Twentieth Centuries: Regional Dean (eds.) Parliament and Locality a Three Case Studies’ Historical Journal Perspectives (Cambridge Scholars cies than Special Issue of Parliamentary History 28 (1983), 617–640. Press, 2007). (Edinburgh, 1998), 131–40. 17 Bernstein, Liberalism. has been 7 Roy Douglas, ‘Labour in Decline, 18 Norman R. Eder, ‘Medical Opin- 1 George Dangerfield, The Strange revealed by 1910–14’ in K.D. Brown (ed.), Essays ion and the First Year of National Death of Liberal England (London: in Anti-Labour History. Responses to Health Insurance in Britain’ Albion Paladin Reprint 1970, first published studies of the Rise of Labour in Britain. (Basing- 11 (1979), 157–171. 1935); Henry Pelling, Social Geog- stoke: Macmillan, 1974); Bernstein, 19 Bernstein, Liberalism, 129–30; Thane, raphy of British Elections, 1885–1910 elections or Liberalism; Chris Cook, ‘Labour and ‘Working Class and State Welfare’. (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1967); the Downfall of the Liberal Party, 20 Bernstein, Liberalism, 136–8; Packer, George L. Bernstein, Liberalism and the press. 1906–14’ in Alan Sked and Chris Lloyd George, Liberalism and Land, 78; Liberal Politics in Edwardian England Cook (eds.), Crisis and Controversy, Powell Edwardian Crisis, 124–3. (London, Allen and Unwin, 1986); (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1976), 21 Bernstein, Liberalism, 150–63; D.W. Journal of Liberal History 54 (Spring 38–65; Ian Packer, Lloyd George, Bebbington, ‘Nonconformity and 2007), special issue on 1906. Liberalism and the Land: The Land Electoral Sociology, 1867–1918’ 2 Trevor Wilson, The Downfall of the Issue and Party Politics in England, Historical Journal, 27 (1984), 636–56; Liberal Party, 1914–1935, (London: 1906–1914 (Woodbridge: Boydell & Stephen Koss, ‘Wesleyanism and Fontana, 1966); Roy Douglas, A Brewer, 2001). Empire’ Historical Journal 18 (1975), History of the Liberal Party, 1895–1971 8 David Brooks, The Age of Upheaval: 105–18; Asquith himself was a strong (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, Edwardian Politics, 1899–1914 (Man- anti-suffragist, Powell, Edwardian 1971); Ian Packer, Liberal Government chester: Manchester University Crisis, 83–4. and Politics, 1905–15 (Basingstoke: Press, 1995), 140. 22 See Bernstein, Liberalism, pp.140–47 Palgrave, 2006); G.R. Searle, The 9 Pat Thane, ‘The Working Class and for the effects of this failure on the Liberal Party: Triumph and Disintegra- State Welfare in Britain, 1880–1914’, rank and file, but also D.W. Bebbing- tion, 1886–1929, (Basingstoke: Pal- Historical Journal 27 (1984), 878–97. ton, The Nonconformist Conscience: grave, 2nd ed. 2001). 10 Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism and Chapel Politics, 1870–1914 (London: 3 Dangerfield, Strange Death; Pel- Land, 81–82. George Allen & Unwin, 1982). ling, Social Geography; Bernstein, 11 See especially, P.F. Clarke, ‘The End 23 Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism and Liberalism. of Laissez-faire and the Politics of Land, 96. 4 Keith Laybourn, ‘The Rise of Cotton’ Historical Journal 15 (1972), 24 Cook, ‘Downfall of the Liberal Labour and the Decline of Liberal- 493–512. Party’. ism: The State of the Debate’, History, 12 H.V. Emy, Liberals, Radicals and Social 25 Bernstein, Liberalism, ch.7. 80 (1995), 209–26; Ross McKibbin, Politics, 1892–1914, (Cambridge: 26 Powell, Edwardian Crisis, 111–12. The Evolution of the Labour Party, Cambridge University Press, 1973); 27 Bernstein, Liberalism, 149-50; Cook, 1910–1924 (Oxford: Oxford Univer- Neal Blewett, The Peers, the Parties ‘Downfall of the Liberal Party’. sity Press, 1974); David Powell, The and the People: The General Elections 28 For rank-and-file MPs in this Edwardian Crisis: Britain, 1901–1914, of 1910 (London: Macmillan, 1972); period, see Searle, ‘Liberal Party and (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1996). Clarke, New Liberalism. Business’; Packer, ‘Liberal Cave’. For 5 Wilson, Downfall; Douglas, Liberal 13 Clarke, ‘End of Laissez-faire’; Bern- local activists, Doyle, ‘Urban Liber- Party; Packer, Liberal Government; stein, Liberalism. alism’; Doyle, ‘Conflict of Interests’. Michael Bentley, The Climax of 14 G.R. Searle, ‘The Edwardian Liberal 29 The letter is in a collection of four Liberal Politics: British Liberalism in Party and Business’, English Historical news cuttings books assembled Theory and Practice,1868–1918 (Lon- Review 98 (1983), 28–60; Ian Packer, by Sydney Vere Pearson during don: Edward Arnold, 1987); Dun- ‘The Liberal Cave and the 1914 the course of his life. Though not can Tanner, Political Change and the Budget’, English Historical Review 111 entirely themed, vol. 4 is mostly Labour Party 1900–1918 (Cambridge: (1996), 620–35. For local activists, medical and biographical material, Cambridge University Press, 1990). Doyle, ‘Urban Liberalism’. focussing particularly on his books

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 21 the rank and file and the liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912: a note

of the 1930s and 1940s; vol. 1 relates Geography, 98–99. standard position amongst Liberals largely to his earlier life, mostly the 45 J.K. Walton, The British Seaside: Holi- at this time, see Bernstein, Liberalism, period 1910–20; whilst vols. 2 and days and Resorts in the Twentieth Cen- 136–8. 3 are concerned mainly with his tury (Manchester University Press, 55 The committee was set up to review involvement with left-wing and Manchester, 2000). changes in local taxation since the land reform organisations during the 46 Kinnear, British Voter; C. Binfield, Royal Commission on Local Taxa- later 1910s and the 1920s. The four So Down to Prayers: Studies in English tion reported in 1901 but took on a volumes are in the possession of the Nonconformity, 1780–I920 (London: particular brief to address the thorny author. Dent, 1978). issue of rating valuation. Final Report 30 Typescript biography dated 10/1939, 47 P.F. Clarke, ‘The Progressive Move- of the Departmental Committee on Local probably for publicity purposes ment in England’, Transactions of the Taxation [CD 7315] (HMSO, 1914). whilst in the United States. Copy in Royal Historical Society, 5th Ser., 24, 56 The Bill was introduced on 11 April Pearson Newscuttings vol. 4, 84. (1974), 159–81. 1912. Bernstein, Liberalism, 158. 31 Drawn from reviews of his autobi- 48 Packer, Liberal Government, 28–36. 57 Packer presents evidence from lead- ography. Pearson Newscuttings, vol. 49 Unfortunately this letter is not avail- ing Liberals that this was the case, 4, 121–7. able, so some references in Pearson’s though Bernstein argues that, in 32 Typescript biography, Pearson letter are a little opaque. 1912 at least, Home Rule was still Newscuttings vol. 4, 84. This vol- 50 The Cobden Club, named in hon- popular in the provinces. Packer, ume also contains numerous articles our of the leading free trader of the Lloyd George, Liberalism and Land, on TB. mid-nineteenth century, remained 79–80, Bernstein, Liberalism, 159. 33 Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism a key propaganda tool of free trad- For sectarianism in Liverpool see P.J. and Land, 30; A. Offer, Property and ers into the twentieth century. Dur- Waller, Democracy and Sectarianism: Politics 1870–1914: Landownership, ing the Tariff Reform controversy A Political and Social History of Liver- Law Ideology and Urban Development. of 1903–13, the Club produced a pool, 1868–1939 (Liverpool: Liverpool (Cambridge: Cambridge University number of pamphlets, The Hungry University Press, 1981). Press, 1983). Forties being particularly popular in 58 For general radical disapproval of 34 Pearson Newscuttings vols. 1–4. rural areas. Anthony Howe, ‘Free Edward Grey, Packer, Liberal Gov- 35 S. Vere Pearson, The Growth and Trade and the Repeal of the Corn ernment, 31–32. Distribution of Population (London: Laws’, http://www.liberalhistory. 59 The Nation was a radical/new Lib- George Allen and Unwin, 1935); S. org.uk/item_single.php?item_id= eral weekly newspaper founded Vere Pearson, London’s Overgrowth 16&item=history&PHPSESSID=3 in 1907, owned by the Rowntrees and the Causes of Swollen Towns (Lon- 2f74420ec33, accessed 16 July 2007; and edited by H.W. Massingham. don: C.W. Daniel and Co, 1939). Alan Sykes, Tariff Reform in British Key New Liberal thinkers such as 36 Eastern Daily Press, 5 May 1933 in Politics 1903–13 (Oxford: Clarendon L.T. Hobhouse contributed exten- Pearson Newscuttings vol. 4, 24. Press, 1979). sively to its pages and also helped to 37 S. Vere Pearson, Men, Medicine and 51 Secretary, North Norfolk Liberals. inform Lloyd George’s land enquir- Myself (London: Museum Press, 52 Eder, ‘Medical Opinion’; E.H.H. ies of 1912–13. Michael Freeden, The 1946). Green, The Crisis of Conservatism: The New Liberalism: An ideology of Social 38 A.G.G. ‘Mr. Noel Buxton: A Char- Politics, Economics and Ideology of the Reform (Oxford: Clarendon Press, acter Study’, Daily News 26 April British Conservative Party, 1880–1914; 1986 reprint with corrections); Peter 1913. Trade and the Empire (Oxford: Oxford Clarke, Liberals and Social Democrats 39 Ibid. University Press, 1995). (Cambridge: Cambridge University 40 M. Stenton and S. Lees (Eds.), Who’s 53 Within six weeks the party was Press, 1978); Packer, Lloyd George, Who of British Members of Parliament: plunged into a by-election in North- Liberalism and the Land, 81. A Biographical Dictionary of the House West Norfolk, following the death 60 An eminent zoologist. A copy of the of Commons Based on Annual Volumes of Sir George White, the Norwich unpublished letter is in Pearson cut- of ‘Dod’s Parliamentary Companion’ businessman who had held the seat tings vol. 1. and Other Sources. 4 Vols. (Sussex: since 1900. In a famous campaign by 61 The National Insurance Act allowed Harvester Press, 1976–1980): vol.3, the single taxer E.G. Hemmerde, the for sanatorium treatment for TB 53–54. seat was held easily, giving a further sufferers. See Linda Bryder, Below 41 Ibid., vol.4, 278–79. boost to Lloyd George’s land cam- the Magic Mountain A Social History 42 Michael Kinnear, The British Voter: paign plans. For White, see Barry of Tuberculosis in Twentieth-Century An Atlas and Survey since 1885. (Lon- M. Doyle, ‘Modernity or Moral- Britain, (Oxford: Oxford University don: Batsford, 1968). ity? George White, Liberalism and Press, 1988). 43 D. Cannadine, Aspects of Aristocracy: the Nonconformist Conscience 62 This rather half-hearted response Grandeur and Decline in Modern Brit- in Edwardian England’ Historical betrays Pearson’s own weakness on ain (Yale University Press, 1994), Research 71 (1998), 324–40. For Hem- this topic. While an undergradu- 184–210. merde, Packer, Lloyd George, Liberal- ate at Cambridge he had publicly 44 Pam Barnes, Norfolk Landowners since ism and Land, 81. opposed the awarding of degrees to 1880 (Norwich, 1993); Pelling, Social 54 This appears to have been the women. Pearson Cuttings vol. 1.

22 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 Thirty years after being charged with conspiracy to murder Norman Scott, former Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe gives a rare interview and talks frankly about the party, his role in its history and much more besides. Interview by York Membery. interview: Jeremy Thorpe

he years have clearly – he speaks in short sentences in he says. ‘I’d also been lucky taken their toll on Jer- a barely audible whisper – it is enough to know both Megan emy Thorpe but few soon apparent when we meet at Lloyd George – who was a huge politicians have had to his elegant Georgian house near influence on me – and her father endure such trauma in Kensington Gardens in London David, of whom I was an enor- Ttheir lives. Forced to step down that his brain remains sharp. mous admirer. The Conserva- as Liberal leader following the This once formidable cam- tive Party never held any appeal whirlwind that erupted follow- paigner, who led the Liberal for me.’ ing allegations made by a male Party to its best post-war result At Oxford he learnt the model, he lost his seat at the 1979 in the February 1974 election, importance of public speaking election, and was subsequently when it polled an impressive six and still believes that the Oxford struck down by Parkinson’s Dis- million votes, nearly 20 per cent Union is ‘vital grounding for ease. While he is treated with of the poll, is a lifelong Liberal, those wanting to go into poli- due respect by the party estab- despite being the son of John tics’. Despite proving a natural lishment – Nick Clegg recently Henry Thorpe, and a maternal on the platform, he goes on to attended a low-key 79th birthday grandson of Sir John Norton- reveal: ‘I was terrified the first party at his London home – his Griffiths, both of whom were time I stood to make a speech at reputation has never fully recov- Conservative MPs. a Liberal Assembly.’ ered from being charged with Educated at Eton and then Adopted as Liberal candidate conspiracy to murder Norman at Trinity College, Oxford, for the Conservative-held North Scott in 1978, even if he was sub- where he studied law, he became Devon constituency in 1952, he sequently acquitted. Chairman of the Liberal Club, managed to halve the Conserva- Given his Parkinson’s, it is and subsequently President of tive majority at the 1955 gen- not altogether surprising that he the Oxford Union in 1951. ‘I eral election, before going on looks his age. Despite the dis- joined the Liberals because the to narrowly win the seat in the ease robbing him of much of the other two parties were polar- 1959 election, which saw Harold power of his speech, however ised between Left and Right,’ Macmillan’s Tories win a near-

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 23 interview: jeremy thorpe

landslide. ‘I captured the seat ‘The party nearly died in 1970’, thanks in part to its Liberal tradi- he says. ‘It was a close run thing. tion’, he says modestly although And if I hadn’t survived as an MP in truth to win in 1959 was just as – my majority had been slashed much a tribute to Thorpe’s out- – I really don’t know if there standing campaigning skills. The would still be a Liberal Party.’ 1950s saw the Liberal Party reach What would he have done if he a nadir in its fortunes, with the had lost his seat? ‘Perhaps gone Conservative and Labour par- into television,’ he muses. ties hogging the central ground As it happens, Thorpe sur- in politics, and as a result many vived, if by the narrowest of mar- called into question the Liberals’ gins, and the next three years saw continuing existence. And with him lead the party to a string of just a handful of MPs, Thorpe by-election victories at Roch- readily admits: ‘We came very dale, Sutton & Cheam, Ripon, close to extinction during the the Isle of Ely, and Berwick. decade.’ Those successes paved the way While the 1960s saw the Lib- for his moment of glory: the gen- erals triumph at the Orpington eral election triumph of Febru- by-election, and go on to win ary 1974, when he won the party over three million votes in 1964, six million votes (19.3 per cent of almost double the 1959 figure, the vote) even if it only ended up under Jo Grimond’s leadership, with a paltry fourteen seats. the decade ultimately proved Following the inconclusive disappointing – even if from a February 1974 general elec- personal point of view, it saw tion, which produced a hung Thorpe make rapid progress parliament, Heath even invited through the party ranks, in 1965 Thorpe to join a Conservative- becoming Party Treasurer and, led coalition government, offer- following Grimond’s resigna- ing him a position in the Cabinet tion in 1967, party leader, with as Home Secretary, in a desper- the support of six of the twelve ate bid to stay in power. Tempt- Liberal MPs. ing though the offer must have Somewhat surprisingly, been, Thorpe turned it down, Thorpe takes what could be knowing that to accept would interpreted as a bit of a swipe have torn the party apart. ‘It at Grimond (Liberal leader was a pointless exercise anyway 1956–67), the inspirational fig- because even with our support ure who is widely credited with Heath wouldn’t have had a par- helping to revive the Liberals’ liamentary majority’, observes post-war fortunes. ‘He was a Thorpe. great ideas man,’ says Thorpe. There had always been ‘But the organisation was a rumours about Thorpe’s sexual- shambles when I took over the ity and in 1975, Norman Scott, party – and you know, I played a who claimed that he had had a part in just about every by-elec- homosexual affair with him, was tion campaign that we won in confronted by Andrew New- the sixties and early seventies.’ ton, a former airline pilot, who However, for all Thorpe’s shot and killed the dog Scott youthful dynamism, and assorted was walking and then allegedly Edwardian suits, waistcoats and pointed the gun at Scott him- trilby hats, which undoubtedly self. The subsequent scandal raised his public profile, the 1970 engulfed Thorpe and forced him general election proved a disas- to step down as leader in 1976. ter for the party. Its number of His political career was effec- MPs slumped from thirteen to tively over and three years later six, resulting in opponents jok- he lost his seat at the 1979 elec- Jeremy Thorpe ing that ‘the entire parliamen- tion, a week before his trial. in 2008 (photos; tary party could fit into a taxi’. It For all his personal tribula- York Membery) was a grim time, admits Thorpe. tions, Thorpe has continued to

24 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 interview: jeremy thorpe take a keen interest in the Lib- There’s everything to play for, in So what I’m aware, although it’s a view eral Party and, following its my opinion.’ that many people of all political merger with the SDP in 1988, If the Lib Dems were indeed is Thorpe shades probably secretly share. the Liberal Democrats – and to hold the balance of power proudest of, I And what about the European is clearly buoyed by the party’s after the next election, what Union, I ask? Has he changed strong showing in this year’s advice would Thorpe have for ask? ‘Helping his views in any way? ‘I think local elections, when it won his successor in the ensuing Europe has grown too power- more votes than the Labour negotiations? ’We’ve simply got the party win ful’, says Thorpe to my surprise, Party. So how does he think the to take a tougher approach to for he played a prominent role party and its leader Nick Clegg negotiating – something I think six million in the pro-Europe campaign in are faring? ‘The party is much we could have done in the days votes – and the 1975 referendum to decide stronger now than when I was of the Lib-Lab Pact [1977–78] whether Britain should stay in leader,’ he says, despite its failure too,’ says Thorpe. ‘But with so putting us the EEC. And perhaps too unac- to stem the Tory surge in Crewe many more seats, today’s party countable as well? He nods in & Nantwich which resulted in a is much better placed to take a back on the agreement. headline-grabbing Conservative more robust approach and nego- So what is Thorpe proudest by-election win, albeit the par- tiate that bit harder on electoral electoral of, I ask? ‘Helping the party win ty’s first for twenty-five years. reform among other things.’ map’. six million votes – and putting ‘It’s better organised. It has more It is clear that Thorpe looks us back on the electoral map’, MPs and more councillors. And back sentimentally on his time as he says with just the slightest I think Nick’s doing well … Liberal leader (even if it saw the hesitation – and the glimmer of although it takes a bit of time to death of his first wife Caroline a smile. But does he ever think settle into the job.’ in a car crash) – at least until the that he and his accomplish- What of the recent storm in Norman Scott affair blew up and ments have, to an unfair extent, a teacup when Clegg admitted sent his career crashing down perhaps been written out of the during an interview that he’d to earth. ‘I enjoyed leading the party’s history as a result of the had ‘less than thirty’ sexual part- party enormously and if I could Norman Scott affair, I ask as sen- ners? ‘It will soon be forgotten’, have carried on doing so I would sitively as possible? He appears he says with a shrug, obviously have done but it just wasn’t pos- not to hear me. I’m about to regarding it as a trivial mat- sible,’ he says quietly, his voice repeat the question when I catch ter. What would Thorpe advise trailing off. his eye and sense that he’s heard the party’s young leader if he is I am about to raise the Scott me but would simply prefer not asked something similarly ris- affair when, perhaps reading to answer. And given his fragile qué again? ‘Just be tough – and my mind, he pre-empts me. ‘Of state of health, now is clearly not if he doesn’t particularly want to course, you know Norman Scott the time for a Paxo-style grill- answer something, ask himself has been discredited’, he says ing. So instead I thank him for “Do I really want to answer this before adding quietly: ‘Although his time, shake his frail hand and question?”’, whispers Thorpe. the affair had a very serious effect make my way out. He readily admits to being on my career …’ Not to mention Few politicians in modern unhappy about the way the his health. For Thorpe goes on British political history can have party treated Charles Kennedy, to suggest that ‘the terrible stress been condemned to such a harsh who like him, was forced to step and strain’ of those dark days fate as Thorpe: to lose a wife, down as leader. ‘I think he was helped trigger the onset of his and then suffer disgrace, politi- treated very badly,’ says Thorpe. Parkinson’s Disease. cal ignominy and the slow liv- ‘Drunkenness is not a permanent The old politician is clearly ing death that is Parkinson’s. disability. It can be treated.’ tiring and it seems an appropriate Furthermore, he will almost Despite David Cameron and time to wrap up our interview. certainly never be accorded the Tories’ current double-digit As we walk slowly down the the late-life accolade of a peer- lead in the polls over Labour, stairs he asks if there is anything age or knighthood like so many and their Crewe triumph, else I’d like to ask. What does he of his peers. Perhaps posterity Thorpe believes ‘a political rea- think about Robert Mugabe, I will treat this most intriguing if lignment of the “left” is still say, knowing he’s always taken a tragic of political figures, who very much on the cards’ in the keen interest in African affairs? in his heyday was perhaps the years ahead. ‘The Labour Party ‘I think he is a ghastly, wicked most popular party leader and is increasingly becoming a two- man’, whispers Thorpe. ‘He brilliant campaigner in the land, strand party – of socialists and should be assassinated.’ ‘Sorry?’, more kindly. social democrats’, he says, ‘while I ask, seeking clarification. ‘He the Tories are similarly divided – should be assassinated,’ he reit- York Membery is a journalist and between “liberals” and the more erates – something which is not a member of the Liberal Democrat hardline, right-wing Tories. Liberal Democrat policy as far as History Group executive.

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 25 The 1908 hastings By-Election

After the 1867 approaching that by-elections as times, after 1958, by Franchise Act, and of major sporting indicators of how sizeable swings in the emergence of events. David Butler the political tide was the region of ten to mass politics, by- makes this point flowing’.1 Equally twenty per cent to elections became in his study of by- interestingly, the Liberals, whilst a frequent source elections (essentially Jaime Reynolds ‘the opponents’ of analysis and – post-1918) to has referred, in [vote share] plunges with the support emphasise the this Journal, to dramatically’. 2 Ian of the popular national factor: the ‘Spectacular Ivatt analyses the press – a subject ‘there was nothing Victories’ achieved Hastings by-election of interest even to compete with in more modern of 1908.

26 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 The 1908 hastings By-Election

i s t o r i a n s o f previous (1906) election and at Unionists achieved 38.9 per cent, Edwardian politics the subsequent 1910 elections, and the Labour candidate 19.4 have spent much but at 91.6 per cent it was quite in per cent. However, at Hastings, time analysing the keeping with the generally high there were other factors at work, dry bones of by- turnouts at Edwardian elections, which I shall consider later. Helections in their period, though and certainly high enough to Historically, Liberal strength they have given more attention make the result of psephological in the county of Sussex had to those that cast light on the rel- interest. In his study of regional always been weak, with the pre- ative strengths of the Liberal and political consciousness, Trevor viously-mentioned Hastings seat Labour Parties than to those that Hopper records policy quarrels as the sole victory in 1900, fol- point to the relative fortunes of between the Hastings ‘Labourists lowed by an unexpected Liberal Liberals and Unionists. One of and the Liberalists’, following, in win at the nearby Rye by-elec- the latter was the by-election at part, a national trend, although tion in 1903. The 1906 general Hastings on 3 March 1908, the no Labour candidate entered the election, with its huge swing first such contest to be fought fray.5 Not so unexpectedly, Hast- away from Unionism to Liber- since the introduction of the ings retained its Unionist major- alism, changed all that. Liberal Liberal government’s 1908 legis- ity in 1908, at an enhanced level, victories took place at East Grin- lative programme. for a number of reasons, and these stead, Eastbourne and the two The ancient town of Hastings, are the subject of this article. Brighton seats. Thus, while the one of Henry Pelling’s ‘fashion- It is important to remember Liberals held one solitary seat in able watering places’, and a non- that whilst by-elections reflect 1900, gaining that of the by-elec- industrialised borough3 does not public opinion at the time, either tion victory at Rye6 in 1903, in fit neatly with the general trend for or against the government of The by- 1906 they gained four new seats, in Edwardian politics, having the day, it would be wrong to holding half of the possible total fallen to the Liberals in 1900 and assume that any such local results election at of eight (Rye, along with Hast- then been won by the Union- would, multiplied many times ings, returning to the Unionist ists, against the flow, amidst the over all constituencies, be rep- Hastings on fold in 1906). With both seats at landslide Liberal victory in 1906. resentative of a nationwide out- Portsmouth also gained in 1906, Hastings itself represented a come. Voting behaviour is simply 3 March 1908 plus the Isle of Wight, the trans- social mixture of those living off not that consistent. Undoubt- was the first formation in Liberal represen- their own means, those engaged edly, national considerations play tation on this part of the south in the hotel trade and ordinary a part, and in the Hastings case such contest coast looked almost miraculous. working men, these last invaria- none more so than the vexed Liberal aspirations after 1906 bly involved in the building and question of Free Trade or Tariff to be fought were, in the main, blunted property repair sectors. Elec- Reform. Unionist hopes were by a more unified Conserva- torally, the parliamentary bor- buoyed up by the theory that, since the tive/Unionist group, greatly ough had had mixed fortunes had the case for Tariff Reform introduction buoyed up by their successes in since 1885, the seat being shared been promoted fully at the South the November 1906 municipal between the Unionists and Lib- Leeds by-election only a month of the Liberal elections, and they were sepa- erals. Liberals had the personal before, the seat might have gone rately thwarted by the conniv- allure of the influential Lord the Unionist way. Unusually, govern- ance of Unionist members of the Brassey to aid them, a member this had been a three-cornered Commons in the Lords’ non- of the Hastings elite noted for his fight with Labour included, and ment’s 1908 acceptance of the government’s local activities and generosity.4 the Liberals retained the seat legislative flagship bills on education and The 1908 by-election saw by a mere whisker, at 41.7 per licensing. Furthermore, at least a lower turnout than at the cent of the total poll, whilst the programme. outside Parliament, there was

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 27 the 1908 hastings by-election little enthusiasm for abolishing the subsequent by-election, the Local Liberals famous figures could not have the plural voting system – always tables were turned, with a return been more different. Arthur Du an arguably unhelpful factor in swing to the Unionists of almost considered Cros, an avid Tariff Reformer, Liberal electoral calculations. virtual parity. their chances was reported in the local Hast- A new underlying strength, in In the same month, Hastings ings press as expressing hopes that the shape of a vigorous approach was involved in a similar contest, good in ‘fiscal reform and preference in to Tariff Reform, at least by although here, as already stated, practical effect would be secured early 1908, was beginning to be in 1906 the seat had been won what was, for the benefit of this country’. evident in the Unionist ranks. by the Unionists, much against He optimistically viewed the Conversely, the Liberals hoped the run of play. Nevertheless, effectively, suggested discord between Mr for successful new legislation local Liberals considered their a marginal Chamberlain and Mr Balfour ‘as that year, especially pertaining chances good in what was, effec- only apparent – the men were to licensing and education. Fur- tively, a marginal borough seat. borough [in reality] together’.11 Du Cros thermore, as Blewett records, The Brassey family interest still pointedly asserted at meetings when referring to the national counted for something, and the seat. that the ‘free import system had liquor trade interest, which cam- 1906 Unionist majority was, hopelessly broken down’, a view paigned wrathfully and indefati- after all, only 413 votes. Hast- he felt was evidenced by his busi- gably against Liberal-imposed ings was undoubtedly ‘never an ness life, being the managing licensing changes, mobilisation obscure town’, as was implied in director of Dunlop Pneumatic of the brewer y interests undoubt- one local newspaper;9 yet neither Tyres, and a director of other edly aided the Unionist electoral was it terribly prosperous. There rubber companies both in Eng- recovery in 1908. Hastings had were two Liberal clubs in or land and abroad. In his election no breweries but Brighton, a few around the town, so on the sur- meetings and literature, he pro- miles along the coastline to the face there was some semblance posed that increased expendi- west, did. Blewett also comments of a local Liberal organisation. ture on old age pensions could on opposition to the Liberals’ Hastings Liberals were, as be funded by a change to tariffs, Licensing Bill being ‘formidable they vociferously claimed, quite underlined by the appealing slo- and skilfully organised’ and notes unprepared for the sudden res- gan, ‘A vote for tariff reform is a how it could ‘doubtless cause the ignation on ‘health grounds’ of vote for the Briton’.12 loss of many votes, even seats to the sitting Unionist, Harvey Du Arthur Philip Du Cros, a the [Liberal] government’.7 This Cros, a descendent of a nota- married man with two girls and strength was to grow through- ble Huguenot family. Hastings a boy, held first-class Conserva- out the year and was reflected Unionists speedily adopted his tive electoral assets. He had won in by-elections. In January 1908, son Arthur, a local man (albeit no less than thirteen amateur the Mid Devon seat at Ashbur- born in Dublin in 1871), as their cycling championships, suc- ton, Liberal since 1885, fell to the candidate. Du Cros’s earlier con- cessfully competing in both jubilant Unionists, their man, nections with the candidature France and Germany. He was an Morrison-Bell, being a dedicated of Bow & Bromley were tidily expert motorist and had report- Tariff Reformer. Eve, the resign- relinquished. The Liberals had edly driven over 100,000 miles ing Liberal, who was appointed no one ready and waiting in the throughout Europe, besides to the High Court, had held the wings; no local candidates were being a keen shot with a rifle. seat since January 1904, with a forthcoming, meaning that the Most importantly, he owned a near-59 per cent share of the poll. net had to be cast further afield property at St Leonards-on-Sea, Now the Unionist share grew to attract Sir Robert Vernon adjacent to Hastings, and was by ten per cent, with the Liberal Harcourt (1878–1962), son of the often seen on the local golf links. tally falling away by the same late Sir William Harcourt, from Local press articles referred to margin.8 London. One possible personal Du Cros as a man ‘endowed In March 1908, the Liber- reason for Harcourt’s candida- with a unique experience, com- als suffered a further blow, los- ture could have been his relative, bined with youth and energy’. ing Peckham, which had been Susan Harcourt, whose life had Moreover, he had seen service gained by Clarke for the Liber- been commemorated by a brass in the Army both before and als in 1906. This was a seat the plaque in the elaborate Hastings during the South African War. Unionists would always have Gothic church of Holy Trinity, He was commissioned into the expected to retain, but a huge built between 1851 and 1859. Warwickshire Regiment, tak- swing to the Liberals of in excess Susan apparently entertained a ing part in General Roberts’ of twenty per cent in the landslide great many people from Nune- general advance and in several year of 1906 had wrested it from ham, the Harcourt family seat in engagements. He particularly their grasp; the 1906 turnout had Oxfordshire.10 interested himself in musketry, been well up on 1900, and the Save for their shared privi- having obtained the neces- eligible electorate was larger. In leged upbringing, these sons of sary certificates of proficiency,

28 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 the 1908 hastings by-election including the title of ‘Instruc- Death Duties being quickly con- meetings throughout the county tor to the Battalion’.13 In brief, demned by Du Cros as taxation quickly emerging to counter he was described in the region’s beyond the grave. effectively any Nonconformist newspaper as ‘an ideal candidate The electoral battle swiftly support for the measure. Overall, of the type which the country moved into what would be a the real grievance felt by Hast- particularly needs at this impor- short and sharp contest. Already, ings Liberals was the speed with tant juncture’.14 in the run-up to the writ for the which the Unionists adopted Sir Robert Harcourt, by by-elections and beyond, Lib- their candidate and started cam- comparison, did not have such eral rallies and gatherings in paigning. The Liberal part-time a history of ‘derring-do’. In his East Sussex had tended to debate agent described it as being ‘like a boyhood, his family had spent educational reform, army econo- bolt out of the blue’, yet Liberal time with the Roseberys, and mies and old age pensions. The attempts to gain potential votes correspondence from that time Unionists, especially in nearby by suggesting an ungentlemanly reveals ‘affectionate and play- Lewes, favoured discussions on ‘springing’ of the contest upon ful allusions’15 between the two the merits of Tariff Reform, with them appear, when the votes groups. As a sixteen-year-old, a supportive selection of letters were counted, to have been less he had listened, in the House of in the countywide press such as than fruitful.20 Commons, with his half-brother the Uckfield Weekly and the West Meanwhile, the Tariff Reform Lewis (LouLou) Harcourt, Sussex County Times and Standard League, Hastings Branch, was to their father’s 1894 Budget pointing to the special local cir- making headway in the har- speech, including its controver- cumstances of the hop industry. bour quarter (the subject of some sial Death Duty clauses.16 He Lewes, an ever-popular polit- exquisite paintings by Turner) was Cambridge-educated and ical venue, was chosen by the by showing local fishermen the had spent some time in the East Liberals for a Mid Sussex pre- contrast between French tax End of London, observing social by-election rally. The Under- dues imposed upon English fish conditions. From 1900, he spent Secretary for War, the Earl of and Britain’s Free Trade policy. five years in the diplomatic sec- Portsmouth, was present, as was At one point, a crowd of boys tion of the Foreign Office. He Sussex-based Sydney Buxton, made a nuisance of themselves by resigned to join the staff of the the Postmaster-General. The throwing stones from the beach progressive newspaper, The Trib- Harcourt’s proceedings focused upon the on to the iron roof of the Fish une, assuming the twin roles of merits of the Liberal Education Packing Shed, effecting consid- parliamentary correspondent policy, Bill, the new licensing provisions erable disruption at one meeting. and drama critic. He was the (Harcourt’s father, Sir William, Also, there were local newspaper author of several plays.17 During depicted on had been a formidable temper- reports of junior Conservatives the Hastings campaign, he was ance reformer), support for the in a bout of fisticuffs (apparently seemingly silent over the ques- his election new Territorial Army scheme roused by the chant of ‘Harcourt, tion of Ireland. He was obliged posters, was and claims of a strong Navy. The Harcourt’) with radical mem- to suffer jeers of ‘Liberal carpet- two latter issues were of special bers of Hastings Baptist Chapel, bagger’18 from fringe Union- to emphasise significance to those voters on with the ‘Progressives’ suppos- ist elements, who ignored his or near the Channel coast, with edly attempting to seize the Con- marked Liberal pedigree. the success their fears of invasion. The main servative Association’s election Harcourt’s policy, depicted attack on the Unionist Tariff banner! In any event, the capture on his election posters, was to of Free Trade Reform idea centred upon the failed but one of the banner poles emphasise the success of Free (some Liber- Liberal ditty, ‘Stamp, stamp, was broken in the mêlée. ‘Heads Trade (some Liberals believed stamp upon Protection’, by cour- were punched, and a President of Tariff Reform was a system that als believed tesy of the invited Liberal choir, one of the district Conservative ground out millionaires at one conducted by a Mr Sole. The Associations was roughly mauled, end and paupers at the other), TariffR eform Unionist campaign concentrated having his shirt front torn out and since 1908 was already starting on countering Liberal assertions his umbrella smashed.’21 to look as if it would be a year was a system that Tariff Reform meant taxes As already intimated by of strong economic perform- that ground on food, a potentially more seri- Trevor Hopper, all was not well ance. His radical preferences ous contribution!19 between the Hastings Liberal reflected a desire to get both out million- Unfortunately for the Liber- and Radical groups, local press the reintroduced Education Bill als, some London suffragettes reports indicating that the Lib- and the Licensing Bill through aires at one arrived in Hastings to sully the eral Party ‘had no more sym- Parliament, although his prior- campaign by urging voters not pathy with the cause of Labour ity argument, much to Unionist end and pau- to vote Liberal. Local opinion than the Tories had’. The ongo- annoyance, was to give his sup- pers at the in the drink trade steadily hard- ing issue of labour representation port to the case for broadening ened, following the national and the increasing socialist ten- the basis of taxation, the issue of other). trend, with anti-Licensing Bill dencies of some trade unionists

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 29 the 1908 hastings by-election were to cause disagreements, if Unionist voters, as against the other part of Sussex, Hampshire, not actual lost Liberal votes. The considerably meagre Liberal Kent, and even Brussels in Bel- Hastings and St Leonards Weekly transport fleet. As The Times put gium. One such vote was secured Mail and Times, published each it,23 there was ‘an imposing pro- from a voter just about to board Saturday, endeavoured to redress cession of Unionist motor cars’ a ship. Suffragettes were believed the balance by portraying the and the ‘Liberals were not so well to have added to Liberal misery. Liberals as a caring party for equipped in this respect’. Never- The unsuccessful Liberal candi- working men, having a column theless, one supportive Member date, Harcourt, contended that in their weekly edition entitled of Parliament brought some Lib- the defeat could be attributed to ‘Work and Wages’ to report on eral voters all the way from Buck- Liberal abstentions at the poll; such items as work for the unem- inghamshire in his motor car. unfavourable local conditions; an ployed, rates of pay, the Distress Even up to polling day, local inadequate and unprepared local Committee and the provision of Tariff Reformers paraded a don- organisation; neglect of registra- free school meals. This last issue key in the streets as an electoral tion procedure, resulting in a loss entailed a petition by ‘Hastings ploy, with boards bearing an of lodger votes, usually regarded Townsmen [to] call upon the intended insult, ‘My brothers as mostly Liberal; and the heavy Town Council to make Appli- and sisters vote for Free Trade’. odds of competing against an cation [under the School Meals County press reports empha- entrenched local man. In partic- Act] for the Provision of Meals’. sised the fact that there were ular, he voiced his belief that ‘the The other local newspaper, the ‘too many Conservatives and Licensing Bill of 1908 had a dam- Hastings & St Leonards Observer, Tariff Reformers in the town’. aging effect upon Liberal pros- ran separate articles under the The Liberal equestrian response pects’. 28 Both the Sussex Express, heading of ‘hungry children’, centred on a local carrier’s cart a weekly Saturday countywide and this publicity eventually led whose horse bore ‘on each flank edition, and The Times29 seemed to a grant of £100 from Hastings a card saying – vote for Harcourt to be in agreement that the Council. The Social Democratic and no tax on my oats’.24 Unionist victory was ‘first and Party (the name adopted by the The electorate was slightly foremost [due] to Tariff Reform Social Democratic Federation lower than in 1906 – 8,707 as and particularly to the colonial in 1907) managed to garner compared to 8,758, out of a total Both the Sus- preference side of the question.’ the accolades for this, describ- population of 61,145 as recorded sex Express Du Cros considered the election ing their success as down to in the 1911 census, as opposed to was won on these grounds before the efforts of their ‘little band 65,545 recorded in the 1901 cen- and the Licensing Bill had any impact. of socialists’. Once more, there sus. The result of the by-election Harcourt, as indicated, tended to was no specific credit for local of 3 March 1908 dashed Liberal The Times suggest the importance of these Hastings Liberals. The Hastings hopes; their share of the vote issues in the reverse order. Either Wesleyan Minister, the Rev. declined to 43.6 per cent (from seemed to view represents an interesting T. Jamieson, moreover, in the 47.5 per cent in 1906), the lowest be in agree- cross-section of how opinion was light of a weakened local Trades proportion since before 1885. In moving, at least in the east of Sus- Council, expressed the standard terms of actual votes, the Liberal ment that sex, between 1906 and the end of radical sentiment that ‘The great total fell by 458 and the Union- 1909. gulf between the rich men and ist tally rose by 147. According the Unionist Selecting a candidate from the poor men was a disgrace and to press articles, everyone was London rather than locally something which wanted setting relieved that the short, sharp, victory was appears to have been a contrib- right’. 22 Superficially, elements contest was over; in general it ‘first and uting factor to Liberal defeat. of radicalism now appeared to be was accepted as a ‘courteous and Harcourt’s stress on the Licens- in place in a frenetic by-election straightforward fight without foremost ing Bill was a definite drawback with a host of meetings and well- rancour’, 25 thus turning a blind to the Edwardian working man, known speakers in attendance. eye to the underlying Lib-Lab [due] to Tar- frustrated by the alcohol ban in Polling day itself was drab and local differences. Du Cros com- Liberal clubs, however much it grey; it rained in the evening. plimented Harcourt’s fight, after iffR eform pleased Nonconformists. The These were the weather condi- the count, as ‘strenuous and and par- Du Cros family were, addition- tions the Liberals feared most, straightforward’. 26 ally, well known for their lar- since some supporters might pre- Liberals, reluctantly accepting ticularly to gesse in the borough, funding fer to stay at home after working the cost of little or no preparation, secondary-school treats, giving all day. Amidst the anticipated sought reassuring reasons for fail- the colonial blankets to the poor and provid- bustle and excitement, the Liber- ure. True, the outvoter or plural ing jobs for local workmen. This als pointed to the extensive use of voter system27 had worked against preference undoubtedly provided electoral cars and wagons (supplied by Du them, with duplicate votes, side of the appeal for lower income voters. Cros with his extensive motoring invariably considered Unionist, In the election campaign itself, industry connections) to convey being garnered from residents in question.’ Du Cros had his motor vehicle

30 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 the 1908 hastings by-election decked out in the chosen Union- Quite possi- Society and the Historical Associa- Unionists Divided, (Newton Abbot, ist colours of blue and white, tion, and is Chairman of the Steyn- Devon: David & Charles, 1972), p. with his three children holding bly, the most ing History Society. l66. placards, marked ‘Vote for our immediate 12 For the full election address, see the Daddy’ – all practical yet emo- 1 C. Cook & J. Ramsden (eds.), reproduced summary pamphlet con- tive stuff. The Unionist strategy reasons for By-elections in British Politics (Lon- tained in this article. of using motor cars helped their don: Macmillan Press, 1973) – see 13 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 cause tremendously. The incor- the Liberal the introduction by David Butler, February 1908. rect printing of green on the pp.1–2. 14 Ibid. Liberal election posters, by an failure were 2 Jaime Reynolds, ‘Spectacular Vic- 15 Patrick Jackson, Harcourt and Son out-of-town printer, may also the sudden- tories’, Journal of Liberal History 44 (New Jersey (USA): Fairleigh Dick- have affected morale.30 (Autumn 2004, pp. 5–9). enson University Press, 2004), p. 93. Quite possibly, the most ness of the 3 Hastings and adjacent Fairlight were 16 Ibid., p. 227. immediate reasons for the Lib- the favoured retreats of some of the 17 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 eral failure were the suddenness contest and Pre-Raphaelite painters of the pre- February 1908. of the contest and the effects vious century; one of them, Ros- 18 Ibid. of plural voting (highlighted the effects of setti, married Elizabeth Siddal at St 19 Sussex Express, 7 March 1908. by Jon Lawrence’s studies, for plural voting. Clements Church, Hastings in May 20 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 example). Liberals believed, not 1860. February 1908. without some justification, that 4 Henry Pelling, Social Geography of 21 Ibid. the duplication of votes by ‘out- British Elections 1885–1910 (London: 22 All extracts from Trevor Hopper’s siders’ was hugely telling. Macmillan Press, 1967), p. 50. Thesis, pp. 39, 43 and 44 (as per Hast- Just to rub salt in the wound, 5 Trevor Hopper, Transformation of ings & St Leonards Observer, 8 Febru- in the Manchester North West Political Consciousness of South East ary 1908. by-election of April 1908, caused England 1880–1914, PhD Thesis, 23 The Times, 4 March 1908. by Winston Churchill’s seeking University of Brighton, 1997, p. 37. 24 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 re-election as a Cabinet member, Additionally, Hopper records ‘an February 1908. the Unionists upset a 1906 Lib- extremely bitter and muddled phase 25 Ibid., 7 March 1908. eral majority of over 1,200 votes in the labour movement in Hastings 26 Ibid. to capture the seat by a margin [1900–10]’ p. 39. 27 According to Jon Lawrence in Speak- of 429 votes.31 The key question 6 As Henry Pelling suggests in his ing for the People (Cambridge: Cam- arose – did these by-election Social Geography (p. 75), the Rye bridge University Press, 1998), ‘some defeats reflect an inevitable, even area was weaker in Conservatism towns [were] dominated by outsiders irreversible, drift away from the essentially due to a higher level of … such as Croydon or fashionable Liberal Party by the electors after Nonconformity in this Sussex East resorts such as Hastings, Brighton, the peak of success in 1906? Were division. The Unionist candidate E. and Bath’. On p. 243, the footnote they thus rejecting the New Lib- Boyle, conceivably lost votes due to also adds that the local population in eralism? Were the losses likely his dogmatic stand over Church of Hastings in around 1911 was 43 per to increase and become serious England ritualism. cent, thus meaning they were in a enough to cast doubt over a con- 7 Neil Blewett, The Peers, the Parties minority of the whole, i.e. outsiders tinuation of Liberal government and the People, the General Elections made up the balance of 57 per cent. after the next general election? 1910 (London: Macmillan Press, 28 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 As Peter Rowland observes, 1972), p. 50. February 1908, and 7 March 1908. As the entire parliamentary session 8 Electoral results – see F. W. S. Craig, regards the ‘suddenness’ of the by- (including by-elections) of 1908 British Parliamentary Election Results election claims, Unionists countered ‘had witnessed a growing sense 1885–1918 (London: Macmillan by indicating that the Liberals knew of frustration, impatience and Press, 1974), p. 255. of Harvey Du Cros’s pending retire- bewilderment’.32 In the event, 9 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 8 ment and that his son, Arthur, would the by-elections were signifi- February 1908. be adopted in his place, in mid-1907. cant, but not sufficient to deprive 10 Arthur Mee, The Kings England 29 Sussex Express, 15 February 1908, the Liberals of office in the gen- – Sussex (London: Hodder and 22 February 1908 and 7 March 1908 eral elections of 1910. Stoughton, 1937 (original), reprint editions; The Times, 4 March 1908. 1978), p. 101. 30 Hastings & St Leonards Observer, 29 Ian Ivatt is now about to submit his 11 Hastings & St. Leonards Observer, 29 February 1908. doctoral thesis to the Open Univer- February 1908. Earlier, following 31 F. W. S. Craig, British Parliamentary sity, entitled ‘The Fortunes of the the ‘Valentine’ letters exchange of Election Results, p. 151. Liberal Party in Sussex, Portsmouth February 1906, Chamberlain was 32 Peter Rowland, The Last Liberal and the Isle of Wight, 1900–1914’. effectively to demand that Balfour Governments, The Promised Land, He lives in Steyning, West Sussex, commit the Unionists more fully 1905–1910 (London: Barrie & Rock- is a member of the Royal Historical to Tariff Reform. Richard Rempel, liff, 1968), pp. 213ff.

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 31 The Liberal Democrat History Group’s ‘Great Liberals’ contest of last year – won by John Stuart Mill – continues to arouse controversy. Dr Philip MacDougall argues the case for a Liberal who should have won. T. H. Green: Forgotten liberal?

homas Hill Green, in of opportunities for those who In simplified terms, how can the 2007 search for the wished to enter higher educa- someone achieve freedom if they greatest British Liberal tion. These, however, are not are denied access to medical care in history (see Journal my reasons for the claim that he when they are ill, or adequate of Liberal History issues was the greatest British Liberal housing when they are in pov- T55, 56 and 57), received a mere in history, merely confirmation erty, and how can they use their one first preference vote and was of his having the additional and full potential if they are denied subsequently eliminated in the useful credential of active mem- equality of education? From this third round. Being the person bership of the party. premise the Liberal Party of the who, by adding his name to the It is the writings of T. H. late nineteenth and early twen- ballot paper, cast that single first Green that are important. tieth centuries transformed itself preference vote, I am perplexed Through his various publications through the doctrine of the New by his having received such lit- and ability to explain his ideas to Liberalism. tle recognition in that particular a live audience, he transformed Of particular importance in election. T. H. Green outshines the Liberal Party. At the core terms of Green’s influence on them all. He is not only the of his thinking was the need to Liberal Party thinking was a lec- man to whom the modern- ensure that all individuals would ture given in 1881, subsequently day Liberal Democrats owes its be guaranteed a right of free- published as Liberal Legislation continued existence, but also dom. He considered freedom and Freedom of Contract. Here, provides the raison d’etre for that to be part of a clearly accepted Green clearly laid down the existence. common good that was at the importance of freedom: Thomas Hill Green, whose heart of all societies. In doing so, brief life ended in 1882, fully however, Green recognised that We shall probably all agree that involved himself in the politi- while freedom was an important freedom, rightly understood, is cal issues of the day, was an part of liberalism, it could not be the greatest of blessings; that its active member of the Liberal achieved without the state estab- attainment is the true end of all Party, and an elected member lishing the necessary parameters our effort as citizens. But when of Oxford town council, the that would allow everyone the we thus speak of freedom, we first don to serve the citizenry opportunity of enjoying the should consider carefully what as well as the university. Among same level of freedom. This, in we mean by it. We do not mean his particular policy concerns particular, is where Green differs merely freedom from restraint were land reform, regulation of from classical liberalism, with of compulsion. We do not mean labour, education and temper- its emphasis on a minimal state merely freedom to do as we ance. Specifically, he favoured and laissez-faire economics. For like irrespectively of what it is security of land tenancy for the Green the state was an important that we like. We do not mean Irish smallholders and the exten- leveller, essential for the creation a freedom that can be enjoyed sion of compulsory state educa- of the equality that would allow by one man or one set of men tion, together with a widening true freedom to develop. at the cost of a loss of freedom

32 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 t. h. green: forgotten liberal?

to others. When we speak of broken constitution. He is not Consider, for a moment, the freedom as something to be so free to develop his faculties. nature of the Liberal Party if highly prized, we mean a posi- With a view to securing such Green had not developed and tive power or capacity of doing freedom among its members it communicated his ideas on posi- or enjoying something worth is as certainly within the prov- tive freedom. At the very least, doing or enjoying, and that, ince of the state to prevent chil- the party would have lacked an too, something that we do or dren from growing up in that intellectual foundation, or phi- enjoy in common with others. kind of ignorance which prac- losophy, to underpin the giant We mean by it a power which tically excludes them from a reforms that were to be pursued each man exercises through the free career in life, as it is within by the Asquith administration. Of help or security given him by its province to require the sort even greater import would have his fellow men, and which he in of building and drainage neces- been a failure in the coalescing of turn helps to secure for them.1 sary for public health.4 ideas that led to the party adopt- ing the modern-day concept of It was a freedom that was avail- Having argued the need for liberalism. It is this concept – the able to all and would be used to state intervention, Green finally careful balance between state and liberate the powers of all: concluded, corporation while preserving the freedom of the individual – that Everyone has an interest in Our modern legislation then has now come to define liberal- securing to everyone else the with reference to labour, and ism. Instead, if classical liberal- free use and enjoyment and dis- education, and health, involv- ism had continued to hold sway, posal of his possessions, so long ing as it does manifold interfer- or if a distinct and clear philoso- as that freedom on the part of ence with freedom of contract, phy from that of state socialism one does not interfere with a like is justified on the ground that had not emerged, then the party freedom on the part of others, it is the business of the state, would not have survived. In the because such freedom contrib- not indeed directly to pro- guise of the former, it would have utes to that equal development mote moral goodness, for that, been destroyed as an irrelevancy of the faculties of all which is from the very nature of moral and in the case of the latter it the highest good of all.2 goodness, it cannot do, but to would have been totally sub- maintain the conditions with- sumed by the Labour Party. To achieve such an aim, state out which a free exercise of the However, Green is little cred- intervention was essential: human faculties is impossible.5 ited by the modern-day Liberal Democrats, a fact amply dem- This is most plainly the case Most certainly Green was the onstrated by the collection of when a man bargains to work pioneering mind that moved policy writings by Liberal Dem- under conditions fatal to the Liberal Party away from the ocrats that appeared in the recent health, e.g. in an unventilated classical liberalism that is often It is widely publication Reinventing the State.8 factory. Every injury to the associated with John Stuart Mill The title itself gives the game health of the individual is, so to the radical reforming party recognised away. While proclaiming itself far as it goes, a public injury. It that was soon to pioneer steeper a book about social liberalism is an impediment to the general graduation of income tax that many of in the twenty-first century it freedom; so much deduction (1907), pensions for the elderly the leading demands a requirement for the from our power, as members (1908) and a minimum wage for state to be reinvented. Why? of society, to make the best of miners (1912). Nor should it be Liberals of Those who contribute to the ourselves, society is, therefore, doubted that Green’s ideas on book, without giving credit to plainly within its right when it positive freedom were the ones the age – him, are merely reformulat- limits freedom of contract for that generated these changes. It ing a state that had already been the sale of labour, so far as is is widely recognised that many among them invented by T. H. Green. It is done by our laws for the sani- of the leading Liberals of the Hobhouse, a state that, in accordance with tary regulations of factories, age – among them Hobhouse, both modern-day Liberals and workshops, and mines.3 Haldane, Samuel and Asquith Haldane, early twentieth-century New – were influenced by Green.6 Liberals, reaches a careful bal- As regards education, a core area Between them, these were Samuel and ance that is neither state- nor of interest for Green: the individuals who drove the corporate-autocratic. Instead, it Liberal Party towards a policy Asquith – is a state that clears away those Without a command of certain agenda that was beginning to were influ- obstacles that would otherwise elementary arts and knowl- embrace New Liberalism in block the less wealthy and most edge, the individual in modern the period immediately before enced by disadvantaged from enjoying the society is as effectually crip- the landslide election victory of same level of freedom and oppor- pled as by the loss of a limb or a 1906.7 Green. tunity that would otherwise be

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 33 t. h. green: forgotten liberal? monopolised by the most afflu- His were the and choice so long as they do Dr Philip MacDougall is a research ent and advantaged. no harm to others. But liberal- historian with a particular interest in Many of the writers whose ideas that ism is also a positive commit- localism. He is currently looking at chapters appear in Reinventing the created the ment to enable people to thrive, political developments in West Sus- State ignore the debt they owe from whatever background they sex, especially the formation and to Green. David Howarth, in New Liber- come from and from whatever development of the Liberal Party in the first of the essays, is a case in unfortunate circumstance they Chichester from 1905 onwards. point. In setting out to explain alism and find themselves.11 the origins of social liberalism 1 Thomas Hill Green, ‘Lecture on he traces its origins to the late underpinned To this Huhne adds: Liberal Legislation and Freedom of nineteenth century but gives it with an Contract’, in R. L. Nettleship (ed.), no explanation as to its genesis.9 That is the social liberal ele- Works of Thomas Hill Green (Long- Given the importance of Green intellectual ment that was introduced by mans, Green & Co., London, 1906), to the entire substance of this the Edwardian New Liberals, pp. 370–71. particular book, a mention of his foundation such as L. T. Hobhouse and 2 Ibid, p. 373. name might have been a useful T. H. Green, but whose early 3 Ibid, p. 381. touch. Similarly, Duncan Brack, that was to stirrings are discernible in the 4 Ibid. in his essay ‘Equality Matters’ (a preserve work of classical liberals such as 5 Ibid, p. 383. title that lies at the very heart of J. S. Mill.12 6 For a summary of Green’s impact Greenian thinking), states: the party in on a variety of leading figures see: Huhne’s solution, decentralis- David O. Brink, Perfectionism and The Liberal commitment to future years. ing the state, is to be achieved the Common Good (Clarendon Press, equality derives from the Lib- through increased local deci- Oxford, 2003), pp. 107–10, 124–30; eral commitment to freedom; sion-making. This is also in Matt Carter, T.H. Green and the it is neither separate from it nor accordance with Green’s think- Development of Ethical Socialism subordinate to it. This belief can ing. Whenever possible, Green (Impact Academic, Exeter, 2003). be traced right back through the long favoured actions being taken 7 In his recent history of the Liberal history of British Liberalism and by local communities, believ- Party, David Dutton notes of this can perhaps best be expressed ing that they tended to produce period, ‘An impressive group of aca- as a commitment to equality of measures that were better suited demics and journalists, influenced justice [my italics].10 to the reality of the situation.13 It by the Oxford philosopher, T.H. is a point that Huhne could well Green, had taken on the task of Yes, the belief can be traced have developed in his earlier reinterpreting Liberalism for a new right back through the long his- short reference to Green. age’. David Dutton, A History of the tory of British Liberalism, a his- Thus my contention, and Liberal Party in the Twentieth Century tory that clearly leads to T. H. my reason for adding the name (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), p. 11. Green. Chris Huhne is the only T. H. Green to the Greatest Brit- 8 Duncan Brack, Richard S. Grayson one who makes a direct refer- ish Liberal ballot paper. His were and David Howarth (eds.), Reinvent- ence to Green, in his essay on the ideas that created the New ing the State: Social Liberalism for the localism. Here Huhne argues Liberalism and underpinned it 21st Century (Politico’s Publishing, that the size of the British state with an intellectual foundation London, 2007). is failing because of its massive that was to preserve the party in 9 Duncan Brack, ‘Equality Matters’, size, and that decentralisation is future years. Furthermore, and in Brack et al., Reinventing the State, crucial. That he refers to T.H. of not inconsiderable impor- pp. 17–35. Green, albeit briefly, is a sali- tance, it gave birth to the social 10 David Howarth, ‘What is Social ent reminder as to Green’s per- liberalism of the twenty-first Liberalism?’ in Brack et al., Rein- tinence to modern-day liberal century. His was a philosophy of venting the State, pp. 9–15. thought. To quote Huhne: positive over negative freedoms, 11 Chris Huhne, ‘The case for Local- achievable only through state ism: the Liberal Narrative’ in Brack The Liberal Democrats are for intervention. While a continu- et al., Reinventing the State, pp. liberalism, which is essentially ing debate exists within the 241–54. a doctrine about the individual party as to the degree of state 12 Ibid. and power. Liberals want to cre- intervention, even those who 13 P. P. Nicholson, ‘T. H. Green and ate a society that puts people first are most influenced by Mill, and State Action: Liquor Legislation’, and enables them to thrive. That his emphasis on unrestrained History of Political Thought 6 (1985), means that the undue exercise freedom, are not so extreme as pp. 517–50. Reprinted in A. Vin- of power over individuals must to ignore the need for a proac- cent (ed.), The Philosophy of T. H. be curbed, whether it is private tive state. To that extent, they Green (Gower, Aldershot, 1986), pp. or state power. People must be are also guided by the writings 76–103. allowed to make their own lives of Green.

34 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 party headquarters and this, Lord reports Goodhart argued, has enabled the party to target its campaign- ing efforts on particular con- stituencies. Similarly, he believed Salad Days: Merger Twenty Years On that the party conference worked well and the policy-making Fringe meeting, 7 March 2008, with Lord Goodhart, Lord process was well regarded and effective. Lord Goodhart also Clement Jones and Dr David Dutton; Chair: Tony Little acknowledged, however, that the Report by Neil Stockley SDP team had won some victo- ries they should not have. They insisted that the new party was f all the ups and downs Lord (Willie) Goodhart, a named the ‘Social and Liberal in the Liberal Democrats’ member of the SDP negotiating Democrats’, a mouthful from Ohistory, few have been team and Lord (Tim) Clement- which the unfortunate acronym more traumatic than the party’s Jones, from the Liberal team, ‘the Salads’ was soon derived and birth. The merger between the judged the merger by its results. used to mock the party. Liberal Party and the Social They suggested that, given the These outcomes, he con- Democratic Party (SDP) saw party’s growth and successes, tended, were a direct result of difficult arguments within both the outcomes should be judged the way the two negotiating parties. The SDP leader, David favourably. teams organised themselves. Owen, resigned after he could Willie Goodhart argued The SDP team was mostly not accept his party’s decision that, for all their difficulties and agreed about the main issues at to vote in favour. Once the two frustrations, the merger talks stake and was well-organised parties had voted to merge, provided the Liberal Democrats and cohesive. The Liberal team, negotiations over the new party with a sound party constitution by contrast, included the party constitution were difficult and that has stood the test of time. leader, David Steel, and Tim protracted. The launch of a new He believed that the party’s Clement-Jones, who were policy document ended in disas- rules and structures owe rather enthusiasts for merger, along ter when the Liberal Party’s MPs, more to their SDP ancestry than with erstwhile opponents, such who had not been consulted, to their Liberal heritage. He as Tony Greaves and Michael rejected it. The abandoned paper cited as examples the roles of the Meadowcroft, who ‘wanted became known as the ‘dead par- Federal Executive and the party their party to absorb the SDP’. rot’ document, after the Monty conference. He also referred Unlike David Steel, Robert Python sketch. The new party, to the election of conference Willie Good- Maclennan proved an effective which could not agree on its representatives, where the SDP hart argued leader of his party’s team and a name, suffered a financial crisis, had argued for a formula to elect superb negotiator. Whereas the sank into fourth place at the 1989 representatives.2 Another exam- that, for all SDP team had ‘carte blanche’ European Parliament elections ple was the way policy is made. from their party to hammer out and had derisory ratings in the Lord Goodhart and his col- their difficul- a new constitution, the Liber- opinion polls. leagues had insisted on a delib- als had to constantly refer back It was not until November erative process, using policy ties and frus- to their party council and this 1990, when the new party won working groups as opposed to trations, the caused many delays in the talks. the Eastbourne by-election, the Liberals’ standing ‘commis- Lord (Tim) Clement-Jones that the curse was lifted. How- sions’, and had been vindicated. merger talks agreed that the merger talks had ever, for some years it appeared Lord Goodhart went on to produced a generally sound con- that the merger might become argue that the dominance of provided stitutional framework and that a defining moment. When his old party’s structural DNA we now had ‘a more effective Chris Cook revised his history has served the Liberal Demo- the Liberal instrument of liberalism’. Like of the Liberal Party in 1993, crats very well. For instance, Democrats Lord Goodhart, he believed that he devoted an entire chap- the Liberal Party had no single this was especially true in respect ter, ‘merger most foul’, to the membership database and its with a sound of campaigning and fundraising. unhappy period.1 headquarters no reliable source Interestingly, neither speaker Twenty years on, the Lib- of funds. The SDP, by contrast, party consti- fully explained the extent to eral Democrat History Group was a more centralised opera- which local campaigning, build- fringe meeting at the Liberal tion. The Liberal Democrats tution that ing on the community politics Democrats’ spring conference in has followed the SDP in having has stood the approach, was one of the Liberal Liverpool provided the oppor- their membership, fundrais- Party’s real strengths and impor- tunity to reassess the merger. ing and campaigning run from test of time. tant legacies.

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 35 report: salad days – merger twenty years on

Lord Clement-Jones went on the effective leadership of Paddy Both men the outset of the Alliance, some to present his version of where Ashdown; the resolution of SDP members had seen full the merger talks had produced arguments over the party’ s also agreed merger with the Liberals as the the right outcomes and to show name; and the adoption of the that the new natural next step. Lord Good- that where they had not, mis- ‘bird of liberty’ as the party’s hart also recalled his and his takes were corrected, in nearly visual image. party worked wife Celia’s experience of how all cases quickly and with little Lord Goodhart recalled that well the two parties could work long-term political damage. in the early years there was rather bet- together at constituency level. The Liberal Democrats had considerable good will between David Dutton, Professor of combined the sovereign role erstwhile Liberals and Social ter than Modern History at the Univer- of the party conference with a Democrats. As the former the merger sity of Liverpool, did not quite ‘workable democracy’, he said. chair of the SDP’s Conference share these views of the merger. The policy-making process was Arrangements Committee, he process sug- He called it ‘a shotgun marriage’ ‘originally too elaborate’ but had a happy and productive and compared the passionate was now much improved. A period chairing the new party’s gested it debates within and between real federal structure had been Federal Conference Commit- the two parties in 1987–88 in place since 1993. In 1989, the tee. He also served alongside would. with those over Lloyd George’s party adopted ‘Liberal Demo- many former Liberals on the undermining of Asquith in 1916 crats’ as its name, though this Federal Policy Committee and and Labour’s crisis in 1931. followed much internal angst. many policy working groups. Professor Dutton outlined One area of policy that had Lord Goodhart mused that the three previous occasions in been a source of much argument marriage had been rather hap- which two parties have worked between the Liberal and SDP pier than the courtship. closely together in an effort to negotiators was the inclusion in The views of both former produce a sum greater than the the preamble to the new party’s negotiators appear to be vin- total of their political parts. constitution of a commitment dicated by the success that the The first was the formal elec- that Britain should play a full Liberal Democrats have enjoyed toral pact of 1903 between the and constructive part in NATO. over the last twenty years. The Liberal Party and the Labour Lord Clement-Jones still thought party now has more than three Representation Committee, it ‘crazy’ to have included a ref- times the number of MPs that which enabled the Liberals to erence to an international body it had in 1988 and a broader, win the 1906 general election in a party constitution (though, deeper base in local govern- with a bigger majority than it might be added, the politics ment across the UK. There is an they otherwise would have. of defence in the 1980s were effective and influential Liberal Twenty of the thirty Labour very different to those of today). Democrat team in the European MPs who were elected also The SDP team got their way Parliament. The party is repre- owed their seats to the pact. The but the reference to NATO was sented in the Scottish Parliament second was the way in which removed in 1990 and ‘we got a and the National Assembly for the Conservatives and Liberal sensible preamble eventually’. Wales and Liberal Democrats Unionists co-operated to work Both men also agreed that have served as ministers in both. against Gladstone, which had the new party worked rather It has been many years since the major political consequences, better than the merger proc- point was reached when most especially in Birmingham. ess suggested it would. Tim of the party’s members had The third was the decision of Clement-Jones traced how the joined after the merger, and had the Liberal Nationals to join party eventually recovered from belonged neither to the Liberal the Conservative-dominated the experience of merger and Party or to the SDP. National Government in 1931 what he called the ‘financial Their remarks could be put and subsequently to campaign meltdown’ that followed. In an in another context: a shared per- with them at constituency level, interesting aside, he also pointed ception of the merger as a natu- to the electoral benefit of both. out that, initially, the party had ral evolution from the alliance He compared these outcomes fewer members than the com- between the two parties. Tim with the Alliance winning bined total of the Liberal Party Clement-Jones traced it back a higher share of the vote in and SDP and said that it has to the ways in which Liberal 1983 and 1987 than the Liberals never achieved the number of and SDP lawyers had worked before or the Liberal Democrats members it was expecting. Lord together to develop common subsequently. Clement-Jones believed that policy proposals. Such co-oper- Professor Dutton drew on 1990 was the turning point and ation all but stopped, however, these case studies to advance suggested that the Eastbourne with the ‘defence policy night- three circumstances that made by-election result was itself the mare’ of 1986. Willie Goodhart fusion between two parties logi- culmination of many factors: reminded the audience that from cal if not inevitable: where those

36 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 report: salad days – merger twenty years on voting for them cannot easily purpose. Roy Jenkins was really in other areas, the Liberal view distinguish between the two a natural Liberal, a Keynesian in has prevailed. On most key parties; where there is a junior his approach to economic man- political issues, such as Europe, partner that, over time, suffers agement; he saw the SDP essen- civil liberties and human rights, a loss of political identity; and tially as a transit camp, a way of there has been strong agreement where, over time, the two par- attracting people to encourage between former members of the ties become united on key pol- people to leave Labour and join old parties. icy issues. The first factor was a new, liberal political force. Lord Goodhart saw any not evident in the case of the In contrast, David Owen had a political differences as being 1903 Lib-Lab pact, he argued, long history of antagonism to about style and attitude, with and so there was no fusion. By the Liberal Party and sought to the Liberals the ‘idealists’ and contrast, the Liberal Unionists remain as independent from it the Social Democrats the ‘prag- had lost their distinctive identity as possible. He perceived social matists’. Even this may have by 1912, when they united with democracy as a very different been too stark a contrast for the Conservatives to oppose the political tradition. Whether in some of those present. Lord third home rule bill. Similarly, his ‘socialist’ phase, in 1981, or Clement-Jones commented the Liberal Nationals had joined in his later, ‘social market’ phase, that in the years after merger it the Conservatives in opposing Dr Owen held different political became almost impossible to tell the Attlee government’s ‘social- views to those of Jenkins and his who had been a Liberal and who ism’ when the two parties fused followers. had been a Social Democrat. at constituency level in 1947. Professor Dutton was correct To this author, who became Applying these principles, David Dutton in arguing that there were many involved with the Liberal Dem- the merger between the Liber- did not quite important differences between ocrats five years after merger, als and SDP was bound to be the Liberal-SDP merger and these observations came as no very difficult, Professor Dut- share these previous attempts to blend two surprise. At a previous History ton argued. He highlighted the parties under one roof. The Group meeting, Shirley Wil- contrasts with both the fusions views of the absence of a dominant partner liams explained the philosophi- between the Conservatives and and the fact that both parties cal underpinnings of the SDP the Liberal Unionists and the merger. He still had a strong identity goes and showed how much they Conservatives and the Liberal called it ‘a some of the way to explaining had in common with those of Nationals. The Liberal–SDP why the merger proved difficult. the Liberal Party.3 The SDP merger happened much more shotgun mar- However, political reality inter- was powerfully influenced by quickly. Neither party was in vened. As Alan Beith, a veteran Tawney’s writings on equal- the ascendancy. Many more riage’ and of the Alliance and the merger ity and education, as well as the Liberal than SDP MPs were process pointed out from the philosophy of John Stuart Mill. returned in 1987 but the SDP compared audience, the two parties would The Liberal Party was strongly had in David Owen a substantial the passion- have been engaged in a process shaped by the New Liberalism, political figure. Further, that of mutually agreed destruc- its main influences the writings party’s finances and member- ate debates tion had they tried to live apart, of Hobhouse and Hobson, who ship were still quite healthy. whatever the arrangements. made the case for an enlightened Within both parties, he added, within and Professor Dutton may have society in which the pursuit of there were significant bodies exaggerated the political differ- social justice is an end in itself. of opinion opposed to merger, between the ences between the Liberals and The SDP’s strategic confusion as shown by establishment of two parties Social Democrats. Lord Good- may have hastened the march a splinter Liberal Party and Dr hart reminded the meeting that to merger. Once the ‘Owenites’ Owen’s ‘continuing’ SDP. in 1987–88 the former were never a unilater- departed, it became easier for Professor Dutton also con- alist party, whatever impressions the ‘Jenkinsites’ to reach agree- tended that there was also a with those may have sometimes been given ment with the Liberals about the bigger range of political views to the outside world. The diver- shape of the new party. between the two parties than over Lloyd gences that developed on defence The two parties had a com- in the other cases he discussed. George’s in the 1980s between them and mon cause in the pursuit of social The Liberals and SDP were not the SDP mattered much less justice and equal opportunities, united over defence, a major undermining once the new party was formed. combined with the defence of political issue of the time. Before He could recall very few policy civil liberties to provide the the 1987 general election, they of Asquith debates in the Liberal Democrats greatest possible personal free- were not able to reconcile their that could easily be identified as dom. This far outweighed any political outlooks or strategies in 1916 and a face-off between Liberals and differences over the shape of the because the SDP’s own leader- Labour’s cri- Social Democrats. Of those, only Liberal Democrats’ constitution, ship had not reached a consen- one, over civil nuclear power, let alone individual policies. As sus about the party’s central sis in 1931. was contentious and there, as a result, the merger has worked

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 37 report: salad days – merger twenty years on and the shambolic process by believed that any Liberal member As a radical Liberal, he was which it came about has seemed could ‘walk in and vote’ at the Lib- endorsed enthusiastically by the less important with the passage eral Assembly, in fact this was never Dunfermline Press; his oppo- of time. true; just like the SDP (and the nent, John Ramsay, a Whiggish Liberal Democrat) the Liberal Party Liberal, was endorsed equally Neil Stockley is director of a public possessed a representative formula, enthusiastically by the Stirling affairs company and a frequent con- allocating delegate places per con- Advertiser. Seven months later, tributor to the Journal of Liberal stituency relating to membership – at the November 1868 general History. although the entitlement was more election and on an extended generous than in the SDP. franchise, Sir Henry defeated 1 Chris Cook, A Short History of the 3 Ian Hunter, ‘Old Liberals, New John Ramsay by over 500 votes Liberal Party 1900–1992 (Macmillan, Liberals and Social Democrats: the and remained MP for Stirling 1993). Liberal Democrats’ political heri- Burghs for the rest of his life. 2 As was pointed out from the tage,’ in Journal of Liberal History 37 The talk was supported by audience, although it was often (winter 2002–03), pp. 26–27. an excellent handout includ- ing a biographical chronology, details of Sir Henry’s constitu- ency election results, summa- rised Scottish and UK general Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman election results from 1868 to 1906, a selection of quotations Centenary Commemorations in Scotland (on all of which Dr Cameron Report by Dr Alexander S. Waugh commented) and a bibliography ranging from T.P. O’Connor’s 1908 memoir to Dr Cameron’s ir Henry was born (as church window above their own 2007 article. (Dr Cam- Henry Campbell) in Kel- grave is near the pew in the east eron’s critical comments on the Svinside, Glasgow on 7 gallery where they regularly 2006 biography of Sir Henry by September 1836. After education worshipped when at Belmont. Roy Hattersley (Campbell-Ban- at the High School of Glasgow, There is a plaque commemorat- nerman, Haus Publishing) were the University of Glasgow and ing Sir Henry inside the church much appreciated.) Trinity College, Cambridge, near the east gallery. Other topics discussed he married (Sarah) Charlotte included Sir Henry’s emer- Bruce on 13 September 1860. gence from a Tory background He was Liberal MP for Stirling Campbell-Bannerman (described as suspicious by Burghs (Stirling, Dunfermline, evening, 22 April the Stirling Advertiser in March Culross, Inverkeithing and The Meigle and District His- 1868); his (perhaps deliber- [South] Queensferry) from 20 tory Society held a Campbell- ately cultivated) image of self- November 1868 and, after jun- Bannerman evening in the effacement; Irish and Scottish ior ministerial office in 1871–74 Kinloch Memorial Hall, home rule and ‘home rule all and 1880–84, Chief Secretary Meigle on Tuesday, 22 April Other topics round’ (or federalism); the dis- for Ireland in 1884–85, Secre- 2008. With some eighty peo- establishment of the Church tary of State for War in 1886 ple in attendance, the speaker discussed of Scotland; the South African and 1892–95, Liberal Leader in was Dr Ewen A. Cameron, included War of 1899–1902; imperialism; the Commons from 6 February Senior Lecturer in Scottish free trade versus tariff reform; 1899 and Prime Minister from 5 History at Edinburgh Univer- Sir Henry’s extension of the franchise December 1905. He resigned as sity and a contributor to the (including votes for women); Prime Minister on 3 April 1908 Journal of Liberal History. His emergence land reform; and restricting the and died in 10 Downing Street talk followed much the same powers of the House of Lords. on 22 April. After a Memorial approach as in his article about from a Tory Also discussed was what would Service in Westminster Abbey Sir Henry in the Journal (issue background or would not have happened on 27 April, he was buried 54, spring 2007). However, if Sir Henry had lived longer alongside Lady Campbell-Ban- Dr Cameron also referred to (described as with reference to the careers nerman (died 30 August 1906) a number of other aspects of of Asquith, Lloyd George and beside Meigle Parish Church Sir Henry’s career during the suspicious by Churchill, the Irish dimension, (Perthshire) on 28 April. talk and in discussion. There the First World War, interaction Belmont Castle, half a was, for example, reference to the Stirling with Bonar Law (Conserva- mile from Meigle, was the Sir Henry’s unsuccessful can- Advertiser in tive Leader from 1911 and, like Campbell-Bannermans’ Scot- didature at the Stirling Burghs Sir Henry, a former pupil of tish home from 1887. The by-election in April 1868. March 1868). the High School of Glasgow),

38 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 report: campbell-bannerman commemoration

Liberal-Labour relations and Top: at the Liberal election prospects. Campbell- Bannerman grave – Cllr Willie Centenary Commemoration, Wilson, Provost 27 April Depute of Perth & Kinross, Dr A Campbell-Bannerman Alexander S. Centenary Commemoration, Waugh, Sheila endorsed by the Liberal Demo- Waugh, Rev. Dr crat History Group, took place Malcolm Macrae in Meigle on Sunday 27 April. The day’s programme started Bottom: Sheila with morning worship in the Waugh handing Parish Church. The service was the wreath to Cllr taken by the Rev. John (Ian) W. Wilson Knox, a retired minister, who managed to mention Sir Henry in his introductory remarks and welcomes, children’s address, intercessory prayer and sermon. At one point Rev. Knox sug- gested that Sir Henry was a precursor of Sir William Bev- eridge’s social initiatives. We then visited Belmont Cas- tle which, as a listed building, is still much as reconstructed and refurbished for the Campbell- Bannermans in 1885–86. They of Meigle, starting with Grace which Sir Henry’s father, Sir acquired the Castle after much by the Rev. Dr. Malcolm H. James Campbell acquired in of it had been destroyed by fire MacRae, Meigle’s Interim 1847), followed with prayer and in 1884. It has been leased from Moderator (acting parish min- benediction by Dr MacRae, the Dundee Corporation by the ister) and concluding, as did and an expression of thanks to Church of Scotland as a home refreshments on the Tuesday all concerned by the Provost for senior citizens since 1931. evening, with buttered ginger- Depute, who had also under- We were welcomed by Dr Sue bread, with which Sir Henry taken similar courtesies at Bel- Marshall, Deputy Unit Manager, liked to end his meals. mont Castle and at lunch. who pointed out various features We then proceeded to the and memorabilia associated with Campbell-Bannerman grave the Campbell-Bannermans, beside the parish church. After Centenary Commemoration, including portraits. We were an introduction by Dr MacRae, 28 April then allowed to move freely and a biographical eulogy by Dr The Stirling Liberal Democrats between the main lounge and Sandy Waugh, a former pupil of organised a Centenary Com- the other public rooms and the High School of Glasgow and memoration at Sir Henry’s statue into the large hall (originally a a member of the Liberal Demo- in Stirling on the afternoon covered-in courtyard) and up its crat History Group, Dr Mac- of Monday, 28 April. Wreaths grand staircase. Rae read ‘Let Us Now Praise were laid by Nicol Stephen By reason of fire safety pre- Famous Men’ from Ecclesiasticus. MSP, Scottish Liberal Democrat cautions, there is no longer A wreath – featuring the old Leader, and Councillor Fergus direct access between the main Scottish Liberal colours of red Wood (SNP), Provost of Stirling. lounge and the hall. Thus we and yellow – was then laid by Among others present was Dr were unable to have an overall Liberal Democrat Councillor Elspeth King, Director of the view of the space (lounge and Willie Wilson, Provost Depute Stirling Smith Art Gallery and hall) which accommodated of Perth and Kinross. Museum which has a seascape over two hundred relatives and The programme concluded painting by the Scottish artist, T. public representatives (and some with the singing of Scottish Campbell Noble, purchased and four hundred wreaths) on the Metrical Psalm 23, ‘The Lord’s donated by Sir Henry in 1897. day of Sir Henry’s funeral. my Shepherd’, to the tune Stra- Its other Campbell-Bannerman Lunch followed in the Kin- cathro (named for the house and memorabilia are a posthumous loch Arms Hotel, in the centre estate in Forfarshire (Angus) banner proclaiming him as ‘One

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 39 report: campbell-bannerman commemoration of Britain’s Greatest Statesmen’, Centenary Commemoration, both to be superficial and to a portrait sketch by Sir James High School of Glasgow omit explanations of key issues Guthrie, RSA and – arrayed The High School of Glasgow – and individuals (for example, with a wreath of daffodils to which has a bronze plaque of Sir although the Corn Laws are mark the centenary – a marble Henry by Benno Schotz, RSA referred to, there’s no explana- bust by Paul Raphael Montford. – will be having its own Cen- tion of what they were or why Sir James (another Glasgow tenary Commemoration in the their abolition was so con- High School former pupil) also autumn. Efforts are also contin- troversial). The level of detail painted, in 1907, the portrait uing to have a new commemo- provided is too shallow for any of Sir Henry in the Scottish rative plaque erected at a more reader who knows anything National Portrait Gallery. Paul public location in Glasgow. much about the background, Montford was responsible for but inadequate for those com- the bronze bust of Sir Henry in Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. Waugh is ing to it afresh. And the chapters Westminster Abbey (1911) and a member of the Liberal Democrat actually say very little about the the Stirling statue as unveiled by History Group and, like Campbell- internal workings of the coali- H. H. Asquith, then Prime Min- Bannerman, a former pupil of Glas- tions in question. ister, on 1 November 1913. gow High School. Even on its own terms this part of the book is pretty inco- herent. Having rightly observed that most of the coalitions tended to be unstable because they were formed in the midst of crises (and therefore had a limited range of issues on which the coalition reviews partners could agree), Oaten then criticises the Aberdeen Oaten’s aim coalition for not being formed in Analysing coalitions one, and therefore having noth- was to derive ing to bring it together. He does Mark Oaten: Coalition: The Politics and Personalities of lessons from not attempt to consider what else could plausibly have happened Coalition Government from 1850 (Harriman House, 2007) the history in the hung parliament delivered Reviewed by Duncan Brack by the 1852 election. He blames of coalition the coalition for the outbreak of the Crimean War (an accusation ark Oaten’s book Having said that, the book government Disraeli also levelled), but never caused a small stir is not entirely without value. in Britain explains why. Having stated at Mupon its publication, Oaten’s aim was to derive les- one point that Asquith’s large in September 2007, with its sons from the history of coali- and from war cabinet was not a prob- apparent call for the Liberal tion government in Britain and lem, he then argues that Lloyd Democrats to consider a post- from the rest of Europe, in the the rest of George’s much smaller one made election coalition with the belief – entirely reasonable in a key difference. And so on. Conservatives. In fact, that 2007, not so clear now – that the Europe, in Where Oaten provides conclusion is not put so starkly next election is likely to lead to the belief – a political viewpoint, it’s in the book itself – it stemmed a hung parliament. He aimed essentially a right-wing one. more from the article Oaten to look both at the process of entirely rea- Apparently the 1931 National wrote for The Times the week putting coalitions together and Government should have before publication (‘A Lib-Con the personalities that made them sonable in made bigger cutbacks in the pact? You shouldn’t rule it work, or fail. ‘vast sums being wasted on out’, 6 September 2007). One Five chapters thus exam- 2007, not so social security benefits’ – so conclusion, however, is clear ine Aberdeen’s Whig/Peelite clear now – much for Keynesianism, then. from reading this analysis of administration of 1852–55, Throughout, ideological dif- coalition government in Brit- Asquith’s and Lloyd George’s that the next ferences are sidelined; politics ain and abroad: it’s that if Mark wartime coalitions of 1915–16 is almost entirely about per- Oaten wants to forge a writing and 1916–18, Lloyd George’s election is sonalities. Where the coalition career after his departure from post-war coalition of 1918–22, leaders were weak, or where the Commons, he’ll have to the National Government of likely to lead they were strong but disagreed manage a great deal better than 1931–35 and Churchill’s war- to a hung with each other, the coalitions this superficial, incoherent and time coalition of 1940–45. failed; where they worked poorly written effort. Unfortunately they manage parliament. well together, the coalitions

40 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 reviews

with politicians and political have to work with each other scientists in the countries in after the election; a reluctance question, and the more detailed to stress key commitments too look he takes at the processes much, in case they may have to of forming and running the be dropped in negotiations) – coalitions, and partly because, I though his conclusion that the guess, the material will be less coalitions were a failure because familiar to a British audience. the Lib Dems did relatively Once again, though, he criti- badly in the 2007 election seems cises coalitions for doing things a bit narrow, to say the least. He – like running out of ideas – raises the argument, without that single-party governments really developing it, that coali- are hardly immune from. His tions may be best negotiated rather feeble conclusion is that by politicians who are in some ‘in a strange way these coali- sense party outsiders, such as tions all seem to work for their Lloyd George, Churchill, Blair country’ (p. 313). He does not or Ashdown. consider why the UK should be The penultimate chapter different. considers what may happen Three further chapters cover should the next election result more recent British events: the in a hung parliament. Oaten Lib-Lab Pact of 1977–78, the reaches some sensible conclu- Ashdown–Blair ‘project’ of sions, including the need for 1994–97, and the Joint Cabi- some preparatory thought to the net Committee that followed, process for potential negotia- and the Scottish experience tions, and the need for a care- succeeded. Needless to say, this of 1999–2007. These are also taker government to give them analysis could also be applied to a good deal better than the enough time. He points out the single-party governments. It’s earlier chapters, again largely difficulty, for the Lib Dems, of an essentially anti-ideological because of the interviews Oaten putting Labour back into power view of politics, an approach conducted with some of the once it has lost the election (a also seen in Oaten’s praise for key participants in the deals lesson also drawn from the Lib- the non-party businessmen he describes, including David Lab Pact), while minimising brought in to government by Steel, Paddy Ashdown, Jim the party’s policy differences some of the coalitions, and his Wallace and Tom McNally, with the Conservatives (though belief that party politics always as well as a number of politi- observing that most Lib Dem gets in the way of good gov- cal scientists. He makes some activists would hate a deal with ernment – as though there is perceptive observations – I par- the Tories). He stresses the always a single solution to any ticularly liked the comment that importance of obtaining a guar- given problem, and govern- ‘Ashdown had a habit of making anteed commitment to PR in ment is purely a matter of find- every decision the most impor- any deal. He correctly identifies ing it. tant there has ever been’ (p. the flaw with Charles Kennedy’s Subsequent chapters are 228). There are some interest- answer to how the Lib Dems fortunately rather better. One ing viewpoints from his inter- should behave in a hung parlia- chapter deals with the experi- viewees, including Clare Short ment (to judge each issue on ence of coalitions in Europe, thinking that Blair could have its merits) which is that before picking examples from Aus- pushed proportional represen- the party gets that chance it has tria, Germany and Italy. The tation through the Commons to decide how to vote on the German example, though, is after 1997 (p. 245), and Neal government’s Queen’s Speech. the ‘Grand Coalition’ formed Lawson arguing that ‘there is ‘Bluntly at this point you have between the Christian Demo- nobody [now] left in the Cabi- to put up or shut up … Whilst crats and Social Democrats in net that believes in the Jenkins it sounds a good soundbite two 2005 – not at all the typical dream of the reunification of years away from an election, German experience, which has progressives’ (p. 283). Oaten’s the staying independent route tended to see coalitions of one analysis of the Labour–Lib Dem is just not an option for a party big and one smaller party. This Scottish coalition governments that wants to be taken seriously’ chapter is a good deal more is interesting, as is their impact (p. 301). interesting than the earlier ones, on politics (a less confronta- In the concluding chap- however, partly because of the tional campaigning style, as par- ter Oaten mostly sides with interviews Oaten conducted ties appreciate that they might Disraeli’s famous aphorism,

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 41 reviews

‘England does not love coali- the same thing) and places Oaten mostly the eighteenth century were tions’, while at the same time (Bute House, not Bude House, largely out of power. Moreover, completely failing to explain is the home of Scotland’s First sides with Mitchell classifies the short peri- how else the country is sup- Minister). Words are misused Disraeli’s ods when they were in govern- posed to be governed under a (‘attributed’ where he means ment as ‘ugly experiences’ (p. PR electoral system (which he ‘allocated’, ‘contingency’ instead famous 1) and argues that their taste for clearly does support). He argues of ‘contingent’, ‘denouncing’ self-destruction was so marked that coalitions do not tend to instead of ‘renouncing’, ‘throws’ aphorism, that, from time to time, ‘their provide strong government instead of ‘throes’). The gram- political opponents were driven (while slightly undermining mar is erratic, and references ‘England to beg them to pull themselves his own case by accepting that are incomplete and sometimes does not love together’ (p. 1) for the good Lloyd George and Churchill wrong. of the nation. Yet this was the in fact did) and mainly ends up Coalition is a frustrating coalitions’, period in which the traumatic with the conclusion that ‘if a book. The topic is a good one, events of the American and coalition government can have and there’s enough of inter- while at the French Revolutions laid the a strong leader it stands a greater est in the text to think that it foundations of the divisions chance of success’ (p. 322). Well, could have turned out much same time between the parties in succeed- yes; yet again, one could say better if it had gone through completely ing generations and in which the the same about single-party a couple of further drafts and nature of Whig opposition to government. been properly proof-read before failing to the authoritarian Tory govern- The book is littered with publication. As it is, Geoffrey ments of the period was a con- errors, over dates (the London Searle’s Country Before Party explain how tributory factor to the avoidance bombings of July 2005 are given (Longman, 1995) is far better of a revolutionary outbreak in as 2004), election results (in 1931 on the historical side; and we else the Britain. Eventually the Whigs the Liberal Party is simply omit- still await a thorough analysis of country is did get their act together and the ted, though the Liberal Nation- recent experiences in Scotland contribution of their adminis- als (wrongly called ‘Coalition and Wales. But Oaten deserves supposed to trative brawn to the Victorian Liberals’) are there), events (the credit at least for raising a series Liberal governments was sig- Liberal–Liberal National split of good questions. Let’s hope be governed nificant in the constitutional happened before 1931, not after; that the hung parliament that transformation of the nineteenth Charles Kennedy became Lib might provide the answers isn’t under a PR century. But, because he is not Dem leader in August 1999, not too long coming. electoral trammelled by the chronological spring), issues (the 1909 People’s dictates of the life of the various Budget and the 1911 Parliament Duncan Brack is the Editor of the system. administrations, Mitchell is able Act are treated as though they’re Journal of Liberal History. to perform a more valuable serv- ice. He constructs a sociology of the Whigs, describing their character and their mode of life, building a picture of the arche- No one likes us, we don’t care typal Whig. Gladstone, who joined the Leslie Mitchell: The Whig World 1760–1837 (Hambledon Liberals from the Peelite wing Continuum, 2005) of the Conservative Party, was reported by a Whig of the later Reviewed by Tony Little Victorian period as complaining that ‘a man not born a Liberal may become a Liberal, but to t the beginning of his Mitchell has written an enticing be a Whig he must be born a final chapter, Leslie introduction to the world of the Whig’.1 Mitchell concurs, argu- AMitchell claims that Whigs. ing that Whigs were ‘made ‘Whiggery is no more’ (p. 175). Despite the title, Mitchell’s by nature and confirmed by And like many extinct crea- book is not a narration of politi- nurture’ (p. 6). Born to a rich tures, by their disappearance the cal events during his chosen aristocratic family comprising Whigs have created something period, which covers the reigns a mother and father of similar of a mystery, which continues of George III and his sons, up backgrounds and similar intel- to intrigue Liberal Democrats, to the accession of Queen Vic- lectual and political outlooks, who claim the Whigs as part of toria. Superficially, this choice indeed possibly cousins, the their ancestry but who mostly would appear odd as at this time young Whig went through his know little about them. For any the Whigs, who had been so formal education in the company such Liberal Democrats Leslie dominant in the early part of of other Whigs and in a suitably

42 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 reviews qualified environment – Harrow in fashion, their immersion in for which Hampden bled on rather than Eton, Cambridge the pleasures of the West End the field and Sydney perished rather than Oxford. If inter- and its Season set an example of on the scaffold’ referred to the national conditions allowed, a profligacy that was easy to con- part played by Whig families Grand Tour of the continent demn and expensive to follow. in the taming of the monarchy followed, where he developed a Clothes styles were changed between the Civil War of the taste for everything French and arbitrarily from season to sea- 1640s, through the crisis over classical rather than gothic archi- son as a form of conspicuous the succession of James II to the tecture. As a substitute, when consumption, though the costs Glorious Revolution of 1688. As continental warfare made such were insignificant compared G. W. E. Russell wrote in 1918, visits tricky, a visit to Enlighten- to the losses sustained by some ‘I trace my paternal ancestry ment Scotland would help in Whigs in the pursuit of gaming. to a Russell who entered the fermenting the right, rational, They were at best sceptical of House of Commons at the Gen- outlook on life. Family and organised religion, which was eral Election of 1441, and since the acquaintance of childhood just as well given that they also 1538 some of us have always formed the circles in which he tended towards indifference to sat in one or other of the two moved for the rest of his life. conventional sexual morality. Houses of Parliament’ (p. 153). Since Whigs were so rarely The flaunting of wealth, mis- As recently as 2004, the late fifth in government in this period, tresses and illegitimate offspring Earl Russell, a great-grandson their cohesion required Whig- tended to emphasise the differ- of Lord John Russell, the Victo- gery to be a complete way of ences between the Whigs and rian Prime Minister, sat on the life, not just a set of political Tories, or even with the mass Liberal Democrat front bench opinions. Although they visited of the educated citizenry, and in the Lords. It was the belief the grand country estates that Mitchell’s work is rich in the that past Whig relatives had they owned and which were scorn of the Whigs’ critics. But been right in these great crises fundamental to their position in like Millwall football fans of in Britain’s history that recon- the pre-Reform political proc- a more recent generation, the ciled the Whigs at the end of ess, Whigs tended to be more Whig aristocracy was uncon- the eighteenth century to their comfortable in metropolitan cerned – their motto could eas- exile from power; their analysis surroundings and rather at a loss ily have been: no one likes us, would be vindicated and in the for things to occupy their time we don’t care. end they would triumph. in the countryside – unless vis- The other fundamental ited by other Whigs. As leaders Whig belief highlighted by Change was to be managed Mitchell is that property was rather than feared the key to liberty. ‘The love Although the word ‘Whig’ is of enjoying, the fear of losing reputed to have originated as a an estate, is the main principle term of political abuse, Mitchell of action with all who have an leaves his chapter on politics estate to keep or lose’ (p. 135). until around two-thirds of the The rule of law was to safeguard way through the book, and property rather than the rights even then combines it with an of man, and the ownership of analysis of Whig views of his- property gave a stake in the tory. This is less odd than it country and the independence may superficially appear. The which justified political par- defining Whig belief was in ticipation. Naturally, as some progress, a belief imbibed from of the largest property owners, the Scottish Enlightenment. the Whigs should then have a As Palmerston claimed to have prominent place in politics, but learnt from Dugald Stewart, as the country grew wealthier ‘change was to be managed it justified the extension of the rather than feared … the cor- franchise to incorporate the rect Whig response to change newly propertied, for example was to accept it, welcome its the protagonists of the Indus- possibilities and moderate its trial Revolution. Property not impact’ (p. 101). But a belief in only gave a stake in the country progress relies on a view of the but also the means of securing past. That view was coloured by an education which fitted a man the part played by the Whigs of for politics. Property owners times past – the toast ‘the cause had a vested interest in opposing

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 43 reviews the tyranny of both kings and of the mainstream parties of the By giving us restates the problem at one mobs, while the Whig belief in British left, whether Labour or remove. Why were these groups progress allowed for the expan- Liberal Democrat, no matter a portrait of attracted to Liberalism, and why sion of the groups who could how much they like to think of the wider were Liberals able to create a be embraced by the system, themselves as Radicals. persistent majority within the promoting reform rather than Leslie Mitchell has produced lives of the electorate and within the Com- the counterproductive Tory an important book which distils mons, if not the Lords? Why tendency to resistance. a lifetime of study of leading Whigs, rather did this majority evaporate so In his final chapter Mitchell Whigs, including biographies quickly in 1886? argues that this process of incor- of Melbourne and Fox. By giv- than just Jonathan Parry has devoted poration took politics beyond ing us a portrait of the wider their politics, much of his career to answer- the control of the Whigs. As lives of the Whigs, rather than ing these questions, though the franchise widened, and as just their politics, he helps to he helps to perhaps he may not choose to two world wars destroyed the reincarnate them as whole peo- express them in quite this form. Whig programme of gradual ple rather than just as statesmen reincarnate The Politics of Patriotism: English reform, they themselves became and party leaders. His apposite Liberalism, National Identity and an irrelevance. But as he rec- choice of quotations, his balanc- them as Europe 1830–1886 is ‘the last of ognises, globalisation, democ- ing of statements from within whole peo- a trilogy of books which have racy and industrialisation were the Whig family and its acolytes attempted to shed light on the managed affairs in Britain, not with those of Tory and Radical ple rather political strategies and ideologi- tainted by the revolutionary opponents, is done so lightly cal profile of the Victorian Lib- violence that has disrupted the that reading this book was a than just as eral Party’ (p. 2). However, it is development of continental real pleasure and entertainment a trilogy of very different books, Europe and so many developing which I hope will not lead to statesmen and those unfamiliar with the countries. an underestimation of its value and party period might be advised to read From time to time the as an introduction to a critical his The Rise and Fall of Liberal descendants of the Whig group in Liberal history. leaders. Government in Victorian Britain1 families have played a part in before tackling this latest con- modern politics – some, unfor- Tony Little is the Chair of the Lib- tribution, as that book gives tunately, on the side of the Con- eral Democrat History Group. both an outline of the major servatives – but as a significant events of the period and some- prominent coherent group they 1 G. W. E. Russell, Social Silhouettes, thing of Dr Parry’s perspective have vanished. Nevertheless, the 1906, cited in Duncan Brack & on the principal players. The gradualist reforming philosophy Robert Ingham (eds) Dictionary of Politics of Patriotism assumes of the Whigs is still the mindset Liberal Quotations (Politico’s, 1999). a familiarity with the events which it seeks to illuminate. The current volume has two objectives. The main focus in traditional narratives Promoting progress everywhere has been on domestic policy, free trade, the reform bills, the Jonathan Parry: The Politics of Patriotism: English Liberalism, secret ballot, church reforms National Identity and Europe 1830–1886 (Cambridge and introduction of state edu- cation. Foreign policy gets University Press, 2006) second billing, with much of Reviewed by Tony Little the attention paid to Empire and Ireland, which was in real- ity more an aspect of domestic policy during a period when he dominance of the embracing change, did so in Ireland was governed by the Act Liberal Party in the mid- order to minimise its impact. of Union no matter how much TVictorian period is often The Liberals had the support it strained at its fetters. In an viewed in terms of class or per- of the growing manufacturing era of peace disturbed only by haps interests. The Tory party classes and the Nonconform- unequal colonial battles and the had the support of the rural ing religious groups who wel- inconclusive Crimean debacle, communities and the Anglican comed change and the reform where is the interest in foreign Church. It generally sought to of a system that held them policy? Dr Parry wishes to argue avoid change while inevita- back and repressed their rights. not only that European events bly having to give way before Such a summary is not only a had a major impact on Liberal the pressure of events and, if gross simplification but merely policy and politics but also to

44 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 reviews use the treatment of such events which, because Europe was an enthusiast for threatening to explain the techniques that more civilised than other con- smaller powers and to playing different politicians exploited tinents, was the leader of the the larger Continental powers to win support for Liberalism. progressive world. This excep- off against each other to prevent The argument of his trilogy is tionalism was the consequence any one dominating, reinforc- that domestic, foreign, imperial of a series of Whig/Liberal ing the image of the Liberals and Irish issues all involved ‘the reforms dating back to the Glo- as the patriotic party. By and responsibility of political leaders rious Revolution that gave Brit- large, argues Parry, the Tories and the political nation to forge ain a Protestant tradition and were less successful in using a strong and beneficent national a strong constitution, flexible this strategy, although Disraeli community on healthy prin- enough to incorporate devel- recognised its importance and ciples’ (p. 2). Although not the oping communities who were sought, not wholly success- intention of the book, this work willing to accept civic respon- fully, to appropriate patriotism cannot be read without provok- sibilities. England was marked as a defining characteristic of ing thoughts about the contem- out by providence as a light for Conservatism. porary debate on Britishness, the world. By developing the Parry proceeds to integrate or the manner in which our power to restrict monarchical Liberalism’s attempt to propa- current superpower, the United and aristocratic tendencies, gov- gate British moral progress States, justifies to itself the oper- ernment was run in the interests to the world, its providential ation of its foreign policy. of the whole community, and exceptionalism, with the aspects Parry uses the first two chap- the avoidance of a standing of Liberalism with which most ters to establish his central argu- army meant that taxes could people are already familiar, such ment, which is then illustrated be kept low to the benefit of all as the search for improvement in the five succeeding sections, sections of society. at home through the activi- proceeding in a broadly chrono- In contrast, the Continental ties of civil society rather than logical fashion through the powers tended to be autocratic, government, demonstrating major foreign policy threats and militaristic and priest-ridden. why this proved attractive to opportunities which challenged Their instability reflected the certain types of Anglican and Liberalism up to its major crisis way in which government Nonconformist groups. The over home rule in 1886. was run for sectional interests. politics of patriotic Liberalism Liberal politicians projected Tories could be tarred with offered these groups the best an image of England as an their support for these more opportunity to achieve their exceptional European state, autocratic regimes. At times agenda in both the domestic and when the Continent showed international field, while mak- signs of moving towards what ing them grateful for reforms the British considered constitu- at home even when these failed tional government, the Liberals to meet the expectations of the could bask in reflected glory. most fervent. When Europe experienced a The episodes that Parry uses bout of revolution, as in 1848, to illustrate his argument are the Liberals could point out not themselves an unusual part the superiority of the British of the history of the mid-Victo- system. Speeches of the Lib- rian era; the novelty lies in the eral leaders on Continental application of his argument and developments were intended the integration of his perspec- in part to encourage reform in tive on foreign affairs with his Europe and in part to consoli- analysis of domestic aspects of date support within the UK for Liberalism. The period roughly Liberalism. up to the death of Palmerston Their world-view gave proved particularly favour- Liberals a vested interest in able to Liberalism because the European peace, if it could be Liberal narrative appeared to secured while preserving Brit- have a high correlation with ish honour. A variety of tech- events. Thereafter a number of niques were employed. Free difficulties occur. This is not trade enjoyed the support of because, as has sometimes been the whole party; for its Radi- argued, Gladstone abandoned cal proponents such as Bright, Palmerston’s patriotic mantle peace was one of its natural for some loosely defined inter- consequences. Palmerston was nationalism. Parry believes that

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 45 reviews

Gladstone was able to use the for extra-parliamentary vio- Since Parry among the Grand Old Man’s patriotic card to good effect lence was closer to continental admirers has been J. L Ham- in his Midlothian campaign models than to the responsible is seeking to mond, whose Gladstone and the against Disraeli’s unmanly lobbying of those British groups explain both Irish Nation (1938) portrayed the approach to the Bulgarian pressing for reform. Parry’s great Liberal Prime Minister in atrocities and the Congress of book is especially valuable in his the successes a heroic light, trying to bring Berlin. Rather, Gladstone was analysis of why Gladstone failed justice and peace to Ireland working against a less favoura- to ‘pacify’ Ireland in 1868, why and failings and being frustrated by the ble environment in which it was education was so controversial representatives of wealth and possible for Liberals to remain in the 1870s and why Irish home of Liberal privilege. By contrast Cooke true to their philosophy yet rule was so divisive in 1886. politicians and Vincent in The Governing arrive at opposing solutions to Since Parry is seeking to Passion (1973) saw the 1885–86 the most prominent problems. explain both the successes and over the home rule crisis as a jockeying Two key factors were at failings of Liberal politicians for position among the political work. Firstly, Continental over the whole mid-Victorian whole mid- elite in which short-term politi- developments were less favour- period, this is a complex work cal tactics were more important able. The threats from France sustained by a mastery of the Victorian than high principle. and technological develop- sources and a sensitivity to period, this Whatever view they have ments in naval warfare began to the intricacies of the various taken of Gladstone’s motiva- undermine Liberal economic upholders of Liberalism, par- is a complex tion, recent historians of the and tax policy. Secondly, the ticularly of the religious groups Liberal Party have tended to Franco-Prussian War under- which sustained the party. As an work sus- see his adoption of home rule mined the balance of power and explanation of Liberal foreign as a wrong turning. Some have was a significant factor in the policy it is valuable, as foreign tained by a argued that embracing home Liberal defeat at the 1874 elec- policy has tended to be seen mastery of rule was a departure from the tion. In addition, Bismarck’s either from an ‘official’ or a traditional Liberal approach of more assertive Germany not Conservative perspective, with the sources trying to integrate Ireland into only sustained pressure on Brit- books on Liberal foreign policy the United Kingdom, while oth- ish defence expenditure but much thinner on the ground. and a sensi- ers have seen Irish entanglements also helped to contrive greater As an additional factor in the as a distraction for the Liberal Franco-British misunderstand- analysis of domestic policy it tivity to the Party from addressing the con- ings over Egypt, forcing Glad- becomes an invaluable aid to intricacies of cerns of the working-class elec- stone to maintain an occupation the debate among professional torate in Britain – in particular of parts of the Turkish empire historians. the various social and welfare questions. in which he had intended a One of the many virtues short-duration policing action. Tony Little is the Chair of the Lib- upholders of of Dr Biagini’s book is that it (It is hard to avoid thinking of eral Democrat History Group. addresses much more than just Iraq when reading this section, Liberalism, the high politics and electoral though it is not part of Parry’s 1 Yale University Press, 1993. The particularly consequences of the relation- case.) Secondly, Ireland failed to first of the trilogy isDemocracy & ship between Irish Nationalism conform to the Liberal model. Religion, Gladstone and the Liberal of the reli- and British Liberalism. This Its Catholicism and eagerness Party 1867–1875 (Cambridge, 1986). includes questions of party gious groups organisation and the wider political outlook both of parlia- which sus- mentarians and grassroots party tained the workers. In doing so he ques- British Liberalism and Irish Nationalism tions the conclusion of many party. historians that the Liberal Party Eugenio F. Biagini: British Democracy and Irish Nationalism with its strong Nonconformist 1876–1906 (Cambridge University Press, 2007) influences and the Roman- Catholic-dominated Irish par- Reviewed by Iain Sharpe liamentary party were strange bedfellows. By locating Irish nationalism within the context he relationship between nineteenth and early twentieth of European, rather than simply Irish Nationalism and centuries, have been as much British, liberalism, the author TBritish Liberalism in a source of controversy among shows how Liberal Radicals general, and the Liberal Party’s historians as they were among and Irish nationalists shared a attitude towards Irish home contemporaries of Gladstone, view of politics that emphasised rule in particular during the late Chamberlain et al. Foremost democratic and constitutional

46 Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 reviews

complexity, while offering at the thesis which the author does its core a very clear thesis. This not properly confront. Not is that Gladstone’s adoption of least of these is that Gladstone’s home rule helped to delay the adoption of home rule initi- advent of class-based politics ated a period of unprecedented in Britain by fostering a radi- electoral failure for the Liberal cal political outlook that was Party. However complementary Chartist rather than Marx- the dynamics of Irish national- ist in nature – championing ism and British radicalism may democratic reforms, ethics in have been, neither appears to foreign policy and support for have gone down particularly free trade rather than socialist well with English floating economic determinism. Para- voters. The four general elec- doxically, however, the Liberal tions after the 1886 home rule government of 1905–15 (and to crisis saw the Liberals suffer a lesser extent that of 1892–95) three landslide general election had more success in addressing defeats and one unconvincing social questions, such as old age victory that left the Gladstone/ pensions or employers’ liability Rosebery administration largely for workplace accidents, than impotent. constitutional questions such as In order to achieve its land- home rule for Ireland (let alone slide victory of 1906, the Liberal for Wales and Scotland). Even leaders explicitly disavowed any after the eclipse of the Liberal intention of legislating for home Party and its replacement by rule in the next parliament. Labour after the First World This was largely at the insist- War, Labour leaders such as ence of Liberal Imperialists, such freedoms, as well as humanitar- Ramsay Macdonald appeared as Grey, Haldane and Asquith ian sympathies, rather than eco- more comfortable defining their (although the latter disavowed nomic collectivism. politics in essentially Gladsto- such a label), whose importance Indeed, the book highlights nian humanitarian terms rather the author somewhat underes- a number of often forgotten than as distinctively socialist, timates. In the end Liberalism episodes in the history of the ensuring the continuation of prospered electorally when it period. For example, it shows this aspect of Liberal politics. presented a moderate image to that Irish nationalists as well as This is very much history for the electorate and where the Gladstonian Liberals shared a a post-class-war era. Whereas leadership rather than the party sense of outrage at the Unionist in the 1970s and 1980s, much grassroots was clearly in charge government’s failure to act deci- of the historical debate on of the direction of policy. Strong sively over the Turkish govern- Liberalism, labour and democ- currents of radicalism have not ment’s Armenian atrocities in racy focused on the inevitable generally led to electoral success 1895–96. And, in the course of development of a socialist ver- for the left, whether in the 1880s, a fascinating chapter on Joseph sus capitalist division in Brit- 1950s or 1980s. Chamberlain and Radical ish politics, Dr Biagini argues These are matters that will Unionism, Dr Biagini describes that in the last decades of the of course continue to exercise the unlikely career of T. W. Rus- nineteenth century, even in an historians of the Liberal Party sell, the Ulster Liberal Unionist electorate with a working-class and of British politics of the MP, who refused to accept that majority, social and welfare nineteenth and twentieth cen- the campaign for land reform reforms had limited appeal at turies. Dr Biagini is greatly to should be subservient to the the ballot box when compared be congratulated on having pro- greater imperative of preserv- with constitutional questions. duced a highly readable volume ing the Union, who combined He suggests that this phenom- that offers new and original virulent anti-Catholicism with enon undermined the Radical perspectives on the relationship a willingness to co-operate with Unionism of Joseph Cham- between Liberalism and Irish Irish nationalists on land issues, berlain, which was strongly nationalism. This book will and who eventually ended up based on outcomes rather than surely be essential reading for all back in the Liberal Party. democratic processes, as well as students of the period. The book offers an account hindering the growth of social- of the Liberal–Irish National- ist organisations. Ian Sharpe is researching a PhD at ist relationship that is multi- Much of this is convincing, London University on the Edward- dimensional and rich in yet there are still problems with ian Liberal Party.

Journal of Liberal History 59 Summer 2008 47 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting WORKING WITH OTHERS: THE LIB-LAB PACT From March 1977 to October 1978, the Liberal Party kept Jim Callaghan’s Labour government in power through the Lib-Lab Pact. Labour ministers consulted systematically with Liberal spokespeople across a wide range of policy areas. Arguably, the Pact restored a degree of political and economic stability to the country, but its achievements from a Liberal point of view were highly limited and it did not appear to be popular with the country at large.

Yet, in the longer term, the Pact can be seen to have paved the way for the concept of different political parties working together – which led in the following decade to the Liberal–SDP Alliance and may – ultimately – lead to coalition government at Westminster.

Twenty years on from the Pact, key participants from both sides discuss its history and impact.

Speakers: David Steel (Leader of the Liberal Party 1976–88); Tom McNally (Head of the Prime Minister’s Political Office 1976–79);Michal Steed (President of the Liberal Party 1978–79, and academic psephologist). Chair: Geoff Tordoff (Chairman of the Liberal Party 1976–79).

7.00pm, Monday 14 July National Liberal Club, 1 Whitehall Place, London SW1

Letters (continued from page 15) which was quite apparent by international influence and Oswald Mosley, and Lloyd of Commons, said: ‘It was the time of Lloyd George’s power of the Jews to deter- George’s recorded criti- the sort of speech with visit to Germany in 1936, mine world events. ‘The cism of fascism was mild which, I imagine, the illus- which was followed by his Jewish race’, Lloyd George indeed. The similarity of trious and venerable Mar- notorious praise of Hitler. wrote in his memoirs, ‘had Lloyd George to Marshal shal Pétain might well have Even Lloyd George’s much world-wide influence and Pétain is striking. Both enlivened the closing days vaunted pro-Zionism can capability, and the Jews had were war leaders, vain men of M. Reynaud’s Cabinet.’ be seen to have nothing to every intention of determin- who admired strong auto- Whilst it is right that we do with the Nazi persecu- ing the outcome of World cratic rulers, and both were should acknowledge the tion of the Jews – he never War I – acting in accord- easily seduced by Hitler. tremendous achievements offered that as a reason for ance with their financial George Orwell alluded to of Lloyd George, we should supporting the establish- instincts’. In other words Lloyd George as a potential not ignore these major non- ment of a Jewish national his support for Zionism was Pétain, writing in his diary liberal flaws in his character. home. Rather, his support a bribe to enlist the sup- that: ‘There are rumours Harry Davies had a decidedly anti-Semitic port and ‘world influence that Lloyd George is the base. Even though his belief of international Jewry’ – a potential Pétain of England. in Zionism was partly based myth that Hitler was soon to It is easy to see him play- on sincerely felt Christian shatter. ing this part.’ Churchill in Zionism, he also believed Lloyd George was also 1941, in reply to a speech by in the old canard of the an admirer of the fascist Lloyd George in the House