DOCSLIB.ORG

The New Global Past

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Università di Napoli Federico II A. A. 2020-2021 Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Scuola delle Scienze Umane e Sociali Master’s degree in International Relations THE NEW GLOBAL PAST An Introduction to the Global History of the Contemporary Age (Prof. Teodoro Tagliaferri) 1 Contents Part One. The New Global Past: A First Attempt at Conceptualization I. Introduction §1. World History, Global History, Contemporary History, and the Beginnings of the Global Age §2. Twentieth-Century Inspirations and False Starts §3. The Post-Cold War Thrust towards Professionalization $4. The Categorical Cluster in Outline: A Preliminary Glossary II. A Synoptic Overview of the Field of Study §1. World History Stoops to Conquer: the Global Point of View §2. The Global Past, (A): The Transregional and Transcultural Scales and Dimensions of Human History §3. The Global Past, (B): The «Human Community» and (or) the Long-Term History of Globalization §4. «Large-Scale Empirical Narratives» §5. «Dynamic Interactions» III. An Introductory Case Study: Contemporary India in the Perspective of the New Global History §1. The Reinterpretation of the Origins of British Colonialism §2. Hindu Civilization in the “Orientalist” Representation of James Mill IV. Dynamic Interactions between Multiple Regional Modernities at the Roots of the Long Imperial Century 2 §1. Christopher Bayly’s General Approach to Global History in The Birth of the Modern World §2. The Interactive Emergence of the British Domination in Afro-Eurasia in Bayly’s Imperial Meridian §3. The World Historical Impact of «British Nationalism» in the Age of Revolutions V. On the Utility of World History for Public Life §1. «Differentiated Commonalities» and Contemporary «Pammixia» §2. The Ethics and Politics of the New World History: Pluralist Cosmopolitanism and Global Citizenship §3. A Global Past for a Common Future Part Two. Variations, Integrations, Applications 1. Reconceptualizing the Expansion of Europe §1. Overcoming Eurocentrism: the First Step §2. The Expansion of Europe in the Perspective of the New Global History 2. Eurasia from the Multiple Expansions of the Early Modern Period to the 18th- and 19th-Centuries Crisis of the Old World Civilizational Balance §1. Eurasia as the Center of Modern and Contemporary History §2. Eurasia’s Multiple Expansions during the «Age of Discovery» §3. Eurasia in the Period of the «Early Modern Equilibrium» §4. The Eurasian Revolution: The Geopolitical Dimension 3 3. Expansion, Crisis and Renewal: the British Empire after the First World War in the Perspective of Global History 4. World War Two in the Mediterranean in the Perspective of Global History Part Three. Old Global Pasts 1. Legitimizing Imperial Authority: Greater Britain and India in the Global Historical Vision of John R. Seeley §1. Elements of Continuity in the Liberal Imperialist Tradition §2. Historians’ Legitimating Task §3. The Republic of Humanity §4. History as Political Prophecy §5. Europe’s Manifest Destiny §6. From the Country-State to the World-State §7. England’s Providential Mission in Asia §8. Unintended Consequences? Towards the United States of India 2. The Republic of Humanity: John R. Seeley and the Religious Sources of British Imperial Universalism 3. Eric Hobsbawm: The Last of the Universal Historians? 4 Part One The New Global Past A First Attempt at Conceptualization 5 I. Introduction 1. World History, Global History, Contemporary History, and the Beginnings of the Global Age The following chapters are based on my lecture notes for a course in Global History of the Contemporary Age delivered in English to the students for a Master’s degree in International Relations at the University of Naples Federico II, Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche, in the academic years 2018/2019, 2019/2020 and 2020/2021, with some substantial additions from materials collected for two series of seminars addressing The New Global Past. Historiographical Background, Methodological Issues, General Outlines, which I gave in the academic years 2018/2019 and 2019/2020 to first year students of the Doctorate in Global History & Governance, born in 2018 from a convention between the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa and the Federico II University, and then merged in the Scuola Superiore Meridionale of Naples. Both kinds of lessons ultimately responded to the mandatory institutional purpose of introducing their culturally varied postgraduate audiences (among whom Italians, Germans, Ukrainians, Rumanians, Magyars, Polish, Turkish, Latvians, British, Americans, Pakistanis, and a sizeable handful of Erasmus students) to the disciplinary field of Global History and its complex historiographical background, which here in Naples I teach also, in Italian, to the students for two other Master’s degrees – Relazioni Internazionali e Analisi di Scenario and Scienze Storiche –, offered respectively by the departments of Scienze Politiche and Studi Umanistici1. 1 As Storia Globale dell’Età Contemporanea at Scienze Politiche and Storia Globale at Studi Umanistici. At Studi Umanistici, to the students for the Master’s degree in Scienze Storiche, I teach a course in Storia della Storiografia Contemporanea too, after having taught for quite a long period, until ten years ago or so, Storia della Filosofia at the then Facoltà di 6 I deliberately chose to pursue this aim by sharply focusing, at the price of obvious omissions and simplifications, on a specific conceptualization of its subject-matter – the «new global past» alluded to in the title – which has clearly been emerging, in my view, over the past thirty or forty years in international historiography within the context of a coeval revival and renewal of World History. In order to avoid as much as possible unprofitable terminological disquisitions, when employing the two expressions – “World History” and “Global History” – I will very roughly follow the authoritative precedent set in 1990 in the prospectus of the «Journal of World History», which was written for its inaugural number by Jerry Bentley, the founder and first editor of the review until his untimely death in 2012. Bentley described the «official journal of the World Historical Association», an affiliated to the American Historical Association founded in 1982, as aiming to provide «A New Forum for Global History»2. We may pragmatically agree, therefore, on reserving the first expression to indicate, in the main, how an influential branch of its professional practitioners have grown accustomed to refer to the academic discipline of World History, and Global History to indicate both the discipline, as it sometimes is alternatively named in the U.S. and elsewhere, and the particular object of knowledge to which the academic world and global historians devote their work. The important thing to stress, however, is that, for the epistemological reasons given later, “World History” and “Global History” may be nowadays legitimately used as referring to the same thing when seen, respectively and reciprocally, a parte subjecti and a parte objecti. This elastic, nonbinding terminological distinction reveals itself useful also because not all those professional scholars who write on global history are necessarily World or Global Historians too. The several courses of Global History I teach at Naples, being all aimed to students for an Italian “Laurea Magistrale”, differ substantially, both in their aims Lettere e Filosofia of the Federico II. I give these personal details, unimportant in themselves, in order to provide the reader with a clue to my own individual approach to Global History. 2 Infra, II, §1 7 and their contents, from a course of Contemporary History for a Bachelor’s degree, if only because they presuppose that the students should have already acquired some basic knowledge of its fundamental outlines. In an important sense, however, their subject-matter is the same as that of the more general and elementary course I teach to the students for a “Laurea Triennale” in Scienze Politiche: the contemporary age. This means to me that, whatever epoch-making caesura one adopts as its beginning (the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, the Congress of Vienna, the Seven Years War of the middle of the eighteenth century ecc.), the period covered by the teacher organically includes the present. Both study and teaching of Contemporary History include the present, at least logically and virtually, in the dual sense that 1) the present forms a part of it and 2) a pragmatic, problem-oriented understanding of the circumstances in which we all are called to act as citizens should be the ultimate goal pursued by the discipline. Contemporary History, as I believe, when true to its professional calling, is never about a non-existent “past in itself”, to be studied “for its own sake”. Contemporary History is about the present as seen from the perspective of its becoming what it is for us; it deals with that past in which the world around us, our collective and political present, reveals itself grounded and recognizes its roots. If it is so, in defining the subject-matter of contemporary history, which will vary according to the value-choices of each one of us, a teacher is preliminarily bound to clarify to himself as well as his fellow-students what is the present that he selects, among the many possible, as the starting point of his Herodotean round trip into the past – that present of which he is interested to investigate the extremely complex genealogy, being careful not to incur the two historian’s capital sins of anachronism and teleologism. Both in my global history and more basic contemporary history courses I regard as the explicandum the globalized society of our time and make the attempt to lead my students into an exploration of some significant aspects, at least, of its making and background. The global past which is being studied by the today’s World 8 Historians appears to me peculiarly well fit to cast light on the fundamental challenges confronting globalized humanity in the post-post-Cold War (and now post-Covid 19) era.
Recommended publications
  • HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- the PREDICAMENT of the BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914

    HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- the PREDICAMENT of the BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914

    This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-3000 HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by Gerald Clarence Heberle 1968 THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gerald c / Heberle, B.A., M.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1967 Approved by B k f y f ’ P c M k ^ . f Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Philip P. Poirier of the Department of History, The Ohio State University, Dr. Poirier*s invaluable advice, his unfailing patience, and his timely encouragement were of immense assistance to me in the production of this dissertation, I must acknowledge the splendid service of the staff of the British Museum Manuscripts Room, The Librarian and staff of the University of Birmingham Library made the Chamberlain Papers available to me and were most friendly and helpful. His Lordship, Viscount Chilston, and Dr, Felix Hull, Kent County Archivist, very kindly permitted me to see the Chilston Papers, I received permission to see the Asquith Papers from Mr, Mark Bonham Carter, and the Papers were made available to me by the staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, To all of these people I am indebted, I am especially grateful to Mr, Geoffrey D,M, Block and to Miss Anne Allason of the Conservative Research Department Library, Their cooperation made possible my work in the Conservative Party's publications, and their extreme kindness made it most enjoyable.
  • The Conservatives in British Government and the Search for a Social Policy 1918-1923

    The Conservatives in British Government and the Search for a Social Policy 1918-1923

    71-22,488 HOGAN, Neil William, 1936- THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Neil William Hogan, B.S.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by I AdvAdviser iser Department of History PREFACE I would like to acknowledge my thanks to Mr. Geoffrey D.M. Block, M.B.E. and Mrs. Critch of the Conservative Research Centre for the use of Conservative Party material; A.J.P. Taylor of the Beaverbrook Library for his encouragement and helpful suggestions and his efficient and courteous librarian, Mr. Iago. In addition, I wish to thank the staffs of the British Museum, Public Record Office, West Sussex Record Office, and the University of Birmingham Library for their aid. To my adviser, Professor Phillip P. Poirier, a special acknowledgement#for his suggestions and criticisms were always useful and wise. I also want to thank my mother who helped in the typing and most of all my wife, Janet, who typed and proofread the paper and gave so much encouragement in the whole project. VITA July 27, 1936 . Bom, Cleveland, Ohio 1958 .......... B.S.S., John Carroll University Cleveland, Ohio 1959 - 1965 .... U.
  • A Forgotten Lib–Con Alliance

    A Forgotten Lib–Con Alliance

    For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 79 / Summer 2013 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y A forgotten Lib–Con alliance Alun Wyburn-Powell The Constitutionalists and the 1924 election A new party or a worthless coupon? David Dutton ‘A nasty, deplorable little incident in our political life’ The Dumfries Standard, 1957 David Cloke David Lloyd George: the legacy Meeting report James Fargher The South African war and its effect on the Liberal alliance Kenneth O. Morgan The relevance of Henry Richard The ‘apostle of peace’ Liberal Democrat History Group 2 Journal of Liberal History 79 Summer 2013 Journal of Liberal History Issue 79: Summer 2013 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Lloyd George commemorations; plaque to Lord john Russell; Gladstone statue Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl unveiled in Seaforth Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini A forgotten Liberal–Conservative alliance 6 Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, The Constitutionalists and the 1924 election – a new party or a worthless York Membery coupon? by Alun Wyburn-Powell Patrons Letters to the Editor 15 Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Honor Balfour (Michael Meadowcroft and Hugh Pagan) Professor John Vincent Editorial Board Liberal history quiz 2012 15 Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Matt Cole; Dr Roy The answers (questions in issue 78) Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Prof. David Gowland; Prof. Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Dr ‘A nasty, deplorable little incident in our political 16 Alison Holmes; Dr J.
  • This Essay Explains Benjamin Disraeli Parliamentary Response to The

    This Essay Explains Benjamin Disraeli Parliamentary Response to The

    Conservatism and British imperialism in India: finding the local roots of empire in Britain and India by Matthew Stubbings A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2015 © Matthew Stubbings 2015 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public ii Abstract This thesis explores the importance of political conservatism in shaping the ideological and political foundations of British imperialism in India between 1857 and 1914. From the Indian Revolt to the rise of Indian nationalism, it examines how British and Indian conservatives attempted to define a conceptual and institutional framework of empire which politically opposed liberal imperialism to the First World War. It relies upon a biographical analysis to examine how intellectual configurations defined distinct political positions on Indian empire. This study reveals the extent that local conservative inclination and action, through political actors such as Lord Ellenborough, Benjamin Disraeli, Lord Mayo, Lord Lytton, the Kathiawar States, Roper Lethbridge, and M.M. Bhownaggree, shaped public and partisan discourse on empire. It argues that British and Indian conservatives evoked shared principles centered in locality, prescription, and imagination to challenge, mollify, and supplant the universal and centralizing ambitions of liberal imperialists and nationalists with the employment of pre-modern ideas and institutions. It is argued that this response to liberalism conditioned their shared contribution and collaboration towards an imperial framework predicated principally upon respecting and supporting local autonomy and traditional authority in a hierarchical and divided India.
  • The Liberal and Labour Parties in North-East Politics 1900-14: the Struggle for Supremacy

    The Liberal and Labour Parties in North-East Politics 1900-14: the Struggle for Supremacy

    A. W. PURDUE THE LIBERAL AND LABOUR PARTIES IN NORTH-EAST POLITICS 1900-14: THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY i The related developments of the rise of the Labour Party and the decline of the Liberal Party have been subjected to considerable scrutiny by his- torians of modern Britain. Their work has, however, had the effect of stimulating new controversies rather than of establishing a consensus view as to the reasons for this fundamental change in British political life. There are three main areas of controversy. The first concerns the char- acter of the Labour Party prior to 1918, the degree to which it was Socialist or even collectivist and could offer to the electorate policies and an image substantially different to those of the Liberal Party, and the degree to which it merely continued the Liberal-Labour tradition in alliance with, albeit outside the fold of, the Liberal Party. The second concerns the search for an historical turning-point at which Liberal decline and Labour's advance can be said to have become distinguishable. Perhaps the most vital debate centres around the third area of controversy, the nature of early- twentieth-century Liberalism and the degree to which a change towards a more collectivist and socially radical posture enabled it to contain the threat that the Labour Party presented to its electoral position. Research into the history of the Labour Party has modified considerably those earlier views of the movement's history which were largely formed by those who had, themselves, been concerned in the party's development. Few would now give such prominence to the role of the Fabian Society as did writers such as G.
  • Champion of Liberalism Dr J

    Champion of Liberalism Dr J

    For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 59 / Summer 2008 / £6.00 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y Champion of Liberalism Dr J. Graham Jones Eliot Crawshay-Williams Biography of the Leicester Liberal MP, 1910–13 Professor Barry Doyle The rank and file and the Liberal government ‘crisis’ of 1912 A note York Membery Jeremy Thorpe Interview with the former Liberal leader Ian Ivatt The 1908 Hastings by-election Dr Philip MacDougall T. H. Green Forgotten Liberal? Liberal Democrat History Group other GLC Members to interesting personalities. In LETTERS resign in protest and fight Hampstead the group com- by-elections for their seats. prised two novelists and an The GLC Tories chose not ex-MP! One of the novelists Ireland’s Liberal MPs to participate in this piece was Ernest Raymond who As Berkley Farr implied, in Tyrone, as above, although of gesture politics but, for was charged with finding his article (‘James Wood: R. Glendinning, the Inde- all that we supported Liv- ‘paper’ candidates for the East Down’s Liberal MP, pendent Unionist MP ingstone in opposing abo- Town ward. He approached Journal of Liberal History elected in North Antrim, lition, we saw no reason a Liberal friend, Pamela 58, spring 2008), the first subsequently joined the Par- why he should have a free Frankau, who agreed to Irish Liberal MP since liamentary Liberal Party. run with the electorate. allow her name to go for- the defeat of all the Irish Dr Alexander (Sandy) S. We decided to contest all ward. As recounted in his Liberal candidates at the Waugh four by-elections.
  • The Political Economy of Alignment the Political Economy Kevin Narizny of Alignment Great Britain’S Commitments to Europe, 1905–39

    The Political Economy of Alignment the Political Economy Kevin Narizny of Alignment Great Britain’S Commitments to Europe, 1905–39

    The Political Economy of Alignment The Political Economy Kevin Narizny of Alignment Great Britain’s Commitments to Europe, 1905–39 Few issues cut so deeply to the core of international relations theory as the origins of diplomatic alignments. If only one of the great powers had chosen a different alliance strategy at any of several critical junctures over the past century, the course of world history might have been radically altered. Germany might have suc- ceeded in the conquest of Europe, or it might have been deterred from hostili- ties altogether. Much depended on Great Britain, which avoided entangling itself in continental crises until each world war had already become inevitable. By making a stronger commitment to France in the early 1910s, or by forging a close partnership with the Soviet Union in the late 1930s, Britain might have been able to persuade German leaders that military conºict would not have been worth the risk. Given the enormous stakes of great power politics, it is of vital importance for the ªeld of international relations to provide a compelling account of how states choose their allies and adversaries. The academic debate over alignment has centered on two schools of thought within the realist paradigm. One view posits that states tend to balance against the most powerful actor in the system; the other asserts that states concern 1 themselves only with speciªc threats to their national security. Using these theories as a point of departure, many scholars have also explored second- order factors that affect great power alignments, including offense-defense balance, revisionist motives, domestic regime characteristics, and intra-alliance 2 bargaining dynamics.
  • The Real Lloyd George J

    The Real Lloyd George J

    For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 51 / Summer 2006 / £5.00 Liberal Democrat history Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y The Real Lloyd George J. Graham Jones The Real Lloyd George As his secretary saw him David Dutton Sir Frank Medlicott (1903 – 72) Biography of the Liberal / Liberal National MP Peter Harris A meeting place for Liberals The National Liberal Club Lawrence Iles Organiser par excellence Biography of Herbert Gladstone (1854 – 1930) Kenneth O. Morgan 1906: ‘Blissful dawn’? A hundred years on Liberal Democrat History Group The National Liberal Club is pleased to invite readers of the Journal of Liberal History to consider the benefits of membership of the Club. Founded in 1882, the National Liberal Club still occupies the same purpose-built Whitehall riverside clubhouse and continues to be associated with the Liberal cause, offering Liberals and their friends a wide range of club facilities. Our picture shows the announcement, from the Club’s terrace, of constituency results in the 1906 Liberal landslide election. The Club promotes a wide range of cultural and social activities. Our members, men and women from all walks of life, enjoy bar and dining room facilities, a large and elegant reading and writing room, a splendid terrace, business facilities, a billiards room and a suite of function rooms. Members benefit from reciprocal arrangements with carefully chosen clubs elsewhere in the United Kingdom and around the world, and from substantial discounts on bedroom rates at the adjoining Royal Horseguards Hotel and The Farmers
  • The Language of Imperialism in British Electoral Politics, 1880-1910 LUKE BLAXILL

    The Language of Imperialism in British Electoral Politics, 1880-1910 LUKE BLAXILL

    The Language of Imperialism in British Electoral Politics, 1880-1910 LUKE BLAXILL 'C is for colonies. Rightly we boast, that of all the great nations, Great Britain has most' 'E is our Empire where the sun never sets. The larger we make it, the bigger it gets' The above quotations are taken from Mrs. Ernest Ames' popular children's picture book An ABC for Baby Patriots, published in 1899.1 While clearly not every child of late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain was brought up on books like the ABC, they are often seen as exemplars of the public's close cultural relationship with Empire and its tangible impact on everyday life, or what Robert MacDonald has called the era's 'Imperialist worldview'.2 As the empire seemed to have strongly permeated the national consciousness of this era, it is interesting – and crucially important – to investigate how and how far this popular feeling manifested itself in the arena of politics, particularly during election campaigns which routinely brought people and politicians together in mass public meetings where platform speeches would be delivered.3 This article provides a wide- ranging analysis of the issue of imperialism in electoral politics during this thirty-year period, particularly focussing on its presentation by Liberal and Conservative politicians. In particular, it asks which party used imperialism more often, when, and which benefitted most from it politically. It also investigates how imperialism intersected with patriotism in the electoral arena in these years, and to what extent the two became effectively interchangeable. The recent historiography of imperialism in political history has clearly been influenced by cultural historians' focus on Empire's domestic resonance since the 1980s, and the popular 'maximalist' thesis: that imperialism was a key paradigm through which contemporaries viewed, understood, and expressed British politics, culture, and society in the 1880-1914 period.
  • 29 Sharpe Liberal Party and South African

    29 Sharpe Liberal Party and South African

    Boer War Iain Sharpe describes the crisis in the Liberal Party that was provoked by the Anglo-Boer War. TheThe LiberalLiberal PartyParty andand thethe SouthSouth AfricanAfrican WarWar 1899–19021899–1902 he South African War of –, com- (leader in the House of Commons from to Tmonly known as the Boer War, brought to a ) and John Morley, Gladstone’s biographer, were head long-standing divisions in the Liberal Party inclined to sympathise with these views. However, over its attitude to empire and foreign policy and some Liberals (dubbed ‘Liberal Imperialists’) be- very nearly led to a permanent split along the lines lieved that a policy of opposition to imperial expan- of the Liberal Unionist secession. The sion was an electoral albatross for the Liberal Party. general election saw the party reach the nadir of the Lord Rosebery, Gladstone’s successor as Prime Min- its pre- electoral fortunes, when it suffered an ister, and rising stars such as Sir Edward Grey, unprecedented second successive landslide defeat. R. B. Haldane and H. H. Asquith felt that the party Internal feuding between supporters and opponents was in danger of being portrayed as unpatriotic – of the war threatened to lead a permanent division willing to countenance the dismantling of empire in the Liberal ranks, along the lines of the Liberal and thus the decline of British power. Rosebery Unionist secession of . Ye t, within four years of wanted the party to shake off the Gladstonian the war’s end the Liberals were back in power, hav- legacy and positively embrace empire. Although he ing themselves won a landslide majority.

  • In the Shadow of Empire: Rethinking Local Agency in Tower Hamlets at the Fin De Siècle Joseph Oliver Turner MA by Research Univ

    In the Shadow of Empire: Rethinking local agency in Tower Hamlets at the fin de siècle Joseph Oliver Turner MA by Research University of York History May, 2018 Abstract Through an examination of how local politicians developed, cultivated and maintained relationships with their constituents and national parties, this thesis will explore the ways that the contingent and contested nature of popular politics impacted on the daily lives of the working classes in Tower Hamlets, from 1895 to 1906. Through a synthesis of election material, local newspapers and recollections this thesis will explore popular political and economic practices and their articulation at ground level, using the Boer War, 1899 - 1902, and The Tariff Reform Campaign, 1903 – 1906, as case studies to highlight the uncertainty of politics at this time. These studies will highlight how individual agency within political parties negotiated and asked for power from the communities they represented. Simultaneously, it will analyse the agentic political culture which was inherent within working-class constituencies in Tower Hamlets, to highlight how local politicians reconstructed a popular image based on their local networks and relationships. The thesis will conclude by arguing that the interaction between politicians and their constituents were more complicated than some historians have argued, as national and imperial politics were mediated through the prism of working-class aspirations and concerns. The aim of this thesis is to paint a picture of a more vibrant political scene, where national and imperial politics were constructed from ground level, and working-class agentic political culture had a larger impact on the course of British history.
  • The Ideology of Democratic Empire in the Antebellum United States

    The Ideology of Democratic Empire in the Antebellum United States

    Empire of the People: The Ideology of Democratic Empire in the Antebellum United States A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Adam J. Dahl IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Joan Tronto, Joe Soss July 2014 © Adam J. Dahl 2014 Acknowledgements I have long awaited the chance to thank the members of my dissertation committee for all of their support and help. But as that chance has finally arrived, I am coming to the realization that anything I could say is woefully inadequate. Nevertheless, I’ll give it a try. First and foremost, my co-advisors, Joan Tronto and Joe Soss, deserve especial thanks. Joan patiently followed the project through at every step, and she has been supportive even when I wasn’t entirely clear about exactly what I was doing. She has served as an excellent mentor and has provided a valuable model of advising that I hope I can emulate someday. Joe saw my research interests twist and turn in numerous directions over the past few years, and at times he was able to better express what I was up to than I myself could. He was more generous with his time and ideas than I could ever hope a mentor would be. Liz Beaumont provided crucial guidance and help at key moments, and she encouraged me to keep going even when I thought I hit a dead end. Dara Strolovitch always pushed me on difficult questions and issues, and the dissertation is undoubtedly stronger because of it.