The Role and Experiences of Hispanic Soldiers During the World War I1 Era

THE ROLE AND EXPERIENCES OF HISPANIC SOLDIERS DURING THE WORLD WAR I1 ERA

A thesis presented to the Faculty of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF MILITARY ART AND SCIENCE

DEBRA L. FIX, MAJ, USA B.S., United States Military Academy, 1981

Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 1993

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. MASTER OF MILITARY ART AND SCIENCE THESIS APPROVAL PAGE

Name of Candidate: MAJ Debra L. Fix Thesis Title: The Role and Experiences of Hispanic Soldiers During the World War I1 Era.

Approved by:

U+ dkr, Thesis Committee Chairman , M,..Ed.

Member & ~icardoS. Barrera, MA

Accepted this 4th day of June 1993 by:

4 Director, Graduate Degree Programs Phili J. Brookes, Ph.D.

The opinions and conclusions expressed herein are those of the student author and do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College cr any other governmental agency. (References to this study should include the foregoing statement.) ABSTRACT THE ROLE AND EXPERIENCES OF HISPANIC SOLDIERS DURING THE WORLD WAR I1 ERA BY MAJ Debra L. Fix, USA, 187 pages. This study examines the role and experiences of the United States Army Hispanic soldier during the World War I1 era. Historians have largely overlooked the participation of Hispanic soldiers in recording the history of the nation's major wars, in particular, World War I1 (WW 11). This study focuses on Hispanic contributions to the nation's defense from the American Revolution up to World War 11; the roles and contributions of Hispanic supporters on the home front in the communities and the war industries; and the personal experiences of two Hispanic World War I1 veterans, one male and one female soldier. This study reinforced that Hispanic Americans are an amalgamation of diverse ethnic heritages bound together by a common culture and language. Hispanic Americans include: Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and Central and South Americans. They are all American citizens; however, their contributions to military history are largely undocumented and unknown to most Americans. The study concludes that because Hispanics largely-served in integrated units they did not face overt discrimination. There were no institutional limitations t3 their service. They contributed honorably on the home front and in the service of their country. Their smooth assimilation into the service contributed to a lack of focus and attention to their contributions and experiences as a separate and unique ethnic group. The study determined that there are several areas of Hispanic participation in the military which require further detailed research. Minimal scholarly wofk exists on the Hispanic women who served in the Women's Army Corps during World War 11. First-person accounts would add to this body of knowledge. Also, the experiences of Hispanic officers who saw combat in World War I1 is another area void of in-depth, documented work. Their personal experiences as unit leaders on the war front would contribute to the history of the Army's officer corps. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis was the result of many months of research, hard work, and determination to produce a product which would add to military history's body of knowledge. However, it would not have been possible without the support, love, and encouragement of my loyal family, my devoted husband and best friend, Major Bob Fix who was my greatest supporter from this project's inception. I owe m:y two children, Bobby and Joey Fix, many hugs and kisses for their understanding and support while I spent countless hours at this thesis. These three men were the winds beneath my wings. I am indebted to my thesis committee chairman, Mr. John A. Reichley, for the hours and unwavering support which he unselfishly provided over ten long months. My sincere thanks to the other members of my committee, Dr. Ronald E. Cuny and Major Ricardo S. Barrera for their patience, direction, and encouragement. They all willingly accepted their duties without a single complaint. A special thank you to the staff at the Combined Arms Research Library who were always willing to assist me with this study especially Ms. Carol Ramkey and Ms. Mary Jo Nelson who was instrumental in obtaining numerous books through the inter-library loan program. I owe thanks to Dr. Christine Marin of Arizona State University, Dr. Cynthia Orozco of the Institute of Texan Cultures, Ms. Margo Gutierrez of the University of Texas, and Mr. Jerry Andersen at the Department of Defense. They expressed a sincere interest in this study from the beginning and provided valuable reference materials. Without the cooperation of my interviewees, Mrs. Rose Rodriguez-Caballero, Mrs. Carmen Contreras Bozak, and LTC Rene Ramos, I might have written on a different topic. I thank them and salute them all for their patience, time, and their unselfish service to the nation. Finally, I wish to thank my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Clement S. Lopez who believed in me and supported me through this journey. I also thank my classmates, CPT Dave Bongi and MAJ Hugh Robinson, both who assisted me. For the strength and courage to tackle this masters degree during a most demanding academic year with a husband in the School of Advanced Military Studies and two energetic boys, I am eternally grateful to the Lord God who guided me through some difficult months. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

APPROVAL PAGE ...... ii

ABSTRACT ...... iii

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ..... Thesis Background . . Thesis Purpose ... Assumptions .... Definitions .... Limitations .... Delimitations ... Research Methodology Data Collection ...

2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 2!>

3. HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ...... 44

4. HISPANIC CONTRIBUTIONS ...... 7!j TheHomeFront ...... 7!j Contributions of Hispanic Women . 71) Contributions of the Mexican-American Community 90

5. HISPANIC WARTIME EXPERIENCES ...... 1:13 Hispanic Women in Uniform ...... 1..3 Hispanic Men in Uniform ...... 135

6. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... l(i0 Recommendations For Further Study . 166 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 172

INITIAL DISTRIBUTION LIST ...... 187 CHAPTER I Introduction

The American soldiers of Mexican origin served with distinction. They fought courag~ously. They gave their lives, when need be, valiantly. These were the words which then Vice-president Lyndon B. Johnson used to describe the service of the Hispanic soldiers who served in World War 11. World War I1 mobilized the support of the American people behind its armed forces in an unprecedented show of national fervor, pride, and unity. For Hispanics, it was the first major war where substantial numbers of Hispanic Americans answered the call to arms. The institutional and cultural barriers which tended to limit the role of Hispanics in the military during World War I came under question; thus began the military's period of readjustment and reevaluation of the treatment of minorities. In World War 11, the Hispanic soldier made his presence known through his service in both integrated and segregated units. Additionally, the amount of historical documentation of Hispanic wartime contributions increased in contrast to wars previous to and after World War 11. Generally, Hispanics received more recognition of their achievements during this war period. World War I1 was a watershed period for Hispanic participation in the armed forces as the children of the World War I generation, mostly American-born citizens of draft age, filled the ranks in substantial numbers. Hispan- ic contributions to the war effort, both individual and unit, earned them stature and respect in the military community. As a minority group, Hispanics proved themselves as patriots at home and on the battlefield. World War I1 provided greater opportunities than in the past for Hispan- ics to serve in the military and to carve a landmark place in history. In order to better understand the significance of Hispanic contributions during World War 11, it is necessary to study Hispanic contributions to the United States armed forces prior to that era. However, Hispanic contributions to the military prior to World War I consisted of a handful of individual noteworthy achievements. On the other hand, World War I created new opportunities for military service for the large Mexican immigrant population in the United States. World War I triggered the emergence of significant numbers of Hispanics who participated in the service of their country. However, the actual numbers are difficult to discern since the United States government did not keep separate records during World War I that identified

2 Spanish-surnamed individuals. 2 At the outbreak of World War I1 there were about 2,690,000 Hispanics in the United States, approximately one-third of whom were of draft age.3 They comprised frog 2.5 to 5 percent of the total war population. 4 While the exact number of Hispanics who served in the armed forces is unknown, some estimates cite figures in the range from 375,000 to 500,000.~ Their acts of bravery and selfless service to the nation were an integral part of the history and success of the war. The Medal of Honor was awarded to thirteen Hispanics during World War 11. 6 Eleven soldiers and two Marines performed heroically on the battlefield; five received the Medal of Honor posthumous-

During World War 11, Hispanic soldiers served in integrated units; assignment to segregated units was the exception.8 However, enlistment in the military was a difficult process for those Hispanics with limited English language proficiency. Beginning in mid-1943, during the late war, all newly inducted soldiers who were found to be functionally illiterate by Army standards were sent to . a special training center where they either attained a set literacy standard within twelve weeks or were discharged for inaptness[&]. 9 In comparison with the number of trainees from other bilingual groups, the "Mexican trainees" had the highest representation in the Ninth Service Command Special Training Center; the designated servicing center for the 3 eight western states of the United States. lo This was due, in part, to the fact that a large number of Hispanic populations located in the Ninth Service Command area. 11 While the imposition of a literacy standard placed restrictions on Hispanics1 participation in the war effort, it did not discourage nor eliminate them from the military experience. This minority group suffered its share of casualties as evidenced through the legacy of six heroes of Mexi- can-American descent from Illinois who made the ultimate sacrifice in World War 11. l2 In the small midwestern town of Silvis, Illinois, (pop. 7100), the block and a half long Hero Street, U.S.A. and the Hero Street Park, serve as reminders of the fifty-seven men from twenty-two Mexi- can-American families who fought in both World War I1 and Korea. l3 According to the Department of Defense, the street contributed more men to the armed forces in World War 11, Korea, and Vietnam than any other area of its size in the United States. l4 In the park stands a monument to honor the contributions of the Silvis heroes; it is one of the few monuments erected to recognize the contributions of the Hispanic soldier of World War 11. 15 Many of these soldiers were the sons of migrant railroad workers. These migrant families left their original homes, boxcars on railroad property, and in the 1920s, they relocated to the now historic street.16

4 During World War 11, without hesitation and with great pride, the men from Hero Street served as engineers, paratroopers, and infantrymen in the Battle of the Bulge, Holland, and combat units throughout Germany. l7 one particular family, the Sandovals, lost its two sons, Joseph and Frank, in World War 11. These two Mexican-American privates belonged to the group of ordinary men who spent their childhood riding bicycles on Hero Street, the street they knew as Second Street, an unpaved road in a working class neighborhood. l8

Almost three decades after the war, on 30 October 1971, Silvis dedicated the park and in 1975, the city paved the road in honor of these brave soldiers. l9 The paving of the road was a significant event for the families living in this neighborhood. It was a common sight during the war to see the hearse transporting the caskets of the dead veterans sink in the mud and numerous ruts of Second Street. Friends and family members would "rescue the cas- ket" and deliver it to the appropriate home. 20 Mr. Joseph Terronez, the present mayor of the city and the key leader behind the memorial project, praised the soldiers of World War I1 for their service: "They were the first generation of Mexicans born here. World War I1 came, and they sacrificed themselves just like any Ameri~an."~' Ironically, despite the sacrifices of the Silvis Mexican-American veterans, the Silvis Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) Post excluded these veterans from 5 membership. Therefore, these Mexican-Americans established their own local organization, the Ybarra-Gomez VFW According to a 1990 article, during the annual Memorial Day parade, they march separately from the original VFW post. 23 In 1968, in an effort to recognize the Hispanic contributions to the nation's defense, Congress authorized the President to issue an annual proclamation designating the week that includes 15 and 16 September as National Hispanic Heritage Public Law 90-498, approved September 17, 1968, established the first annual observance of this minority group. 25 In 1988, Representative Es- teban Torres of California sponsored a bill to establish National Hispanic Heritage Month. Public Law 100-402 changed the weeklong observance into a month-long tribute marked with numerous celebrations across the country. 26 While Hispanic Americans constitute the second largest ethnic minority group in the United States, they remain an "invisible minority1* in terms of the American population's knowledge and recognition of their role and contributions to the military history of the country. 27 Tracing back Hispanic participation in the military finds them as defenders at the Alamo and members of Theodore Roosevelt's famous Rough Riders. In all conflicts and wars hence, Hispanic soldiers performed gallantly in service to the nation. 6 Puruose The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role and experiences of Hispanic soldiers in the U.S. Army during the World War I1 era. The intent of this thesis is to research: (1) the extent of Hispanic-American participation in World War I1 and (2) Hispanic contributions to the war effort and personal experiences of Hispanic-American soldiers. Secondary questions include the following: a. What were their contributions to the military prior to World War I1 ? b. How were Hispanics integrated into the army and what jobs, positions, and in what units did they serve? c. What societal gains did Hispanic Americans achieve as a result of their military participation? d. What makes their experiences unique and worthy of further research? e. Why has mainstream American history excluded them from the study and research of the various major wars''

Assumutions a. There are cultural and language differences peculiar to Hispanic soldiers which made their war experiences inherently different from soldiers of other races and ethnic backgrounds. Within the Hispanic culture, an artificial cultural umbrella exists to group the various Spanish-speaking groups under the distinct heading of

7 I1Hispanic." However, an individual may identify with a particular ethnic group depending on the region or country where he was raised or where his ancestors originated. There is diversity within this ethnic group; even varia- tions in the Spanish language exist from one nationality to the other. b. Hispanics serving in World War I1 brought with them divergent expectations of assimilation based on the degree of integration within their own communities. Mexi- can-Americans in the Southwest lived in communities with varying degrees of discrimination. Texas was not as integrated throughout the schools and other institutions in comparison with society in Arizona and New Mexico. 28 Therefore, an individual's personal experiences within his particular community influenced his ability to fit into the military society. c. Information derived from historical references and governmental material published during World War I and World War I1 discusses ethnic groups in terms of %on-English speaking people, aliens, or immigrants.s1 Because Spanish was the predominant language of Hispanic Americans during those two wars, the author assumed that Hispanics are included in one those three categories.

Even among the scholars who record the history of Hispanics in this country there are differences in deciding 8 the correct term to use to refer to this ethnic group. For the purpose of this study, Hispanics and Hispanic American:~ are used interchangeably and most frequently because the terms include a larger, diversified group of Span- ish-speaking peoples. In those places in the text where the specific author used a certain term to denote a partic51- lar group of people, that term was not changed. Material from the World War I era commonly refers to Hispanics as 88Mexicans.88 According to The American Heritaae Dictionarv- of the Enalish Lanauaae: There are a number of words denoting persons who trace their origins to a Spanish-speaking country or culture. Hispanic is the broadest of these terms, encompassing all Spanish-speaking peoples in both hemispheres and emphasizing the common denominator of language between communities that sometimes have little else in common. It is widely used in both offi unofficial contexts and is entirely acceptable. a. Hispanics or Hispanic Americans: The second largest ethnic minority group in the United States which includes people of Spanish origin from Spain, Mexico, Puer.- to Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Central and South America who are classified as Mexican-American, Puer.- to Rican, Cuban, and South and Central American. 3 0

b. Hispanic: 1. A Spanish-speaking person. 2. A U.S. citizen or resident of Latin-American or Spanish descent.3 1

c. Hispanic American: 1. A U.S. citizen or resident of Hispanic descent; Hispanic-American adjective.32 9 d. Mexican-American: An American of Mexican descent. 33 e. World War I1 Era: The period of U. S. history which includes mobilization in September 1940 through demobilization in 1946. f. Soldier: Members of the military, male and female, serving in uniform as a member of the U. S. Army in an officer or enlisted status. g. Experiences: The events that make up the conscious past of a community or nation or mankind generally; something personally encountered, undergone or lived through. 34 h. Anglo: Short for Anglo-American-adjective; in the Southwest sometimes designating all non-Mexican descent Americans. 3~5 An English-speaking person, especially a white North American who is not of Hispanic or

French descent. 36 i. Chicano: Truncated form of Mexicano, today with overtones of ethnic nationalism and activism. 37 Used interchangeably with Mexican-American; in some regions of the Southwest the term suggests ethnic pride; in others it may be felt to be derogatory. 38 j. Chicana: A Mexican-American woman or girl. 39 k. Latin American: A term applied to Mexi- can-Americans and to the peoples of the countries of the Western Hemisphere south of the United States, especially

10 those speaking Spanish, Portuguese or French. Lat-

in-American- adjective. 4 0 1. Mexican: Refers to a recent immigrant or a person from Mexico who expects to remain here temporarily.41

Limitations a. Because of the subject matter, some of the reference material is printed in Spanish and in translation may lose some of the author's true meaning. b. Certain reference books used for this thesis did not contain footnotes nor a bibliography but were used as no other material was available on the subject. The lack of adequate documentation may limit the accuracy and authenticity of the facts, figures, and statistics presented in these references. c. Because of the lack of World War I and World War I1 statistics on Hispanics, many figures cited are estimates which are subject to questions of validity. However, they represent the author's best attempt to estimate based on her research. d. Because United States federal and state agencies classified Hispanic Americans with Anglo-Americans or did not provide a detailed breakout according to ethnic group, some of the important history of this minority group was not accurately recorded for historical purposes. This

11 is a problem which the United States Bureau of Census acknowledges in its review of the enumeration procedures for 1930 when 8tpersonsof Mexican origin were included with

*other racest**instead of a distinct category. 42 At- tempts to determine an actual count of the numbers of Mexi- cans in the United States was a difficult process because, as author Kathleen Wright notes in The Other Americans, "The tendency of many Mexicans to come and go across the border makes any census data somewhat unreliable.*t43 (1) In his 1949 book, North from Mexico, author Carey McWilliams asserted that the 1930 census was the country's "first attempt to estimate the size of this population.w44 In 1930, **Mexicanwincluded all persons "born in Mexico or having parents born in Mexico who are not definitely white, Negro, Indian, or Japanese. 8r45 The census takers estimated that 1,422,533 Mexicans comprised the third largest racial group in the United States; nine-tenths of this group lived in Texas, New Mexico, Colo- rado, Arizona, or California. 46 Fifty-one percent lived in the urban areas of the country. 47

(2) The 1940 Census did not provide a more realistic or comprehensive accounting of the Hispanic population living in the United States. The census was based on language and whether an individual spoke Spanish. The 1940 census identified 1,861,400 Spanish-speaking individuals who lived in the United States; more than 1.5 million 12 lived predominantly in the five Southwestern states. 4 8 This figure is well below the approximately 2.6 million Hispanics which Rodolfo Acuna estimates in his book -- pied America: The Chicano's Struaale Toward Liberation.49 e. Some Hispanics who contributed to the history of World War I1 and previous eras did not have traditional Spanish surnames to distinguish them as belonging to the Hispanic-American ethnic group. As a result, historians may have omitted or inadvertently overlooked the contributions of some Hispanic soldiers. For example, a World War I1 Hispanic Medal of Honor recipient, Lucian Adams, does not have a traditional Hispanic first or last name, but he was Hispanic. f. Because there is a minimal amount of documente3 history on Hispanics in the Army from the Revolutionary War until World War I, the discussion of Hispanic contributions in major wars during that time span does include the contributions of Hispanic Americans from other branches of the armed forces. g. The contributions of women soldiers are included, although there is a limited amount of information on their roles and contributions during the World War I1 era. h. Historians preserved little for the sake of posterity on this particular minority group. There are only a couple of first-person accounts in existence written

13 by Hispanic soldiers. These works are generally not well-known beyond Mexican-American academic and research circles.

Delimitations a. The scope of this research of the World War I1 era will address the period in United States history from mobilization in September 1940 through demobilization in

1946. b. Except for the period prior to World War I, this study will not consider the contributions of Hispanic Americans serving in other branches of service.

Sianificance of the Studv This study is important since there is not one comprehensive document which specifically addresses the contributions of Hispanics during World War 11. Hispanics, both male and female, were full-fledged participants on the home front and the war zone. Hispanic women were involved in factories, in uniform, and in creating Hispanic organizations within their own communities to support the war. The Hispanic soldier's participation in World War I1 accelerated the 88Americanization81process for his culture. 50 The research will detail an ethnic history of those who made sacrifices for the war cause, but were later forgotten. Hispanics are the second largest and fastest growing cultural group in the United States. 51 In 1988, nine 14 percent of the national population was categorized as racial or ethnic minorities other than black. Of this percentage, two-thirds were Mexican-American, Cuban, or Puert~

Rican.52 Despite their numbers, this large minority group is not well-known for its role in military history. The words of a World War I1 Hispanic Medal of Honor recipient best explain the significance of this study. Private Cleto Rodriguez of the 148th Infantry Regiment, 37th Infantry Division, killed eighty-two Japanese soldiers holding the Paco Railroad Station near Manila. 53 1n 1989, he was at the nation's capital for a National Hispan- ic Week observance and gave both West Point cadets and Annapolis midshipmen a lesson on the role of Hispanics in the military. fasomeof them were arnazedf8lRodriguez said. "They had not realized how far back our involvement went.1154 These words were from a courageous career military man who rose from a shoe shine boy to a Medal of Honor recipient.

Research Methodoloav This chapter outlines in detail the specific meth- ods used to answer the question of what were the roles and contributions of the U.S. Army Hispanic soldier during the World War I1 era. This study will use the historical research method. The major parts of the research will form separate and distinct chapters on specific areas with a World War I1 backdrop. The thesis is a collection of information consolidated into one comprehensive work. The following is the research approach used to find the answer. Chapter one, the introduction, provides background information on the contributions of Hispanics during World War 11. This chapter is a general overview of the thesis topic with some significant Hispanic achievements during World War 11. The purpose of the study and the secondary research questions provide the focus and direction of the thesis. Critical definitions key to understanding the topic are presented as well as the limitations and delimitations, significance of the study, and the research methodology. This chapter lays the foundation for the rest of the work. In chapter two, a review of the literature, examines the material written on the topic to date and how each work supports this study. The chapter looks at the strengths and limitations of the research available. Chapter three discusses the historical perspective of Hispanic participation in the United States armed forces prior to World War 11. The study addresses the contributions of Hispanics in all branches of the service during the major wars from the American Revolution to World War I. This chapter serves as a prologue to the World War 11. The background shows a gradual rise in the number of

16 contributions and the level of participation of Hispanics in the military through the major war periods. Most of the information for chapter three came from the Department of Defense publication Hispanics in Ameri- ca's Defense. This chapter is not an attempt to revise or rewrite events, but presents a history of key Hispanics in uniform. The inclusion of World War I material focuses on the impact of government policies on the participation of Hispanics in the military. Also, this material on World War I Hispanic service, sets the stage for World War I1 contributions. Chapter four addresses the home front situation starting with an introduction which defines the G.I. generation and the social and economic conditions which most Hispanics faced after World War I and prior to World War 11. The focus is on the transformations in the home front situation for Hispanic Americans as a result of the war. The chapter comprises two parts: contributions of Hispanic women in war industries and the contributions of the Mexi-. can-American community. As the men left to fight overseas., there were voids in the country's labor force. This led to a significant increase in the number of working women in nontraditional industries. Hispanic women were employed j.n various industries and factories. They were also active participants in supporting the war effort at home in their own communities where they established support

17 organizations. There is minimal material published on this topic; therefore, there was a reliance on three reference documents for this research. The focus of these works is on women primarily from California, Arizona, and the midwestern region of the country where they resided in greater numbers compared with the rest of the country. One telephone interview with one of the original founders of a home front organization provided information on Tucson's Hispanic support organization. Chapter five presents two veterans from World War 11, one Hispanic female and one male. Their experiences during World War I1 are recounted based on personal interviews where they recalled their wartime experiences. Coin- cidentally, both individuals were born in Puerto Rico. Chapter five begins with a brief history of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps/WomenlsArmy Corps. The first section of the chapter discusses the roles and contributions of Hispanic-American females in uniform. It highlights the personal and unique experiences of one of the first Hispan- ic women to serve in the WAACs/WACs, Mrs. Carmen Contreras Bozak. The research is devoted to chronicling her wartime experiences based on her three and one-half years of active service. A personal telephone interview and a letter to the author formed the basis for this section. The second section of chapter five begins with a cursory look at the mobilization legislation prior to and

18 during the war. The nucleus of this section is an interview with an Army veteran officer who participated in the training during World War 11; however, he was not a combat veteran. The war concluded before he had an opportunity for overseas service. He provides a perspective on the experiences of a typical Hispanic officer during that time period. The type of training he underwent as well as the personal difficulties he faced are addressed in detail. Chapter six is a summary and conclusion for the study, accompanied by recommended directions for further research.

Data Collection The data collect or this study came from primary, secondary, and tertiary sources. Whenever possible, the research included personal interviews with soldiers and home front supporters of the World War I1 era. The initial and critical discovery of material for this topic resulted from the comprehensive bibliography, Hiswanics and the Military: A Selected Annotated Biblioara- &, by J.R. Wood. This is an invaluable source of perti- nent documents. However, there is limited access to those important documents mentioned in this reference. The inter-library loan program provided access to much of the material used in this research. While the Combined Arms Research Library (CARL) has established excellent lending

19 programs with most libraries, there are some with short lending periods. This is a disadvantage to the researcher working under time constraints. Also, it takes time to receive the information and, in some cases, the lending library charges for the service. CARL funding does not support these expenses. In the initial research-gathering process, countless telephone calls to various universities, government agencies and historical institutes resulted in a varied collection of information. Bibliographies and prospective leads materialized from the calls and most were relevant to this study. Through the research-gathering phase, a Chica- no database was discovered which contained a bibliography with some useful items on Hispanic Americans and the military. Because of the lack of first-person accounts, the documentation for this research originates mainly from secondary and tertiary information in periodicals, newspapers, and books. Letters were written and phone calls were made to the Mexican-American Research Centers at several major universities for bibliographies and other sources of material. Out of seven total calls and letters, six positive responses were received. The author of an article on the home front, Dr. Christine Marin, was personally contacted at her office at Arizona State University in Tempe, Arizona. She provided

20 Chicano database information on a computer disk with other background information. Marin, an expert on Hispanic women and the home front during World War 11, provided valuable leads to further sources of information. Mr. Jerry Andersen at the Department of Defense furnished key material from his own research project on Hispanics. Andersen, co-author of Hisuanics in America's Defense, provided further research material on World War I1 units which he wrote about in an abbreviated format in the DOD publication. The Institute for Texan Cultures in San Antonio, Texas provided several pieces of information from World War I, World War 11, and Medal of Honor recipients. While most of the material was about Hispanic Americans from Texas, there was valuable information on World War I and World War I1 individual soldier experiences. Mr. Slonaker at the U.S. Army Military History Institute sent working bibliographies on "Hispanics and the U.S. Army," the "36th Infantry Division," and the "65th Infantry Regiment." The Pentagon Library's "Hispanic Americans: A Selective Bibliographygtidentified a valuable reference book, Hisvanic Americans Information Directory, by Darron L. Smith. This resource provided the names and addresses of Hispanic-American periodicals, research centers, libraries, organizations, and related associations

2 1 throughout the country. Letters were written to the American GI Forum, Chicana Research and Learning Center, League of United Latin-American Citizens (LULAC) Headquarters, National Association for Chicano Studies at the University of Houston, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) Library in Washington, D.C., National Archives and Historical Foundation of the American GI Forum, the Hispanic American Historical Review, and the Hispanic Division at the Library of Congress. Of the eight letters mailed, three organizations responded. The early identification of Defense Technical and Information Center (DTIC) and Educational Resources Informa- tion Center (EDIC) documents provided the primary reference documents for the foundation of the thesis. In addition, several sources depicted the Hispanic people and their history in a social context and provided insight into issues of discrimination and integration during various eras in the country's history. This study included an examination of Mr. Edward F. Murphy's book, Heroes of World War 11, a compilation of the Medal of Honor recipients. As the president of the Medal of Honor Historical Society, Mr. Murphy provided the statistics and current status of Hispanic Medal of Honor recipients, along with the names and addresses of the four living Hispanic Medal of Honor recipients. Interviews provided a personal and firsthand account of the experiences of World War I1 Hispanic 22 soldiers. Contacts made with the key leaders of the organizations formed on the homefront to support the war effort and to support the Hispanic soldier serving abroad shows the situation in the community during and after the war. The majority of these soldiers and supporters, now in their seventies and eighties, were largely willing and valuable contributors of history. While there is a limited number of documents which address the World War I1 experience, there is not one consolidated study of the Hispanic soldier, his support structure at home and his contributions during this period. The Department of the Army annual publication, United States Armv Veterans' Associations-1991, a product of the Chief of Public Affairs, was instrumental in contacting various units and organizations included in this research effort. The Women's Army Corps Veterans Association was the means of contacting women Hispanic veterans from World War I1 who served in the Women's Army Corps. The editors included an announcement of this research project in the association publication, The Channel, which resulted in the receipt of two letters from World War I1 women veterans. The association publication provided addresses for the Hispanic American Airborne Association and the 158th Parachute Infantry llBushmasters'lAssociation. Additional- ly, information on the 88th Infantry Division, "The Blue

23 Devils," originated from a letter which the author sent to the name and address listed in this publication. Out of three other letters mailed to unit associations, two tele- phonic responses were received; however, because of time constraints, they provided no written information. The information on Hero Street, U.S.A. came from the mayor of Silvis, Illinois who spearheaded the effort to create the memorial to Hispanic soldiers in his city. ENDNOTES

'~aul R. Morin, Amona the Valiant: Mexican Americans in World War I1 and Korea, with a foreword by Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson (Los Angeles: Borden Publishing Company, 1963), 7. 'carole E. Christian, "Joining the American Mainstream: Texas's Mexican Americans During World War I," Southwestern Historical Ouarterle 92, no. 4 (April 1989): 587. 3~aulR. Morin, Amona the Valiant: Mexican Americans in World War I1 and Korea (Los Angeles: Borden Publishing Company, 1963), 16, quoted in Rodolfo Acuna, Occuvied America: The Chicano's Struaale Toward Liberation (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972), 198. 4~epartmentof Defense, Off ice of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Manpower and Personnel Policy, Hispanics in America's Defense ([Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1990), 27. 5~areyMcwilliams, North From Mexico: The S~anish-SweakinaPeovle of the United States (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1949; reprint, Nw York: Greenwood Press, 1968), 259. 6~r.Edward F. Murphy, President of Medal of Honor Historical Society, telephone conversation by author, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 7 January 1993.

'~e~artment of Defense, Hiswanics in America s Defense, 27. '~illiam D. Altus, "The American Mexican: The Survival of a Culture,** The Journal of Social Psvcholoav 29, (1949): 211. 12vi Murphy, "Not One Draft Card Burner on Second Street," Moline Dispatch, 5 January 1968, 17. 13~ongress,House, Representative Lane Davis of Illinois speaking on Hero Street, U.S.A., A Tribute to Neighborhood Veterans, 98th Cong., 1st sess., Conaressional Record (18 November 1983), vol. 129, no. 161, pt.4, E5888.

15~epartmentof Defense, His~anicsin America s Defense, 36. 16~ongress,House, Hero Street, U. S .A., 98th Cong., 1st sess., Conaressional Record (18 November 1983), vol. 129, no. 161, pt. 4, E5888.

17~ohnCulhane, I1Hero Street, U.S.A. ,It Reader's Diaest 126, no. 757 (May 1985): 83. 18vi Murphy, "Not One Draft Card Burner on Second Street," Moline Dispatch, 5 January 1968, 17. 19~ohn~ulhane, *#Hero Street, U. S .A. , Reader 's Diaest 126, no. 757 (May 1985) : 86. 20~~nty Brower, "A Proud Street Mourns Its Fallen Sons,I1 Peoole Weekly 21, (May 1984): 78. 21~arryGonzalez, Wero Street U. s.A. , Hispanic, (March 1990) : '23-24. 22~iMurphy, "Not One Draft Card Burner on Second Street,I1 Moline Disoatch, 5 January 1968, 17. 23~arryGonzalez, "Hero Street U.S.A. ,IB Hispanic (March 1990) : 24. 24~ationalHispanic Heritaae Week, Statutes at Larae, 82, sec. 848, Public Law 90-498 (1968).

26~ricEmerton, "Hispanic Soldiers: Proud Tradition," Soldiers, October 1989, 10; National His~anic Heritaae Month, Statutes at Larae, 102, sec. 1012, Public Law 100-402 (1988). 27~omingoNick Reyes, VIVA--A Look at the Hisvanic-Americans (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, National Institute of Education, 1975), 7, ERIC, ED 122 990. 28~ulianSamora, ed., La Raza: Forqotten Americans (Norte Dame.: The University of Norte Dame Press), 1969, 8. 29Anne H. Soukhanov and others, eds. , The American Heritaae Dictionarv of the Enalish Lanauaae, 3d ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1992), 857. 30~omingoNick Reyes, VIVA--A Look at the Hispanic-Americans, 7, ERIC, ED 122 990. "~nne H. Soukhanov and others, eds., The American Heritaae Dictionary of the Enalish Lanauaae, 3d ed., 856. 32~bid. 33~ulianSamora and Patricia Vandel Simon, A Historv of the Mexican-American Peo~le(Norte Dame: university-of Norte Dame Press, 1977), 10. 34~enryBosley Woolf and others, eds., Webster's New Colleaiate Dictionary (Springfield, MA: G.& C. Merriam Company, 1977), 403. 35~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican Americans (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), vii. 36Anne H. Soukhanov and .others, eds. , The American Heritaae Dictionarv of the Enalish Lanauaae, 3d ed., 71. 37~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: -A Historv of Mexican Americans, 1972, viii. 38~nneH. Soukhanov and others, eds., The American Heritaae Dictionarv of the Enalish Lanauaae, 3d ed., 330. 39~nneH. Soukhanov and others, eds., The American Heritaae Dictionarv of the Enalish Lanauaqe, 3d ed., 330.

41~ohnH. Burma, ed.! Mexican-Americans in the United States: A Reader (Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc., 1970), xiv. 42~epartmentof Commerce, Bureau of Census, Data User Services Division, Directorv of Federal Statistics For Local Areas: A Guide To Sources, 1976 ([Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1978), 3.

43~athleenWright, The Other Americans : Minorities in American Historv, ed. Bernadette Giles, (Greenwich, Connecticut: Lawrence Publishing Company, 1971), 179. 44~areyMcWilliams, North from Mexico', 54.

49~odolfo Acuna, Occuwied America: The Chicano s Struaale Toward Liberation, 198. 50~ulianSamora, Forcrotten Americans, 23. 51~ebeccaOxf ord-Carpenter and others, eds .! Demoaravhic Proiections to the Year 2000 of Limited Enalish Proficient Hiswanic Accessions in the U.S. Army (Alexandria, VA: U.S. Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences, 1984), 15, ERIC, ED 244 040. 52~epartmentof Defense, Off ice of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Force Management and Personnel), ~an~ower-For Militarv ~ccuwations(A~ril 1988), by Mark J. Eitelbera (Alexandria. VA: Human Resources Research

53~iiKenney, "In Memoriam-Cleto Rodriguez, It in The ~inals: Official Publication of the Medal of Honor Historical Society 13, no. 3 (March 1991), 51.

54n~~I1 Hero Gets Pleasant SurpriseIt1San Antonio Emress, 18 August 1978. CHAPTER I1 Literature Review

The material on Hispanic-American military contributions was found under a variety of ethnic descriptions: Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, Chicanos, Hispanic Americans, Puerto Ricans, Latinos or Latin Americans. Depending on the date of the work, one term may be used more frequently than the others. World War I1 era material uses the term nnMexican-Americannn in most of the works of that period. Raul Morin's Amona the Valiant, is a primary sourc. document for the contributions of Mexican-Americans in World War I1 and Korea. His work, based on personal experiences and the experiences of numerous contributors, specifically addresses the role of the individual Mexican-American soldier who fought and died in support of the American war effort. Many of these, according to Morin, received the Medal of Honor. Morinns work also serves as a key resource for others who have written on World War 11. While he acknowledges the assistance of numerous contributors in the preface of his book, there is no comprehensive description nor reference to these important sources of personal histc- ry.

2 9 The Department of Defense's (DoD) Hisvanics in America's Defense, provides a condensed and general military history of Hispanic-American involvement from 1492-1989. This text lists general officers, enlisted and officer personnel, military academy graduates, and civilian Hispanic Americans working in the Department of Defense. It also provides a listing of the Medal of Honor recipients for every major war involving the United States. This is a key resource document in the research of this thesis. However, its brevity suggests its discussion of Hispan- ic-American contributions at best are only cursory. William B. White in his 1968 dissertation, "The Military and the Melting Pot: The American Army and Minori- ty Groups, 1865-1924,w presents a detailed, extensively researched and documented history of the United States Army after the Civil War in five chapters. The Army's efforts at integration began during this period with experiments with Indians which bore some resemblance with its handling of minorities during World War I and World War 11. In the first three chapters he discusses the Army's early attempts to integrate Indians and the resultant successes and failures of Indian participation in the late 1800s. His use of firsthand accounts from the journals of some of the officers servingon the frontier and those officials directly involved in the Army's revolutionary efforts to include Indians in its ranks make this a valuable source for those tracing the American Indian's role in military history. It is interesting to note the parallelisms in the integration of minority groups in the Army's infancy extend to the modern Army's concerns with the integration of Afri- can-Americans and women. There was a focus not on ability but sociological aspects and certain stereotypical quali- ties which were borne out of years of prejudice and distrust of other races. The author asserts that most officers of wAnglo-Saxent8[&I background strongly held to the belief that the Army "does not and should not look upon itself as an agent of social reform."' Mr. White devotes one hundred pages to a chapter titled "The Army and the Negro." He traces the participation and integration of the African-American soldier in the Civil War through World War I. He uses the personal experiences of commanders to include Sherman, Grant and McClellan as well as government officials of the day to explain the social and military rules and norms and how they impacted on the integration oi the African-Americans in the Army. It is interesting to note that during this early period African-Americans made breakthroughs through their admission to West Point and the establishment of African-American regiments in World War I: however, their acceptance as equals in the military or society was not a by-product of these revolutionary integrii- tion attempts. Mr. White's final chapter, "Strangers in the Ranks," addresses the "melting potw period of military history during World War I when severe manpower shortages required the Army to include recent immigrants or aliens. The War Department directives, policies and the measures taken to assimilate these soldiers of diverse nationalities into the Army are covered in detail. While the Hispanic soldier is not specifically addressed in detail, it can be assumed that he had many of the same experiences that '%on-English-speakingg* recruits had with the Army indoctrination process during World War I. These aliens were subject to the Selective Service Act of 1917 and had to overcome language and cultural barriers which forced the War Department to reassess its own training programs and policies to effectively assimilate them into military life. The primary reference document for the historical perspective of Hispanic participation during the previous major wars of this nation's history came from Hisvanics in Americans Defense. This document provided a starting point for extracting the major Hispanic individual and unit contributions from the American Revolutionary War period to World War I. There is minimal material on Hispanic contributors for the American Revolution, the War of 1812, and the Spanish-American War. The Civil War reveals greater participation of Hispanic Americans particularly in the South- west. The key reference to research for this period con- sists of a Parks and History Association brochure, HisDanicS in the Civil War, produced by the Department of the Interior for the National Park Service. It provides facts, figures and names of individuals and units that participated in the Union and Confederate armies during tha Civil War. Most of the information is verifiable using tha War and the Rebellion: A Com~ilationof the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, a series of complete records, statistics, letters and other official documents produced by the War ~epartment. It is a comprehensive, detailed period work; supports the information in the brochure which does not document its sources. Mr. Jerry Don Thompson has written extensively on the contributions of Mexican-Americans from Texas to the Civil War effort. His Mexican Texans in the Union Army, Vaaueros in Blue and Gray, and his article in Civil War Times Illustrated, "Santos Benavides and the Battle for Laredo,'# all focus on some of the key Mexican Texans and the roles and contributions of the units most active in the fighting during the Civil War. While there were Hispanics from the eastern portion of the country who served with the Union forces during the war, there are minimal details of their service or contribii- tions. The Parks and History Association brochure, HisDan- ics in the Civil War highlights the service of some of these individuals. The brochure elaborates on the contributions of one officer in the ranks of the Pennsylvania 33 Volunteers, a Cuban native, Lieutenant Colonel Cavada who receives credit and distinction as a primary player. From the military history of Hispanic participation, there is little written on World War I. The primary focus of the literature during the early 1900s on Hispanics is on the Mexican migration to the United States. The Mexican Revolution was the catalyst which led to a mass influx of Mexican immigrants from across the border into the United States. Most of the Hispanic population of that era were primarily Mexican citizens. Some of the works which study the people from a sociological and psychological perspective include: The Mexican in the United States, by Emory S. Bogardus, Not With the Fist: A Studv of Mexi- can-Americans in a Southwest City by Ruth Tuck, Alien Americans: A Studv of Race Relations by B. Schrieke and The Mexican-Immiarant: His Life-Storv by Manuel Gamio. These works tend to view the Mexican as from a lower class, manual laborer, and uneducated individual with unique cultural tendencies and characteristics. However, they provide no information on Hispanic participation in the armed services. What they do explore is the assimilation of Hispanics into American life, their experiences within their own communities, the discrimination and segregation issues they faced as non-English speaking immigrants, and the realities of their economic and social conditions. The Mexican-Immiarant is a compilation of oral interviews of men and women from Mexico who migrated to the 34 United States en masse to escape the violence and social unrest of the Mexican Revolution. It is a useful book because it provides insight into the conflicts of loyalty and citizenship which these migrants faced. These same people became the parents of first generation, Ameri- can-born Hispanics who would serve during World War 11. The information on World War I and the treatment of minorities in the military came from William B. White's dissertation, "The Military and the Melting Pot: The her:.- can Army and Minority Groups, 1865-1924." While its focus is on several minority groups, this author assumes that Hispanics are part of this research. The research looks at: non-English speaking groups, aliens and immigrants who made up the recruiting pool during World War I. The journal article, Carole E. Christian's, "Joining the American Mainstream: Texas's Mexican Americans; During World War I," a valuable and key source of information for research on this period, limits its discussion to the participation of Mexican-Americans from Texas. It is one of the few articles which provides details of individual and unit contributions of Texas units as well as a look at life within Texas communities. The article discusses the postwar efforts of the Hispanic veteran within his community and how the war accelerated the assimilation process. It is a positive look at the little known contributions of Hispanic soldiers. Another book, The Chicanos: A History of Mexi- can-Americans addresses the social and economic conditions and what life was like for Mexican immigrants during the period of Pancho Villa's border raids into Texas and Mexi- co's relationship with Germany. In understanding the nature of the time period for Mexican immigrants, it helps explain the minimal participation of Hispanics and other minorities during the World War I period. Cynthia E. Orozco's dissertation, "The Origins of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement in Texas with an Analysis of Women's Political Participation in a Gendered

Context, 1910-1924,w includes a discussion with World War I veterans from Texas. Like Carole E. Christian's article, Orozco uses J. Luz Saenz' Los Mexico-Americanos En La Gran Guerra, an autobiographical account of his experiences as a World War I soldier to provide a soldier's perspective of war as a member of a minority group. Orozco's account provides a more detailed look at Saenz' experiences which were generally laden with discrimination and prejudice. She does balance his view with another Hispanic soldier's more favorable account of his wartime experiences. Orozco also includes a brief look at home front contributions in the community with a focus on the creation of the Hispanic organization, LULAC. LULAC originated to confront the

36 racial discrimination and segregation which World War I veterans faced when they returned to their homes in Texas. Orozco and Christian point out that wartime participation by Hispanics gave them the legitimacy and credibility to demand and pursue improved social and economic conditions within their communities. The research on World War I1 is limited to listings of Hispanic Medal of Honor winners and their citations. There is a variance in the number of Hispanic Medal of Honor winners during World War 11. Mr. Edward F. Murphy, president of the Medal of Honor Historical Society was the definitive source for this data. Unfortunately, Morints book records seventeen as the number which other authors frequently cite as the authoritative source of information on World War I1 Hispanics. There are several facts and figures which are not entirely accurate. The lack of footnotes and a bibliography cast questions on the accuracy of the information. However, it has merit as a starting point for further research on World War I1 and Hispanic soldiers. There is minimal material on the home front and participation of Hispanic women in the community and the war industries. The available research focuses on women in Tucson, Arizona, Los Angeles, California, and in the Mid- west. The material for community participation and the formation of patriotic support organization in Tucson came from Christine Marints article, "La Asociacion

37 Hispano-Americana de Madres Y Esposas: Tucson's Mexican American Women During World War 11. Also, Julie A. Campbell's WADRES Y ESPOSAS: Tucson's Spanish-American Mothers and Wives Ass~ciation,'~addresses most of the same information on this Mexican-American support organization. Additional material came from the Arizona Histori- cal Society which provided issues of the newspaper, the Chatter. These issues provided proof of extensive and honorable service by Hispanic Americans during World War 11. The editor of the newspaper also supplemented the research on this organization. Richard Santillanls journal article, "Rosita the Riveter: Midwest Mexican American Women During World War IIIa1a primary source document, details the experiences of Hispanic women in various war industries throughout the Midwest. It is a valuable look at the types of jobs and attitudes of the Hispanic working women during the war and provides a perspective on the hardships which the women faced on the job, within male-dominated workplaces, and within their own communities. Sherna Berger Gluckls book, Rosie the Riveter Revisited:,focuses on personal interviews with women who worked in the aircraft industry in Los Angeles. Her book includes a cross-section of women, from various economic, social, and racial groups. She includes the experiences of two

38 Mexican-American women. There are other books on the participation of women in war industries and their experiences; however, these two sources are the only ones which include Hispanic women specifically. The other books include: Doris Weatherford's American Women and World War. -11, Karen Anderson's Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Familv Relations, and the Status of Women Durina World War 11, D'Ann Campbell's Women at War with America: Private Lives. in a Patriotic Era. The articles in the Monthlv Labor Review, The Na- tional Geoara~hic,and The Annals of the American Academv provide a general overview of women in industry, the working conditions and the impact which their full-time jobs had on their lives at home. The Monthlv Labor Reviews generally present more data in the form of facts, figures and other official information. Allan M. Winkler's book, Home Front U.S.A.: America Durina World War I1 acknowledges the participation of Hispanic Americans in uniform and on the home front, but the discussion is very brief. Overall, the book provides a useful, quick, and general look at the impact of World War I1 on society and minority groups, and politics. Hispanic-American roles, contributions and experiences with the exception of a few autobiographical accounts and limited scholarly research are largely undocumented. The material for information on experiences on what it was

39 like to be a Hispanic soldier in uniform comes from personal interviews of participants. Anglo leaders and comrades who served with Hispanic soldiers also provide insight into the character and ability of this largely ignored minority group. Most writings on Hispanics and World War I1 devote a few pages to some of the Medal of Honor recipients and the famous units with large Hispanic representation. Howev- er, they only record the experiences from a secondhand perspective. Some make radical claims with no figures to support the premise that Hispanics suffered a higher number of deaths in proportion to the numbers who served. Listen Chicano!: An Informal Historv of the Mexican-American by Manuel A. Machado, Jr. is an example of a book with some historical and. accurate information on Hispanics in general, yet, his informal style, sarcasm, and bias toward the Anglo community detracts from his message. Other authors, particularly Hispanic ones, tend to focus on the post-World War I1 economic and social conditions which generally supported discriminatory practices. Most, however, overlook the positive contributions of His- panic soldiers, particularly, women soldiers. The Army's official history, The Women's Armv Corms by Mattie B. Tread- well devotes a few sentences to Puerto Rican WACS. Tread- well does include minority women in a brief chapter which does not provide information on their history,

4 0 contributions, or experiences. There were many Hispanic WACS but the official history does not fully explore the extent of their participation. Also, the Women's Army Corps Museum has not preserved a detailed history of the Hispanic women in uniform during World War 11. Ira G. Kohrqsdissertation, "Mexican Americans and Military,1sacknowledges Hispanic participation in World War 11. However, it only recapitulates Medal of Honor and award citations, facts, and figures. Another dissertation,

"The Latino Soldier," by Exquiel R. Sevilla, Jr. includes 3 brief history of the 65th Infantry Regiment from Puerto Rico. The rest of his work is a contemporary analysis of the discrimination and race relations which Latino soldiers encountered in the early 1970s. Pauline A. Kibbe's Latin Americans in Texas, includes the wartime achievements of Hispanics in Texas. It is only one small part of the book which addresses the social and civil inequalities in the 1940's and the social problems facing Latin Americans. She is supportive of the Hispanic people and acknowledges the positive attributes of a minority group in a state where segregation was the status quo in 1946, the book's publication date. She lists the citations of the Texas Medal of Honor recipients in an appendix. Overall, there is not one comprehensive document which looks at the experiences of the Hispanic soldier during World War 11, his/her home front contributions, as 4 1 well as his/her participation in previous major wars in this nation's history. The experiences of the few remain- ing Hispanic veterans from World War I1 tells their real story of how it felt to serve in uniform as a minority. Most writings only recount historical facts and data of the most famous Hispanics while overlooking the typical experiences of the majority. Also, newspaper and magazine articles did provide valuable insight on the roles, contributions, and experiences of the individual Hispanic soldier. ENDNOTES

'~illiam Bruce White, "The Military and the Melting Pot: The American Army and Minority Groups, 1865-1924," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1968), 378. CHAPTER I11 Historical Perspective

The following historical background traces the contributions of Hispanics to the United States armed forces in order to place their World War I1 roles and contributions in the proper perspective. From the Revolutionary War to World War I, Hispanic Americans were an important part of American military history even though their numbers comprised a fraction of the total strength of the forces of the respective war periods.

American Revolutionary War For most Americans, a study of this country's previous wars does not adequately highlight the participation or contributions of the soldiers of various ethnic backgrounds. It is not widely known that there were Hispanic soldiers in uniform in every major war in this country's past, including the American Revolution. A contributor to the success of the Revolutionary War effort was the Governor of Louisiana, Bernardo de Galvez. Due to his ingenious strategy to control ship movement up and down the Mississippi River, American forces

44 benefited from the uninterrupted receipt of essential food, arms, and supplies; the lifeblood so vital to their sustainment and continuation of the war. Galvez allowed American ships to sail under the Spanish flag for protection. Even though he was of Spanish descent, his loyalty was rooted in his new land. In 1779, Galvez' attack on the British along the lower Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico provided critical protection for the young and vulnerable colonies. His action on the colonies' southern flank gave the colonies the security and support essential to secure their future success. 1 In a Bicentennial Proclamation, President Gerald Ford acknowledged Galvezl contributions to the American Revolution when he stated, No manner of tribute of our country's Hispanic heritage could be more appropriate . . . than to acknowledge the importance of the Spanish contribution to the success of our War of Independence . . . . The assistance to our Revolution from Galvez and the Hispanic troops he commanded has not always recei ed the recognition it deserved in our history books. 3 King Juan Carlos of Spain acknowledged in his Bicentennial message to the United States de Galvez' own self-assessment as *'just another ~merican.~'~In 1980, the United States issued a commemorative stamp in honor of the man for whom Galveston, Texas is named.4 Galvez was one of the first Hispanic Americans to make a contribution to this nation's defense. War of 1812 and Mexican Independence The War of 1812 resulted in the United States1 acquisition of another portion of West Florida from the British after the United States had initially seized Span- ish-controlled West Florida territory in 1810.~ West and East Florida were British colonies during the American Revolution and collectively were known as "The Floridas." East Florida included the peninsula of present day Flori- da. However, West Florida included the states of Louisi- ana, Mississippi, and Alabama. In the War of 1812, Louisi- ana Hispanics were a part of General Andrew Jackson's forces which defeated a British invasion force under British Lieutenant General Edward Pakenham. 6 A decade later, November 1821, Mexico declared its independence from Spain. The Territory of Texas followed suit fourteen years later with its declaration of independence from Mexico.

On March 6, 1836, in San Antonio, Texas at the famous battle of the Alamo where the two sides clashed, history notes that seven Mexicans were comrades with the Texan defenders.' Six Mexicans died and one escaped during Santa Anna's capture of the Alamo. Their names are enshrined on a wall plaque in the Alamo. 8 Thomas Lloyd Miller, the author of the article, "Mexican-Texans at the Alamo," identifies a total of eight Mexicans who fought on the side of Texas. He names Private 46 Andres Nava and Private Toribio Doming0 Losoyo as participants while the DOD publication, Hisvanics in America's Defense does not include either of these men but identifies Carlos Espialier as a soldier at the Alamo. The two sources agree that Juan Abamillo, Juan Antonio Badillo, Gregorio Esparza, Antonio Fuentes, Galba Fuqua, and Jose Maria Guer- rero fought at the Alamo and Guerrero claimed to be a prisoner of the Texans and "pleaded for mercy."9 The Mexican Army believed his story and released Guerrero. Miller's claim that Private Losoyo was in the battle and lived is based on "an instrument that Losoyo signed on November 16, 1855, appointing an attorney. "lo This proof is in addition to two other affidavits signed by soldiers who knew and served with Losoyo. While the exact number cf Mexican-Texans at the Alamo is subject to.historica1 dispute, these heroic Mexicans belonged to a Mexican company with a Mexican/Texan commander, Captain Juan N. Seguin, a supporter of the Texas independence movement. Seguin eluded death on the fateful day only because he anc. his aide were dispatched on a separate mission to find relief. l1 As the leader of the relief force to the Alamo, Seguin was responsible for the burial of the Alamo's heroic defenders in the Church of San Fernando. After the war, in recognition of his performance, he was promoted to colonel. Also, he served as commander of the military post at San Antonio de Bexar. Later, he served two terms as 47 mayor of the city. Subsequently, both countries brought charges of treason against him. These charges ultimately forced him to return to Mexico. Mexican authorities ordered him to join the Mexican Army's two ill-fated efforts to retake Texas. In 1845 Texas voted to become a part of the United States. Seguin eventually returned to Texas where he resided until his death in 1848. A Texas town was later named in his honor. 13

Civil War The Civil War was a divisive period in this nation's history and for Mexican-Americans, it also divided their loyalties. At the outset of the war approximately 1,000 Mexican-Americans joined the Union Army, while 2,550 joined the confederacy. l4 At the conclusion of the Civil War it is estimated that 10,000 Mexican-Americans had served in the ranks of both armies. They joined for many of the same reasons that most citizens joined: "patriotism, private beliefs, and personal gain.w15 While some soldiers served in segregated Mexican-American units with their own officers, the majority served in integrated regular army or volunteer units. l6 This sharply contrasts with the Negro troops who served in segregated units supporting Union forces. Of particular significance Califor- nia, New Mexico, and Texas, formed military units led by Mexican-Americans. Captain Salvador Vallejo in support of

48 the Union led a battalion of "450 californiom cavalry- menw that was responsible for "patrolling the Mexican border" and "fighting Apaches." These soldiers were instrumental in disrupting the Confederate efforts to control New Mexico. 17 Colonel Miguel Pino commanded the Second Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers, which in 1862 assisted the Union Army in the defeat of a Confederate attempt to invade the Arizona/New Mexico region. 18 New Mexico was considered a vital stronghold for the Union which feared Confederate expansion westward. If the Confederates captured New Mexico and Colorado, they would acquire important shipping routes to the West Coast and its valuable gold reservoirs.19 The support of the New Mexicans was important to the Union cause. In order to bolster recruiting efforts in the region, the Union offered thirteen dollars a month to private soldiers in the army. This was a lucrative stipend compared to the typical labor-. er salary. The New Mexico Volunteers gained notoriety for their excellent abilities as scouts and soldiers. A lack of formal education did not hinder their knowledge of ter- rain and the enemy. They knew the land and they had fought: well against the Commanches and Apaches. 20 Captain Rafael Chacon, graduate of the Mexican Military Academy of Chihuahua, Mexico led a company of the 1st New Mexico Volunteers. In the records of The War of 49 the Rebellion: A Comvilation of the Official Records of f, Chacon is credited with service in the Battle of Valeverde on 21 February

1862. 21 This same official source includes a command report dated September 1863 that lists Fort Wingate, New Mexico as the location of Captain Chaconts headquarters. Under his command, the two units listed are the First Infan- try California Volunteers and the First Cavalry New Mexico Volunteers; present for duty strength included six officers and 136.~~A traveler escorted by Chacon8s troops remarked in 1863, "These Mexican soldiers . .. are most thoroughly disciplined and seemed possessed of all the requisites of fine soldiers. m23 One Hispanic American of distinction is the famous Union Admiral David G. Farragut, a naval commander with a resume of military service in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War. He was sixty years old when the Civil War began. 24 In 1862 he successfully commanded Union forces and captured the city of New Orleans. He earned his place in history through his capture of the vital cotton port of Mobile, Alabama. It was at the Battle of Mobile Bay in 1864 where he issued the famous command, "Damn the torpedoes--full speed ahead!lt2' The torpedoes were actually mines which the Confederates had laid to stop the Union ships. Thereafter, in 1866 he was commissioned Admiral of the Navy, a rank the United States Navy created to honor this naval legend.26 In 1899 the Navy 50 commissioned the USS Farragut; three other ships later also bore his name. 27 Hispanics served in a variety of Confederate units: the Benavides Regiment, the 10th Texas Cavalry, the 55th Alabama Infantry, Manigault8s Battalion of South Carc- lina Artillery, the 6th Missouri Infantry, the Chalmette Regiment of Louisiana Infantry, and the Second Texas Mount- ed Rifles. 28 Colonel Santos Benavides commanded a Rebel force known as the "Benavides Regiment" in defense of the Laredc,,

Texas area. 29 In the official records of the Confeder- ate Army dated March 31, 1865, his regiment consisted of five companies of cavalry and was a part of the Western

Division.30 He became the highest ranking Mexi- can-American in the Confederate Army. His regiment of cavalry successfully thwarted the Union forces attempts at: disrupting the vital Confederate cotton trade by way of Laredo into ~exico.~' He successfully led his forces against the Union's XI11 Corps to recapture the besieged city of Brownsville, Texas in March 1864. 32 In a joint resolution issued on March 30, 1863, the Confederate Texas Legislature cited Benavides' troops for their fighting skills, ''vigilance, energy, and gallantry. 1t33 The Union Army's Hispanic soldiers participated ill some of the Civil War's most famous battles. In 1861, Pedro H. Alvarez, enlisted in the Union Army at New York

51 City and served in the "famous 5th New York Zouaves.vv34

Joseph C. Rodrigues was a captain in the 9th New York Infan- try which saw action at South Mountain, Antietam, and Fredricksburg. The 5th New Jersey Volunteer Infantry was the unit of the Mexican-born cabinet maker, Calistro Cas- tro, who fought at the Second Battle of Manassas. 35 One Union officer served not only in defense of the Grand Anny of the Republic but he later served as the commander-in-chief of all Cuban revolutionary forces in 1874. Born in Cuba, Lieutenant Colonel Frederic F. Cavada had a Spanish father and an American mother. He received his education in Pennsylvania where he commanded the 109th Pennsylvania Infantry at the battle of Chancellorsville and the 114th Infantry of the 1st Brigade, 1st Division, 3rd

Army Corps at the battle of Gettysburg. 36 The records from the z, lists Frednk F. Cavada under the Field and Staff Officers for the 114th Regiment with a Inmuster into servicenndate of 1 Sep- tember 1862 for a three-year term. He resigned on 18 June 1864 as a Lieutenant While further research could neither confirm nor deny his service in the 109th Pennsylvania Infantry, the official history does indicate that Captain Cavada was recruited at Philadelphia, Pennsyl- vania and he commanded Company K of the 23rd Regiment from August 6, 1861 until the time of his resignation on July

20, 1862. 38 Captured by the Confederates, he was a

52 prisoner at Libby Prison in Richmond, Virginia. His capture was verified and reported by Captain Edward R.

Bowen who took over Cavada's command on July 12, 1863. 39 After his release, he published a book about his prison days, Libbv Life. A generous man, he gave the proceeds from the book to widows and orphans of fellow prisoners. 40 After the Civil War, he returned to his homeland to fight for the country's liberation from Spain.

In 1874, on his way to the United States to pick up war supplies, the Spanish captured and executed this patriot. 41

A Hispanic Navy seaman, John Ortega, served on the USS Saratoga and in 1864 was awarded the Medal of Hon- or, the first Medal of Honor awarded to a Hispanic soldier

in this country's history. 42 The citation for the-medal reads: Served as seaman on board the U.S.S. Saratoga during actions of that vessel on 2 occasions. Carrying out his duties courageously during these actions, Ortega conducted himself gallantly through &th periods. Promoted to acting master's mate. Another seaman aboard the U.S.S. Santiago de

Cuba in 1865 earned the Medal of Honor for an assault on Fort Fisher. His citation reads: As one of a boat crew detailed to one of the generals on shore, O.S. Bazaar bravely entered the fort in the assault and accompanied his party in carrying dispatches at the height of the battle. He was 1 of 6 men wh entered the fort in the assault from the fleet.84 Hispanic Americans endured the same hardships as they performed their duties alongside their comrades during the Civil War. Through their selfless service, they left a legacy of notable achievements which proudly reflected upon their heritage.

S~anish-AmericanWar Because there were so few Hispanic Americans serving in the armed forces at the time, they had limited involvement in the Spanish-American War of 1898; however, one source lists ten soldiers by name as serving as members of

Theodore Roosevelt s "Rough Riders. u45 Captain Maximiliano Luna was thirty-eight years old when he joined the famous group of soldiers. The commanding officer, Colonel Leonard Wood, made Captain Luna, the sole Hispanic officer of the unit, the interpreter. After the unit's conquest of Santiago, Cuba, Captain Luna's bilingual talents and intelligence made him an invaluable asset to Colonel Wood, who became the city's governor. A military camp in Las Vegas, Nevada, which was later converted to a career and trade school proudly bears his name, "Luna Trade School. A sergeant in the unit, George W. Armijo, was wounded at San Juan Hill. Following the war, he became a member of Congress. 47 These Hispanic Americans were selfless soldiers who served the nation during the United States*

54 historic acquisition of the islands of Guam, the Philip- pines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico. 4 8 Through their dedicated service, this handful of Hispanic Americans played a significant role in the nation's success in the Spanish-American War.

World War I In reviewing the demographics of the United States for the wartime period, the figures show: Out of a total population of almost 92 million people in 1910, 13.3 million were foreign born; another 12.9 million had two foreign-born parents. Another group of almo~z6 million had only one foreign-born parent. World War I signified the emergence of Hispanic Americans as an identifiable ethnic group within the military. For most Hispanics, it was also the beginning of a period of acculturation and "involvement in national life."50 For the first time, Hispanic Americans began to realize and shape their roles as citizens of this country instead of aliens or immigrants temporarily residing in this nation. The war propelled them into political and military institutions where they established a foothold fcr the future. Gradually they began to identify themselves as Americans first, instead of Mexicans, which obligated then. to settle questions of allegiance and commitment to the nation. The Hispanic population experienced a major build-up at the conclusion of the Mexican War. The United States obtained one million square miles of Mexican territory including the estimated 100,000 Mexican-American inhabitants of the ceded land. 51 The 1910 Mexican Revolution, a "period of great violence and conf~sion,~~caused the "large-scale displacement of people." Estimates for the period 1910 to 1920 cite a migration of more than one million Mexicans across the border into the United States.52 The Mexicans fled to the United States to escape the "inflationary prices, fear of starvation, the dread of having one's land and goods forcibly taken, and fear of violent death or political reperc~ssion."~~Most migrants located in areas where they found low-paying work as manual laborers in the agriculture, railroad, and meat-packing industries. The introduction and enforcement of the Selective Service Act of 1917 had a profound effect on the participation of Hispanic Americans in the armed forces during this wartime period. Eligibility for the draft included all foreign citizens living in the United States who had declared a desire to become United States citizens. The regulations applied to their American-born children as The Selective Service Act mandated the registration of men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty inclusive. 55 In World War I, approximately nine

56 percent of the military personnel were noncitizens. 56 Naturalization was a slow process; it took about "15 years for an immigrant to become a naturalized American citizen.n57 With the changes in the naturalization laws enacted on May 9, 1918, military service was an opportunity for aliens to obtain the rights and privileges of citizenship in one-fifth the normal time period. The changes allowed "declarant and nondeclarant aliens who had either enlisted or been drafted to become naturalized citizens upon discharge after serving three years.8858 As a result of the changes in naturalization laws, "162,000 alien soldiers became naturalized citizens. For many Mexicans, this incentive did not elicit a strong response. In some instances, the American-born children of the early nineteenth century Mexican immigrants spoke mainly Spanish; therefore, they considered themselves Mexican rather than United States citizens. 60

A Mexican immigrant, Senor Carlos Ibanez, was one example of some of the prevailing attitudes toward American citizenship during the early 1900s. Even though he had lived in the United States for twenty-five years, he stated, "I would rather cut my throat before changing my Mexi- can nationality. I prefer to lose with Mexico than to win with the United States. My country is before everything else . . . .lq61 He expressed a strong desire to return to Mexico once the social and economic conditions in his 57 homeland improved to his satisfaction. Another 30-year-old immigrant, Wenceslao Orozco, belonged to a society, "El Pensador Mexicano," which his fellow construction workers organized to preserve the Spanish language for their children and "their love for Mexico.**62 In the hearts and minds of many of these early immigrants, they were temporary residents in a foreign land which offered them an improved financial situation. They spoke of discrimination and an uneasiness with American culture. To add to the confusion of conflicting loyalties, there were some vocal leaders in the Hispanic community who discouraged Hispanic Americans from serving in the armed forces. In the Southwest, thousands of Mexicans fled across the border back to Mexico because they feared the draft would force them into the United States Army. 63 Their limited knowledge of the English language made it difficult for them to understand the implications of the registration laws; many felt there were only two alternatives, fight or flee. However, this did not dissuade the thousands of Mexican-Americans who left a legacy of gallant and selfless service through their participation in all branches of the armed forces. 64 Army records indicate that "their voluntary enlistment was proportionately greater than that of any other ethnic group. *q65 The ever-increasing manpower requirements of the war forced the government to turn to the large pool of aliens to alleviate shortages in the ranks. 66 For the Hispanic community, this meant that the government regarded them as more than manual laborers relegated to agricultural pursuits. The employers in the Southwest contradicted the government's view of the Hispanic. The farmers and ranch- ers wanted to keep their cheap manpower pool and they successfully managed to convince the government to support them. The government agreed to allow agricultural laborers an exemption from service and to sanction the temporary en masse immigration from Mexico to ensure support of the war effort at home. 67 In the Southwest, in particular, there existed a general and underlying distrust of the Mexican-American resulting from the diplomatic ties the Mexican government had cultivated with the German government. In 1916, rumor!; ran rampant ili the United States that Mexico had aliowed U-boat bases within its borders. 68 The German Foreign Secretary, Arthur Zimmerman, sent a telegram to the German ambassador to Mexico with a proposal that in the "event of war with the United States, Germany and Mexico would conclude an alliance with the adherence of ~a~an."~~In the telegram which the British intercepted, Germany offered financial assistance to Mexico provided that Mexico "take up arms against the United States. *s7O 59 For Mexico, a German victory meant that they would regain the lost territories of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizo- na. Consequently, the U.S. government was wary of possible enemy subversion or attack from Mexico. This sentiment, coupled with Pancho Villa's March 8, 1916 raid across the border into Columbus, New Mexico and General John J. Persh- ingls subsequent retaliatory expedition on March 15, 1916 into northern Mexico, fueled the anxiety between the Anglo population and the Mexican-American community. 71 The admission of a significant number of non-English speaking aliens and illiterate native Americans into the Army presented some unique problems and challenges. 72 Many military officers were not as enthusiastic or optimistic as Theodore Roosevelt who saw benefits to the country's democratic system from the inclusion of immigrants in the military. Roosevelt said: "The military tent, where all sleep side by side, will rank next to the public school among the great agents of democratization. n73 Another viewpoint in contrast to Mr. Roosevelt's, saw the immigrants as a threat. As early as 1912 and 1913, Lieutenant Roy W. Winton in the Infantrv wrote: "Immigrants after 1850 had 'upset the homogeneous nature of American society.' The country was 'in danger of losing its soul' and undergoing national disintegration. g'74 The military leaders were hesitant about this group of potential soldiers that was largely unable to understan9 English commands and therefore was summarily considered unprepared for battle in the ranks of integrated units.75 Consequently, it was in the depot brigades in the South where assignments were found for these men and others classified as "security risks, physically handi- capped, and other misfits or general rejects."76 Because no training plan existed for these recruits, they worked as manual laborers in the kitchen, or outdoors in pick and shovel operations, or police duty; they were restricted primarily to those duties known as "menial tasks.a177 The officers in these units had broad discretionary powers to determine the classification of soldiers into trainable and non-trainable groups; those in the latter group were subject to discharge. 78 In May 1918, the Secretary of War realized the problematic situation and established development battalions in each National Army, National Guard, and Regular Army divisional camp. 79 All soldiers with "an insuffi- cient knowledge of English' were placed in these battalions. 80 Those unfit for general service were included in these battalions. In July 1918 the War Department directed the establishment of schools to teach English. The classes were taught daily for two to three hours during a four month period. Students studied in small groups based on the individual's level of progress. 61 Prior to the War Department directive, the "Young Men's Christian Association (Y.M.C.A.) had organized voluntary instruction in the training camps. n81 The commitment of the government to this English training was evident in the statistics: As early as February 1918, almost 25,000 illiterates and non-English speaking soldiers were receiving instruction, and by the end of the war, despite a variety of problem . . . 107 development battalions were in operation. 82 One opinion of the Mexican recruit was expressed in the February 1919 issue of the Infantrv Journal which printed disparaging remarks about the abilities of the Mexican soldier. The journal's editors wrote about the typical Mexican recruit who was characterized as "extremely credu- lous,18 and 'hardly above the mental level of children."83 These generalizations were derived from the results of psychological examinations and recorded experiences with Mexican recruits at the training camps. The Army determined that the Mexican recruit was illiterate **sinceabout 80 per cent of the race can neither read nor write.*'84 However, the journal article did recognize the "personal prideg1Mexicans exhibited at the training camps. 85 Overall, in the Army 's assessment of the value of the development battalions, they were proclaimed a success. At the end of November 1918, 224,000 men had processed through this program which produced 129,000 graduates who were sent to normal duty assignments. 86 The War Department lauded the program's success rate with documented proof that illiterates and non-English speaking soldiers l'could write and transmit simple messages home after only three months."87 The Mexican-Texans volunteered to serve for many of the same reasons that the rest of the nation's men answerd the call to arms: "patriotism, duty, adventure, money, ant9 freedom from barrio life.'888 Because Hispanics were the predominant group living in the barrio^,^' they may have cited this reason more often than other ethnic groups. Mexican-American soldiers demonstrated a sense of pride an9 patriotism through their faithful service in these five Texas regiments: 360th Regiment, 141st Regiment, 125th Regiment, 325th Regiment, and the 359th Regiment. These infantry units saw combat in France. 89 The 360th Infantry Regiment, 90th Division organized at Camp Travis in September 1917. While a large number of Mexicans and Mexican-Americans, as well as other minorities formed the ranks of this unit, none served as its officers. Hispanics performed a variety of duties from "infantrymen and machinegunners to cooks and [there was even one] musician.8t91 The unit fought heroically at St. Mihiel and during theMeuse-Argonne campaign,,and later they were a part of the American occupation troops in Germs- ny from December 22, 1918, until May 17, 1919. 92 63 In contrast to the African-American soldiers, Mexi- can-Americans served in integrated units even though in small numbers. 93 Mexican-American World War I veterans had varying experiences with discrimination and integration. In Dr. Cynthia E. Orozco's dissertation, she cites the personal experiences of two veterans, one who encountered no racism and another who faced discrimination. One World War I veteran, . Joe Garza of Corpus Christi had a positive wartime experience: "I shared a tent with three Anglos and they treated me just like everyone else. Grow- ing up the way I did, I can't describe what this meant to me.*lg4 Mexican-American Texan, autWor and veteran, J. Luz Saenz in his published diary, Los Mexico-Americanos en la Gran Guerra was critical of the racism he faced as a soldier. His unique experiences, written in Spanish and translated in English offer another view of the Army's success at assimilation: We were accepted, but during our entire military life, we felt a humiliating load of distrust on our shoulders, a kind of suspicion and enmity, never free to discharge our duties as soldiers well disposed to defend our national honor and our Flag to the end. Why? We knew under whgf conditions we were fighting. It was 100% prejudice. While a minority in terms of troop population and race, Hispanic Americans made historical and notable contributions in the service of their country in World War I. For example, Marcos B. Armijo was a hero who saved an Ameri- can nurse from drowning in a German attack. In February 1918, Armijo and the nurse were aboard the troop transport Tuscany when it was hit by a torpedo from a German submarine. In the attack, a dozen Mexican Texans were among the survivors; three soldiers lost their lives. Later during the war, Armijo selflessly gave his own life in ground combat, and was awarded the Distinguished Servic~.

Cross posthumously for his bravery. 96 In another act of bravery, history records the deeds of "Marcelino Serna, a Mexican immigrant from El Paso, Texas,[who] single-handedly captured twenty-four prisoners and prevented another soldier from shooting them.n97 This private was highly decorated for his actions and received the Distinguished Service Cross; his later actions earned him two Purple Hearts, France's Croix de Guerre and Victory Medal, Italy's Cross of Merit, and Britain's Medal of Bravery. 98 World War I produced other examples of Hispanics performing gallantly under fire as demonstrated through the actions of Garcia, Ortiz, Escajeda, and Lucero. "Graviel Garcia administered first aid to an injured soldier in no-man's land, and Conception Ortiz delivered numerous messages across an area raked by machine gun fire."99 These two courageous soldiers both received the Distinguished Service Cross for their heroic combat actions. A soldier from El Paso, Texas, Manuel J. Escajedii was the recipient of the French Croix de Guerre. 100 Another recipient of the French Croix de Guerre, 65 Albuquerque native Nicolas Lucero was only nineteen years old when he "destroyed two German machine gun emplacements and kept a constant fire on enemy positions for over three hours. "lo' Perhaps the most decorated soldier of World War I is the sole Hispanic Medal of Honor recipient, David Bark- ley of A Company, 356th Infantry, 89th Infantry. lo2 1n France, on November 9, 1918, nineteen-year-old David Bark- ley, from San Antonio, Texas volunteered for a dangerous but critical mission which cost him his life. He swam the Meuse River's icy waters under German fire in an effort to locate enemy artillery positions. He and his swimming partner were able to make the initial swim across and locate the positions; however, while swimming back to the friendly shoreline, Barkley succumbed to cramps and drowned. His partner successfully swam back with the important information which resulted in the unit's success. General John "Black Jack" Pershing, Commander-in-Chief of the American Expeditionary Force, recommended Barkley and his partner for the Medal of Honor. David Barkley received the Medal of Honor posthumously. 103 Ironically in 1989, seventy-one years after David Barkley gave his life for his country it was discovered that Barkley was half-Hispanic. As a soldier, he hid his ethnic background because he feared he would face a transfer to units in the rear. His primary concern was that the Army would discharge him or deny him service overseas. In 66 a letter addressed to his mother, he requested, "Please don't use the name. Just tell them it's ~arkley."'~~ Barkley was the first Army Hispanic Medal of Honor recipient and Camp Barkeley in Abilene, Texas, a National Guard training camp was named for this hero. 105 Barkley's actions demonstrated that Hispanic Ameri- cans were patriotic and selfless soldiers, yet they recognized that their heritage could place restrictions on their opportunities for military service and advancement. Their background, questions of citizenship, language difficulties, and society's general attitude towards minorities were issues accentuated during this period of history. Despite these obstacles, Hispanic Americans served with distinction in World War I and rightly earned an important place in history. ENDNOTES

In'Yo Solo! General Galvez , La Luz (August-September 1980), 38; Department of Defense, Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Manpower and Personnel Policy, Hiswanics in America's Defense ([Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1990), 6-9; Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute, The Research Division, Hiswank Heritaae Week -1987 ([Washington, D.C.: The Research Division, 1987), 2. 2111YoSolo! General GalvezI8*La Luz, 38.

'~e~artrnent of Defense, Off ice of the Deputy .----Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Manpower and Personnel Policy, Hiswanics in America I s Defense ([Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Printing Office,

8~milcarVasquez, "~is~anics'on the Frontline: A History," La Luz 9, no. 2 (February 1981), 9. hornas as Lloyd Miller, "Mexican-Texans at the Alamo ," The Journal of Mexican American Historv 2 (Fall 1971), 33-44.

ll~epartmentof Defense, Hispanics in America s Defense, 13.

12Amilicar Vasquez , "Hispanics on the Frontline, 9. 13~epartrnentof Defense, Hiswanics in America's Defense, 13. 15~epartmentof the Interior, National Park Service, Hispanics in the Civil War, Brochure ([Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Department of the Interior, Parks and History Association, 1991), 1. 16~epartmentof Defense, Hispanics in America s Defense, 14. 17natt S. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican-Americans (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 83. 18~epartmentof Defense, Hispanics in Americats Defense, 15. 19~epartmentof the Interior, Hispanics in the Civil War, 1. 20~bid. 21~.~.War Department. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 1883, Series I, Vol. 9, (Gettysburg, PA: Telegraph Press for the National Historical Society at Gettysburg, PA, 1972), 503-504. 22~arof the Rebellion, 1889, Series I, Vol. 26, Part I, 750. 23~epartmentof the Interior, Hispanics in the Civil War, 2. 24~bid., 2. 25~ohnBartlett, Familiar Ouotations, 14th ed., ed. Emily Morison Beck (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968), 597b; Department of the Interior, H~sD~~~csin the Civil War, 2. 26~epartmentof the Interior, Hispanics in the Civil War, 2. 27~epartmentof Defense, Hispanics in America s Defense, 17. 28~bid.

29 err^ Don Thompson, "Santos Benavides and the Battle for Laredo," Civil War Times Illustrated 19, no. 5 (August 1980), 26. 69 30~arof the Rebellion. 1896, Series I, Vol. 48, Part I, 1457. 31~epartmentof the Interior, Hisuanics in the Civil War, 2; War of the Rebellion, 1898, Series I, Vol. 53, 1002. 32~epartmentof Defense, Hisuanics in America s Defense, 18. 33~epartmentof the Interior, Hisuanics in the Civil War, 2; Jerry Don Thompson, Vaaueros in Blue and Gray (Austin, TX: Presidia1 Press, 1976), 24; War of the Rebellion. 1886, Series I, Vol. 15, 221. 34~epartmentof the Interior, Hispanics in the Civil War, 2. 35~bid.

36~bid.; War of the Rebellion. 1889, Series I, Vol. 25, Part 11, 578. 37~amuelP. Bates, ~istorvof Pennsvlvania Volunteers. 1861-5, Vol. I11 (Harrisburg, PA: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1870) , 1188. 38~amuelP. Bates, Historv of Pennsvlvania Volunteers. 1861-5, Vol. I (Harrisburg, PA: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869), 340. 39~arof the Rebellion, 1889, Series I, Vol. 27, Part I, 503. 40~epartmentof the Interior, Hisuanics in the Civil War, 2. 41~bid. 42~milcarVasquez , 8BHispanicson the Frontline: A Hist~ry,~~La Luz 9, no. 2 (February 1981), 8. 43~heConqressional Medal of Honor: The Names, The Deeds (Forest Ranch, CA: Sharp and Dunnigan Publications, l984), 870.

45~epartmentof Defense, Hisuanics in America s Defense, 22. 70 48~efenseEqual Opportunity Management Institute, Hispanic Heritaae Week 1987, 5. 49~epartmentof Defense, Hiswanics in America8s Defense, 24. 50~aroleE. Christian, ##Joiningthe American Mainstream: Texas's Mexican Americans During World War I," Southwestern Historical Ouarterly 92, no. 4 (April 1989), 1. 51~omingoNick Reyes, Viva--A Look at the Hiswanic-Americans, (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, National Institute of Education, 1975), 7, ERIC, ED 122 990. 52~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican-Americans, 123.

53~anuelA. Machado, Jr:, Listen Chicano! : An Informal Historv of the Mexican-American (Chicago: Nelson Hall, 1978), 60. 54~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican-Americans, 131.

55~.~.Department of the Army, De~artmentof the Armv Pamwhlet No. 20-212, Historv of Militarv Mobilization in the United States Annv, 1775-1945, by Merton G. Henry and Marvin A. Kreidberg (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 1955), 30. 56~ayes,Leslie Anne and James B. Jacobs, "Aliens in the U.S. Armed Forces: A Historico-Legal Analysis," Armed Forces and Society 7, no. 2 (Winter 1981): 193. 57~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican-Americans, 148. 58~illiamB. White, "The Military and the Melting Pot: The American Army and Minority Groups, 1865-1924," (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1968), 335.

'O~att S. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: 71 A Historv of ~exican-Americans, 131. 6x~anuelGamio, The Mexican Immiarant: His Life-Storv (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1931; reprint, New York: Arno Press and The New York Times, 1969), 46. 62~an~e1 Gamio, The Mexican Immiarant , 52. 63~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A Historv of Mexican-Americans, 131-132. 64~bid., 132. 65~bid. 66~aroleE. Christian, "Joining the American Mainstream: Texas's Mexican Americans During World War I," Southwestern Historical Ouarterlv 92, 572. 67~bid.

69~.S. Department of the Army, American Militarv Historv, Army Historical Series, Publication of the Office of the Chief of Military History, ed. Maurice Matloff (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1969; reprint Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, l973), 369.

71~bid.! 355-356; Carole E. Christian, "Joining the American Mainstream," 566. 72~illiamB. White, "The Military and the Melting Pot," Ph.D. diss., 327. 73~eterKarsten, ed., The Militarv in America: From the Colonial Era to the Present, new and rev ed. (New York: The Free Press, 1980), 302. 74~illiamB. White, "The Military and the Melting Pot," Ph.D. diss., 309. 75~illiamB. White, "The American Military and the Melting Pot in World War I," in The Militarv in America: From the Colonial Era to the Present, new and rev ed., ed. Peter Karsten (New York: The Free Press, 1980), 319. 72 76~bid. 77~illiamB. White, "The Military and the Melting Pot,**Ph.D. diss., 328. 78~illiamB. white in The Militarv in America, ed. Peter Karsten, 319. 79~illiamB. White, "The Military and the Melting Pot,**Ph.D. diss., 330. 80~illiamB. White in The Militarv in America, ed. Peter Karsten, 320. 81~illiamB, White, **TheMilitary and the Melting Pot,**Ph.D. diss., 323. 82~illiamB. White in The Militarv in America, ed. Peter Karsten, 320.

83w~heMexican Soldier,*I Infantry Journal 15, no. 8 (February 1919) : 676. 84~bid. 85~bid. 86~illiamB. White, **TheMilitary and the Melting Pot," Ph.D. diss., 337. 87~bid. "cynthia E. Orozco, **TheOrigins of the League of the United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement in Texas with an Analysis af Women's Political Participation in a Gendered Context, 1910-1924,** (Ph.D. diss., University of California, 1992), 124. 89~aroleE. Christian, '*Joining the American Mainstream,**582. "Ibid., 580. "Ibid., 581. 92~bid. 93~bid., 587. 94~ynthiaE. Orozco, #*TheOrigins of the LULAC and the Mexican American Civil Rights Mo~ernent,~~Ph.D. diss., 125-126.

96~aroleE. Christian, "Joining the American Mainstream, 578.

lol~epartmentof Defense, His~anicsin America's Defense, 25. lo2congress, Senate, Committee on Veterans Affairs, Medal of Honor Reci~ients. 1863-1978: In the Name of the Conaress of the United States, 96th Cong.! 1st sess., (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printlng Office, 1979), 433. lo31bid.

lo4craig Phelon, "The Hero Who Hid His Heritage," Sari Antonio Exoress-News, 21 May 1989, Sundav Maaazine, 14. lo51bid., 15-16. CHAPTER IV Hispanic Contributions

The Home Front The majority of the Mexican American men and women who would eventually fight, work, and organize during World War I1 were born between 1915 and 1926. This age group of Mexican Americans is often referred to as the G.I. Generation because they liv d through a period of extraordinary historical events. 'f This group of Mexican Americans were small children during the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917 when their parents left Mexico to escape the repressive government and deteriorating economic conditions in search of a better way of life in the United ~tates.~The Mexican Revolution was the first in a series of three significant "historical events" which occurred during the youth of this genera- ti~n.~They experienced firsthand the trials of the Depression and a decade later personally contributed to the! history of World War 11. Those individuals who belong to the "G.I. Generation1#were either born or reared in the United state^.^ Their parents migrated to those industrial and agricultural areas in the United States where joh opportunities were most promising. The common bond of their language and their homeland compelled these early immigrants to settle largely in the Midwest, West, and 75 Southwest where they formed their own unique c~mmunities.~They also shared a commonality of work. Because most lacked formal education and technical skills, they gravitated to the menial, low-paying jobs or manual laborer positions with limited opportunities for upward mobility.6 In the 1930s, when the Great Depression created economic hardship for all citizens and for many Mexicans, it meant a return to Mexico to find employment. These Mexicans were known as repatriados, or individuals who leave their native country to live in a foreign country for many years but then return to their homeland to live and 8tassumethe duties of citizens hip.^^ The records from the Mexican government show that from 1 January 1930 to 31 December 1933, 311,712 repatriados returned to Mexico, of which approximately 90 percent were from the United States. 8 The scarcity of jobs created widespread displacement of the Mexican from the workplace and urban areas. High unemployment forced many workers to relocate within the United States in search of stable work.' To com- pound their dismal economic situation, they often faced various forms of public racism in their local communities. A general lack of education, limited knowledge of the En- glish language, and fears of deportation lessened their ability to question the system. Unable to challenge these

76 barriers, they learned to accept them as a "way of lifew in America. 10 In the Midwest and throughout the Southwest, Mexicans faced overt prejudice, discrimination, and segreg~a- tion.l1 In some locations, the schools, restaurants, theaters, and Catholic churches designated segregated sections. l2 For example, a sign outside a Texas church read "For Coloreds and Mexicans."13 Some public swimming pools allowed Mexicans one day a week to use the pool whik the theaters allowed them seating in the balcony to view the Saturday afternoon matinees. l4 Family life meant large families cramped in small, substandard housing, equipped with outdoor bathrooms, no hot running water, and located in neighborhoods called barrios, with unpaved streets.l5 While not all Mexican-American families lived in such depressing conditions, this description typified the homelife of a vast majority of those who grew up durin~j World War I and World War 11. The outbreak of World War I1 saw the beginning of s new outlook on American life for many Hispanics of the G.I. Generation. l6 The war and its large-scale manpower and resource requirements affected the lives of all Americans regardless of race, creed, color, or gender. In 1943, the Office of War Information made a prediction on the long-term social impact that mass employment of America's minorities and women would have on the nature of society stating: American enthusiasm for production as a short cut for victory can probably be used to help tear down much of the prejudice against Negroes, women, and aliens, three q$oups not yet fully integrated into the labor force. While it was a uniting force for the nation, the war also accelerated the social assimilation of the Hispan- ic people into the mainstream of American society. With a national call to arms, the Hispanic American did not hesi- tate to serve his or her country on the battlefield or the home front. l8 While in particular, Mexican men of the previous World War I generation had to resolve the issue of conflicting loyalties between Mexico and the United States, the Mexican-American of the World War I1 era joined to express his.patriotism and sense of duty. l9 Mr. Anthony

Navarro of Davenport, Iowa in a 21 June 1986 interview felt that service was a way to demonstrate allegiance to the United States: We believed, that by joining the service, we could lay to rest the idea that Mexicans were disloyal to the United States. We wanted to prove that while our cultural ties were deeply- ooted in Mexico, our home was here in this country. 26

Contributions of His~anicWomen in War Industries When this war is over, Government, labor, and industry, in making plans for our labor force, must not overlook the needs of American women, who as unknown soldiers and unidentified heroes on production lines have made their contributions an their sacrifices, too, for victory and democracy.91 These were the words of the Secretary of Labor, Frances Perkins, the first female to hold the cabinet post 78 in the nation's history. She delivered these closing remarks in a luncheon speech before a meeting of the New York Women's Trade Union League in New York City on 12 December 1942. Men in the communities left their families and jobs to fill the burgeoning military manpower requirements of the war. Throughout the United States, the women on the home front did their part to support the war effort. To keep the manufacturing industries and production lines in operation, the government encouraged women to join the labor force. 22 The President of the United States was acutely aware of the resources and manpower required to meet the nation's wartime needs at home and abroad. He realized that the war would demand a commitment from the people to subjugate personal needs and wants for the greater good of the nation. For the labor force population, this meant working in an integrated environment for the first time. In a 1942 Columbus Day speech, President Roosevelt reiterat- ed this new fact of life and encouraged Americans to set aside prejudices for the sake of the war effort: "In some communities employers dislike to hire women. In others they are reluctant to hire Negroes. We can no longer af- ford to indulge such prejudice."23 Winning the war overseas would require some battles to be fought on the home front in order to permit minorities and women an opportunity to make a contribution. While these battles 79 were not won overnight, they became the first publicly acknowledged attempts at overcoming discrimination. 24 The government~sstated goals in 1942 for 60,000 planes, 45,000 tanks, 20,000 antiaircraft guns, and 8 million tons of merchant shipping placed enormous demands on production plants. In 1943, the President ordered an additional 125,000 planes, 75,000 tanks, 35,000 antiaircraft guns, and 10 million tons of shipping. 25 The participation of women in the factories was deemed vital to the 8tmaximumoutput of war material and food.n26 The statistics estimate that, I*. . . between 1940 and 1944, the number of employed women leaped from 12.0 million to 18.2 million.8127 The greatest increase in working women was apparent in the 08steel,machinery, shipbuilding, aircraft, and auto factories.8o28 By 1944, there were 1.7 million women at work in those male-dominated areas in contrast to 1939 when there were only 230,000 women workers. 29 The women who received the most publicity for their wartime contributions belonged to a group entitled "Rosie the Riveter." In 1944, one in six women workers was in the war sector or worked in the munitions, aircraft and shipbuilding industries to supply resources to the armed forces. Because of their employment in vital defense industries with a more direct and quantifiable support role, they received a deluge of "national attentionw for their blue-collar work. 30 8 0 For millions of women, wartime labor shortages brought about their first introduction to the American labor force. Also, many housewives who had worked before marriage reentered the work force in the name of patriotism.31 The government and local communities encouraged women to support the war effort through their employment in defense industries where the operations were around the clock, six days a week.32 While the advertisements created to recruit women in the factories made the work appear appealing, in actuality, 60 to 70 hour workweeks were normal because of constant war demands. 33 women were not only filling sedentary jobs behind desks; they also performed a wide range of physically demanding tasks. 34 Despite the public plea for women to fill in for men, they faced resentment from male co-workers. Further- more, they struggled with real life issues of child care and their own ideas of gender roles in society. 35 For many women, the dress codes enforced in defense industries were a source of aggravation. 36 Women were unaccustomed to wearing hair nets and traditional male clothing: overalls, pants, loose fitting ensembles, and flat shoes. While the uniform was an industry issue of safety and prac- ticality, it did hinder some women from volunteering for certain kinds of work.37 Similarly, most industries were unprepared for the influx of women workers and they lacked the safety equipment, shoes, and uniforms to properly fit

81 the female physique. 38 While history has given much credit to this collective body of women who kept the industries in operation during the war years, there is little written on the specific, individual wartime experiences of these working women. This is especially true regarding minority women who worked in defense industries. However, author Richard Santillan provides insight on the contributions of numerous Hispanic women in his journal article, "Rosita the Riveter: Mexican American Women During World War 11, 1941-1945." In his article, based on interviews with defense workers from the Midwest, he presents a diverse group of women who are single, married, divorced, mothers, or women over fifty-five years of age. 39 He also points out the difficulty in assessing the number of Mexican-American women who were employed in the defense industry because the clerk record- ers had two categories, wwhitervand "nonwhite .w40 For the Mexican-American woman, the defense industry offered higher wages with the chance to learn new skills. Before the war, most Mexican-American women worked in the home where they earned money through sewing, iron- ing, or washing laundry for others. Many worked as maids or domestics with low but regular pay. 41 With their husbands off to war, the mothers bore the responsibility for rent payment, upkeep of the house, and the rearing of the children. 42

82 Employment outside the home required Mexi- can-American mothers to rely on the immediate family for child care and emotional support. Traditionally, the lives of Mexican-American women centered on the family unit which was close-knit and self-~ustainin~.~~For these women to leave their homes and children to work in industries was a novel undertaking which required personal courage and sacrifice. Not only were they leaving their secure, familiar environments, but they entered a world where many came in contact with Anglo-Americans for the first time. Overall, they recalled positive experiences in working with Anglo men and women and developed friendly working relationships over the course of the war. Thus, the war helped facilitate improvements in relations between the two groups. 4 4 Mexican-American women could be found working alongside Anglo and Black men and women as welders and riveters where the I1bombers, gliders, engines, instrument panels, fuel tanks, transport planes, fighters, and interceptors" were built for the well-known defense manufacturers: Cessna, Boeing, Douglas, Pratt and Whitney, Ford, and The Goodyear Tire Industry. For example, in 1943, women comprised 45% of the employees at Douglas ~ircraft.~~Two years earlier, on the eve of Pearl Harbor, women were a tlfractiontl of the total labor force with "fewer than 4,OOC in the aircraft industry. n46

83 In Los Angeles, California, one out of every eleven women workers worked in aircraft production.47 One of those women, was Margarita Salazar McSweyn, a Mexi- can-American, school-trained beautician. Her motivation for working at Lockheed was twofold: "Being involved in that era you figured you were doing something for your country--and at the same time making For a year she did drill work as a member of a 20 to 30 person crew with only four men. 49 After her long work day, she proudly volunteered to serve as a member of the Civilian Defense Corps. While on duty, she wore a distinctive uniform with headgear, both similar in style to the military uniform for the Women's Army Corps. Ms. Salazar was responsible for monitoring the communications system that would warn of an aerial attack.50 In the event of an air attack, she was to notify the section's air warden. Fortu- nately for Los Angeles, California, and the rest of the country, she did not have to use her training in a real life situation. Remarkably, the petite body frame of the Mexican-American woman was viewed as an important asset in working in the tight areas on aircraft. Theresa Rocha, an aircraft worker commented: We tended to be smaller and slender compared to both the Anglo and Black women. Some of us weighed only 90 pounds and stood around five feet. As a result of our small size, we were given the responsibility of welding and riveting in the hard-to-get places of the plane, including inside the wings, gun turrets, and both the nose and tail sections of the aircraft . . . . We prided ourselves because our wgrk always passed inspection on the first check. 84 Another Los Angeles aircraft worker, Bea Morales Clifton, was a riveter who earned sixty-five cents an hour assembling P-38 airplanes at Lockheed. This married mother of four was such an excellent worker that after one year she was earning top pay of $1.05 an hour and showing the new workers the ropes. She received great satisfaction from her work in the aircraft plant: "1 felt good that I could do something, and being that it was war, I felt that I was doing my part.8852 However, Bea Morales Clifton was not alone in the uneasiness she felt working around men other than her husband or male relatives. As teenagers, some Mexican-American women had strict upbringings; as standard practice, chaperones accompanied young women on dates. 5 3 For Mrs. Clifton, the responsibilities of mother- hood forced her to leave her job for a few years. After her son's serious illness, she returned to domestic life with reservations. Later, in 1951, she rejoined the labor force at Lockheed where she progressed through the ranks to become the supervisor for forty to fifty workers at the time of her retirement in 1978. 54 The munitions industry had difficulty meeting its manpower requirements because of the low pay and dangerous work.55 Again, Mexican-American women played a major role in filling this gap: 40 percent of the workers were women. 56 They produced bombs, timing devices, land mines, grenades, rocket launchers, and shell casings. 57 For example, the assembly required for a timing fuse was tedious and hazardous work. The fuse had more than one hundred parts which were put together using small files and tweezers. There was always a high potential for error which could result in death or dismemberment. Also, because there were fears of an enemy air attack, most of the plants were built underground for added protection. This isolation dissuaded many women from volunteering for this line of work.58 However, some Mexican-American women braved the hazards and lived in dormitories on company property. The housing arrangement was offered as an llincentivefor both men and women to work two shifts for extra money.w59 Living within the confines of the plant meant that workers did not have to commute daily to and from these plants which were frequently located several miles outside the city limits. This was a regular way of life for one Mexi- can-American woman, Aurora Gutierrez, who recalled those days: We usually took the bus or car-pooled to the ordinance plant in Parsons, Kansas, where we lived in dorms during the work week. We worked two shifts a day, five days a week, with little time for rest and sleep. Some of us would come home for the weekend to visit our families. The time would go by fast when we were with our loved ones. Before you knew it, it was time to go back to the plant to start anot r week. Many of us lived this way for three years. 2% Mexican-Americans were found in the steel, railroad, and meatpacking industries. Overall, women made up

10 percent of the steelworkers, 8 percent of the railroad workers, and a small percentage in meatpacking. The talents of the Mexican-American women were put to good use in the railroad industry where they were "section workers, train dispatchers, loaders, roundhouse mechanics, and wait- resses and tellers in the railroad lunchrooms and ticket offices .'t61 Because many of their relatives originally settled in areas near railroad centers, Mexican-American women were thoroughly familiar with the types of jobs in the railroad industry. The livelihoods of their grandfathers, fathers, husbands, and brothers were tied to the railroad industry. Also, because they lived in neighborhoods in close proximi- ty to the workplace, it was an added incentive to volunteer for work in the railroads. 62 However, this was not easy or glamourous work. In bitter winter temperatures, women were responsible for clearing snow from the tracks to clear the way for the passage of the troop and supply trains, the common mode of transportation during that era. 63 It was not an anomaly to see women replace railroad ties and rails, load and unload heavy war materials in boxcars, or load blocks of ice for the train's primitive air-conditioning system at the peak of miserable, humid summers in the Midwest. For women like Julia Padilla of

87 Aurora, Illinois, the work was deemed fundamental to the support of the soldiers. 64 Railroad employers sought out the Mexican-American woman because of her bilingual skills. With the influx of manual laborers or braceros from Mexico in 1942, there was a demand for translators. The government legally admitted the braceros into the United States to work in the agricultural and railroad industries which experienced severe manpower shortages during the war years. 65 Because the braceros spoke only Spanish, interpreters were essential for bridging the communications gap. Many Mexican-American women worked in the meatpacking industries concentrated in the major cities in the Midwest: Kansas City, Omaha, Chicago, and Topeka. The large and famous meat companies, Amour, Morrell, Swift, and Wilson, hired Mexican-American women as butchers, pack- ers, and pork and beef trimmers. The women also helped in the manufacture of the soldier's "C" and "KW rations. 66 Angelina Rocha of Omaha, Nebraska was one of those women who worked in the meatpacking industry. She worked in one of the packinghouses which she described as "the worst places to work during the war because of the coldness and terrible smell of dead animals every where.^^^ Because of the freezing working conditions, the women workers were highly susceptible to colds and the influenza. The tools of the trade, butcher knives and meat saws, made

88 the work even more dangerous. 68 In retrospect, Mexican-American women were a part of America's wartime labor industry which selflessly supported the frontline soldiers overseas. Like many other women, many of these women had husbands, brothers, sons, and even daughters serving in the armed forces. If their participation meant that loved ones would return sooner from the war, then it was a justifiable and worthwhile endeavor. 69 These women sacrificed the convenience and safety of home and community to venture into a new experience in the workplace. On an individual basis, each overcame personal ambivalence, family resistance, society's misgivings, in addition to balancing family responsibilities in order to make a contribution to the war effort. For the Mexican-American woman, there were small indications of gradual societal acceptance. Some Midwest women recalled that employers discontinued the standard hiring practice of requiring papers for legal proof of citizenship.70 As the manpower demands of the war increased, employers were more willing to look beyond the race, color, and gender issues and direct their time and resources to support a nation at war. While it was a short-term focus, it created new opportunities in the workplace for women and minorities. Many individuals and families who have been somewhat isolated socially have now been drawn into neighborhood life and given sense of community responsibility.91 This statement summarized the social affect which the demands of World War I1 had on communities throughout the country. The war changed the way citizens interacted with each other within the sphere of their particular community.72 It was a common thread which intricately bound individuals together in spirit and action. For example, in the city of Tucson, Arizona, this assessment accurately described the wartime atmosphere of community life. For Tucson's Mexican-American community, World War I1 served as a catalyst to unite the residents in support of the soldiers who were their neighbors, friends, and family members. 73 community involvement was a new phenomenon for most Mexican-Americans; however, they readily accepted the challenges of volunteer work. Historians have largely overlooked the contributions of the large Hispanic communities during World War

11.~~There are few accounts which credit the home front supporters of Mexican descent with creating formal organizations to provide moral support to soldiers. 75 However, one noteworthy example comes from Tucson, Arizona. Citi- zens from the Mexican-American community created a formal organization called Madres Y Es~osas,or The Spanish-American Association of

Mothers and Wives. 76 For these ordinary, selfless citizens, membership earned them recognition and respect in the community. Through collective efforts, the Mexi- can-American community created a unique opportunity for citizens with a common heritage and culture to participate in the nation's efforts on the home front. For a nation at war, there were am~leopportunities for all citizens to demonstrate their commitment to soldiers in uniform. Throughout the United States, the government waged extensive publicity campaigns to sell war bonds to the American public to finance the tremendous war costs. Patriotism was the rallying cry of the times. Sacrifice on the home front was essential to ensure the war effort met its manpower and resource requirements. Industries sold war bonds; however, local drives enjoyed great success because a war bond purchase assumed a more personal meaning. For instance, a purchase in Tucson would indirectly support the brother and sister team, Salvador and Lucy Robles, both serving in the Southwest Pacific. Both privates, he was a combat soldier and she was one of the first women in the Women's Army Corps. 77 The three other Robles brothers in the service would also benefit from the war bond sales in their hometown. 78 Gas rationing, planting victory gardens, and selling war bonds represented a few of the major programs which

91 the government endorsed to promote citizen participation in the war effort.79 War was a national cause which required the consolidated efforts of all individuals to as- sure victory. The mobilization of more than 12 million men left no community immune from the war's demand for manpower. 80 As a result, communities closed ranks to form a united front to provide emotional and moral support to each other and to their soldiers serving in the armed forces.81 The Mexican-American community also participated in this experience. In Tucson, the Spanish-American Mothers and Wives Association organized to support the war effort. This association was not a chapter of a larger national organization; it was a newly-founded formal organization established out of patriotism.82 It had no lineage or history to enhance its reputation. Word-of-mouth and support from community leaders and local newspapers gave it legitimacy and credibility as well as increased membership. 83 The architect with the vision for the Asociacion was Rosalio Ronquillo, a pharmacist at Walgreen's Drugstore who sold $180,000 in war bonds. In March 1944, he envi- sioned an ". . . organization that would unite and glorify all the Mexican women of Tucson through their 'ardent and patriotic longing to . . . win this war. "'84 The organization performed a variety of community missions. They

92 adopted a charter which included the following goals: "sell war bonds, provide Red Cross assistance, console and aid the families of Mexican soldiers through emotional and religious support and unite the Mexican economic/social classes in the c~mmunity.~'~~The organization male co- founders were prominent men in the community: Carlos G. Robles, a lawyer; Ricardo Fierro, editor of the Span- ish-language newspaperEl Tucsonese; Carlos Montano, director of Spanish programming at radio station KTUC, and Eduardo C. Jacobs, a businessman and restaurant and liquor store owner. The secretary, Ms. Rose Rodriguez, was the only woman on the organization's list of original founders.86 Julie A. Campbell, the author of one of the articles used as a primary source for the information on the association, suggests that the organization was an image of ItMexican family life. w87 Customarily, the man was the dominant, head of the household while the woman wals the operator who ran the daily operations. Similarly, the women in the organization held the %econdary poststtof president, vice-president, treasurer, and secretary. 8 8 While this appears to parallel the realities of Mexican homelife, it made sense for the men to start the organization. Based on their backgrounds, they were each best suited to establishing successful enterprises. These men were very influential in the community and they were proven leaders in their respective fields. They possessed

93 the base of resources, knowledge, and experience to build an organization. Accordingly, they deserve great credit for their initiative and foresight in uniting the Mexi- can-American community behind the war effort. They also helped place the image of the Mexican-American in a positive light. The association had a membership of 300 women and only a few men. Dues were fifty cents a month, and members filled out an application which required adherence to the following pledge: "1 wish . . . nothing more than to be faithful and sincere to its constitution and to subject myself to the majority . . . I promise to protect its interests and to work for its betterment and progress.tq89 Approximately one-fifth of Tucson's Mexican-American women joined the organization. Community leaders and the El Tucsonese urged women to participate in the organization which was open to "sisters, daughters, fiancees, and next-door neighbors. w~~ The organization's membership did not intentionally segregate itself from women of other races. It did not have exclusionary rules; Anglo-American women could also become members. 92 However, from its inception, the membership saw the association as a means to serve to "reinforce the cultural, emotional, and traditional sentiment commonly shared among Mexican-American women. "93 The organization8s focus was to bring Mexican-American 94 women with shared interests together as a group for mutual support. The associati.onlspurpose had the short-term goal of enhancing soldier welfare and morale, and the long-term goal of building a recreation center for the returning soldiers.94 At the first organizational meeting held on Tues- day, March 21, 1944, the membership voted to name the organization El Club de Madres Y Esposas (Club of Mothers and Wives). 95 The name was quickly changed; members wanted to differentiate the group from the various social clubs in existence. Thus, La Asociacion His~ano-Americanade Madre5 Y EsDosas emerged as a Vormal organization with specific goals and objectives. *lg6 The association~sfirst president Carmen Rios was the blue star mother of the *'Five Fighting Rios roth hers.^^^' A blue star signified that a member of the family was serving in the armed forces. She had one son killed in the South Pacific and another was wounded in action.g8 Her dedicated efforts brought her honors from the Tucson branch of the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the

Tucson mayor. 99 She was praised for her contributions to the war cause. Under her tutelage, in late 1944, Francis Gradillas was designated the head of the association's own Red Cross unit.''' Another organization member, Maria de Sedillo supervised the dedicated efforts of "forty women who produced 9,000 surgical dressings fOr the Red Cross in thirty-six hours. "lo' 95 The organization participated in a full schedule of events in support of their goals and objectives. The members sold stamps on Stamp Day, 1 April 1944, in front of the Tucson Federal Savings and Loan while simultaneously performing three hours of Mexican music. The Cinco de Mayo (May 5th) celebration was another event where they sold war bonds, stamps, and a variety of homemade Mexican food.lo2 The organization sold thousands of dollars of stamps and bonds through its many activities. The association received certificates of honor from the Treasury Department for consistently exceeding quotas. 103 For members who spoke and read only Spanish, the bilingual members assisted them with translating government forms, paperwork, and even writing letters to soldiers. A dinner dance. sponsored by the Association in January 1945 had fourteen of Arizona's 158th Infantry Regiment n*Bushmasterswin attendance. The bushmaster^,^ a famous infantry unit, had one-quarter of its ranks filled with Mexican-American men. lo4 The unit was a part of the Arizona National Guard. They fought successfully in the Southwest Pacific Theater under General Douglas MacArthur. He called the unit, "the greatest fighting combat team ever deployed for battle.**lo5 Another highlight for the women were the war souvenirs and personal notes which the soldiers sent from overseas. The women shared these unique items among the group members at meetings. 106 96 Most of the association's women were of the Catho- lic faith. This familiar bond also made the members a close-knit group. They concluded evening meetings with a special prayer for the safety of the soldiers and for the souls of the deceased. The association sponsored a mass a': San Agustin Cathedral for Mexican servicemen and servicewo~n- en. It was an overwhelming success; the church was filled beyond its capacity. 107 The association was able to make progress toward its goal of integrating the Mexican social classes. After the first seven months, there were more members from the lower and middle classes than from the upper class. Most of the soldiers were from these economic classes. This reversal was so dramatic that El Tucsonese declared that the Mexican social classes "have been molded into one. *11°8 The members of the organization initiated a scrap metal drive to "save foil from candy, gum, and cigarette wrappers." The metal was used for tin cans, armaments and cans for the soldier's "C8' rations. They gathered waste fats and turned in their collections for the manufacture of glycerin, a component used in high explosives. Unselfishly, members donated child care services, folded bandages, prepared food for the USO, and served as air wardens. 109 The association gained prestige and popularity in the community. It had demonstrated a high degree of 97 efficiency through its list of successful accomplishments. Alejandro Jacome, a well-known businessman even suggested that the organization's leaders use their "clout to per- suade the city to pave the streets of the barrios.w110 The Mexican consul in Tucson, Angel B. Tellez, attended meetings as a guest and was duly impressed with the group's work. News of the group's achievements spread across the border. Mr. Tellez personally invited members Ronquillo and Rodriguez to visit the consulate. 111 Mexican-American men in the Tucson community also did their part to support the war effort. Many of these men were prominent in the business community and were directly able to influence community life. The owner of the Occidental Bus Line, Roy Laos, kept the bus fare at five cents throughout the war. Meanwhile, Carlos Montano, the director of Spanish programming at radio station KTUC and Armando Alfaro, a city superior court worker, organized a special movie at the Plaza Theater, Tucson's Spanish-language movie house. The proceeds were used to support the war bond program. 112 Association women sold more than $15,000 in bonds for the War Finance Program at various picnics and church fiestas. For their success, they earned a certificate from the government. From 14 March 1944 to 13 October 1944, they sold another $444, 877 in war bonds. In July 1945, the women had accumulated sales of another $632,177

98 in stamps. Within the period of one year, the association had total sales of $1 million in war bonds and stamps. 114 One of the most significant contributions of the organization was a small four-page newspaper, the Chatter. Its history began with the publication of its first edition on 11 June 1944. The newspaper's premiere issue was "dedicated to the valiant Fathers who are fighting to preserve our democracy. '1115 The date of the issue made a Father's Day dedication appropriate. Rose Rodriguez, the newspaper's dedicated editor was also a secretary in the city hall treasurer's office. She dutifully worked on the newspaper during off-duty hour:^ and over her own lunch hour. Even though she was single, she volunteered countless hours to assembling, collecting, and typing information for the paper. Ms. Rodriguez de- vised the name of the newspaper. It was a universal success in the community. '16 It was published the second and fourth Sundays of every month and sold for five cents per copy. The Club Latino, a men's social community group, funded the printing of the newspaper. Later, the newspaper assumed a more professional look when the printing was done at the El Tucsonese newspaper plant. This procedure allowed the inclusion of pictures. 11* Ms. Ro- driguez painstakingly read the news on a daily basis from the Arizona Daily Star, El Tucsonese, and the Tucson Daily Citizen. She picked out the most interesting news 99 stories for the Chatter; a task which usually took her four hours a day to complete. She was intent on satisfying the interests of her readers, as she recalled many years later, "The boys wanted to know everything."120 The newspaper represented an important channel of communication between the soldiers and the Tucson community. It was a publication about the soldiers and for the soldiers who longed for news from home. Invariably, the news about high school classmates or neighborhood friends serving in the Pacific was more interesting than the news of the economy and government. The newspapers were sold at local business- es. The money was collected in a fund which was specifically earmarked for building a recreation center for Mexi- can-American soldiers on their return from the war. 121 The first issue of the newspaper was in English. It was printed in Spanish when the editor was hospitalized for surgery and a new editor assumed the duties. The older Mexican-American women preferred the Spanish issues. 122 Unanimously, the soldiers preferred the English version. The soldiers learned to read, speak, and write English in school even while the language at home was mainly Spanish. In a January 1993 telephone interview, Mrs. Rodriguez explained that the Tucson school teachers instructed in En- glish and did not allow their students to speak Spanish. She recalled that she was sent to the principal's office for speaking Spanish in class. 123 Thus, the paper was 100 largely an English publication even though the parents of a large majority of the soldiers spoke and read only spanish. 124 Not all of the information was solely about Mexi- can-American soldiers from the community. The paper included news about Anglo-American soldiers from the Tucson area, officer and enlisted, serving in the war. For instance, il the 28 July 1945 issue, a local general officer made the news. At home in Tucson, he was identified as the city's highest ranking Army officer of World War 11. Major Gener- al Frank L. Culin, Jr. was the commanding officer of the 87th Division in France and Germany where he fought with the Third Army. He was also part of the expedition that fought Pancho Villa in 1916. 125 Ironically, he may have even fought against some of the ancestors of Tucson's Mexi- can-Americans. The newspaper also reported the death of another Tucson resident, nineteen-year-old Private First Class Frank Kempf, a noted high school athlete who was killed in action in Belgium in 1945. 126 The Chatter was a personalized compilation of the soldiers1 war accomplishments, awards and decorations, and Tucson's war casualties. On the home front, the newspaper included the significant local community events; the sober- ing news of fires, deaths, and accidents, intermingled with the light-hearted news births, jokes, gossip, and even music's hit parade. The number one song in the country

101 during the first issue was "Long Ago and Far Awayw appropriate for inclusion in a newspaper published four days after the D-Day invasion. 127 It was through this publication that the community learned about Corporal Manuel Florez, an 11th Airborne Division soldier who earned both the Bronze and Silver Stars. The latter award was for his ngallant*8actions on 4 February 1945 on Luzon8s Paranque River Bridge in the Phil- ippines.12' The May 1945 issue told the news of Lt. Jerry Delgado, Jr. and his siblings. Lieutenant Delgado had completed his 21st mission as a B-17 pilot and his brother, Corporal Ray Delgado was serving with the Third

Army in Europe. The Delgado sister, Private Cruz Delgado, was a WAC in a medical unit at Ft. Oglethorpe, Georgia. 129 Ms. Rodriguez resigned from the editor post in September 1945 when she married her husband, Cesar Caballe- ro, a World War I1 veteran and a former prisoner of war in Germany. Ironically, he never received an issue of the Chatter while he was stationed overseas. Mrs. Rodrigu- ez-Caballero, at age 85, recalled that the newspaper was her "great joy in life." Her involvement in the community effort gave her great personal satisfaction and lasting memories. During the war and in recent recollections, she expressed her enormous pride in both the newspaper and the work of the association members who supported the war effort. 130 102 Eventually, the members incorporated the association into a non-profit organization and purchased a vacant lot at the corner Seventh Avenue and Twenty-First Street in Tucson. 13' The property taxes were paid from the group's treasury and the Chatter sales. 132 At the conclusion of the war, the women were strony- ly encouraged to focus their efforts on their families. Even Pope Pius XI1 was quoted in the El Tucsonese where he told the women to return to their duties to the "honorei place in the home.t1133 With no bonds to sell and no war news, the organization's members concentrated on their personal lives. The recreation center was never built and records do not provide an explanation. 134 In 1976, the organization officially disbanded and divided the $2700 in the treasury among four local charities. The empty lot was deeded to the St. Elizabeth of Hungary Clinic. 135 The Swanish-American Mothers and Wives Association was one example of the unique contributions of the Mexi- can-American community on the home front. The association members were representative of the countless heroes and heroines who worked to support the soldiers on the front- lines. Other cities, such as Phoenix and Chicago formed organizations to provide a support base within their respez- tive Mexican-American communities. At the same time, thes.2 groups also worked diligently to support the hometown soldiers serving in the armed forces. 136 The efforts of these organizations resulted in the unification of the 103 citizens of the Mexican-American communities behind a common cause. As a by-product of the association's work, the 40,000 residents of Tucson (11,000 of which were Mexi- can-American) learned of the service of the Mexi- can-American soldiers who were defending their country. 137 The pages of the Chatter are testimony to the patriotic and selfless soldiers who wore the uniform during World War 11. The Mexican-American community gained respect from the Anglo-Americans and this helped promote their image in the schools, churches, and workplaces of America. The minority Mexican-American community willingly sacrificed on the battlefield and on the home front. Bound by a common heritage, culture, religion, and language, they joined together for the sake of their neighbors, friends, and families. The Mexican-Americans on the home front accepted responsibility for their communityvs part in the war. Through their patriotic actions, they aptly demonstrated that they were important contributors to the war effort at home and abroad. ENDNOTES

l~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter: Midwest Mexican American Women During World War 11," Perspectives- in Mexican American Studies, Vol. 2, (Tucson, AZ: Mexican American Studies and Research Center for the University of Arizona at Tucson, 1989), 119. '~ichard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 119.

5~ulianSamora and Patricia Vandel Simon, A Historv of the Mexican-American People (Norte Dame: University of Norte Dame, 1977), 132; 151-154. 6~aulS. Taylor, "Mexicans North of the Rio Grande,It in Readinas on La Raza: The Twentieth Century, eds. Matt S. Meier and Feliciano Rivera (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 35-41. Emory S. Bogardus, The Mexican in the United States, School of Research Studies Number 5 (Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1934), 90.

'~ennis Nodin Valdes, "The New Northern Borderlands: An Overview of Midwestern Chicano History," Perspectives in Mexican American Studies, Vol. 2, (~ucson,AZ: Mexican American Studies and Research Center for the University of Arizona at Tucson, 1989), 11-14. 'O~ichard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter, " 119. ll~anuelP. Servin, "The Pre-World War I1 Mexican American," in Readinas on La Raza: The Twentieth Centurv, eds. Matt S. Meier and Feliciano ~ivera(New York: Hill and Wang, 1972), 111-116; Rodolfo Acuna, Occupied America: The Chicano's Struaale Toward Liberation (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972), 196-198.

12~ichardSantillan, I1Rosita the Riveter, 121. 105 13Allan M. Winkler, Home Front U.S.A. : America Durina World War 11, The American Historical Series (Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1986), 66. 14~uliusRivera, "Mexican Americans: The Conflict of Two Cultures," in The Minority Reuort: An Introduction to Racial, Ethnic. and Gender Relations, eds. Anthony Gary Dworkin and Rosalind J. Dworkin (New York: Praeger Publishers, Inc., 1976), 177-178; Richard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 121. 15~ulianRivera, "Mexican Americans," 175-177; Richard Santillan, 9sRositathe Riveter, 121. 16~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 118. 17sherna Berger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited: Women. The War. and Social Chanae (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1987), 20. l8~attS. Meier and Feliciano Rivera, The Chicanos: A History of Mexican Americans (New York: Hill and Wang, l972), 185-186. 191bid., 186; Richard Santillan, "Roiita the Riveter," 122; Julian Samora and Partricia Vandel Simon, A Historv of Mexican American Peo~le,156. 'O~ichard Santillan, t*Rositathe Riveter, 122. 21~nitedStates Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthlv Labor Review, ed. Hugh S. Hanna, (April 1943), 665.

22~l~nn Campbell, Women at War With America: Private -scambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 8; Sherna Berger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 16. 23~hernaBerger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 10.

25~llanM. Winkler, Home Front U.S.A., 21. 26~s~nn Campbell, Women at War, 72. 27~bid. 32~bid., 118. 33~ichardSantillan, I1Rosita the Riveter, 129. v,34~arenAnderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles. Familv Contributions in Women's Studies, No. 20 (Wesport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1981), 61-62.

35~orisWeatherford, American Women and' World War I1 (New York: Facts on File, 1990), 123, 148.

36~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 127; J. E. Walters, "Women in Industry," The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 229 (1943), 61-62. 37~bid. 38~orisWeatherford, American Women and World War 11, 145-147. 39~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 125.

42~bid., 125, 127, 135; Sherna Berger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 13-14; Theresa Wolfson, "Aprons and Overalls in War, Political and Social Science 229 (1943), 52.

43~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 135; Arthur J. Rubel, "The far nil^,^‘ in M-, United States: A Reader, ed., John H. Burma (Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Company, Inc., 1970), 211-224. 44~ichardSantillan, l1Rosita the Riveter, 127-129.

46~a~erne Bradley, I8Women at Work," The National Geoarawhic Maaazine, Vol. 86, No. 2 (August 1944), 193; United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthlv Labor Review, Hugh S. Hanna (April 107 47~hernaBerger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 10.

"~ichard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 131. 52~hernaBerger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 211. 53~bid., 78, 83; Arthur J. Rubel, Across the Tracks: Mexican-Americans in a Texas City (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1966). 78-79; Richard Santillan, I8Rosita the Riveter, 18 i38. 54~hernaBerger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, 212, 213, 216-217. 55~orisWeatherford, American Women and World War 11, 137-139; Richard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter," 131. 56~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 130.

62~bid., Jay S. Stowell, Wnrestricted Mexican Immigration," in ~eadinason La Raza: The Twentieth Century, eds. Matt S. Meier and Feliciano Rivera (New

York:- Hill and Wanq. 19721, 71; Kathleen Wright, The Other Americans:Minorities,ed. Bernadette Giles (Green wich, Connecticut: Fawcett Publications, Inc., l969), 181. 63~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 133. 69~bid., 125; Sherna Berger Gluck, Rosie the Riveter Revisited, '12; Doris Weatherford, American Women and World- War 11, 117; Allan M. Winkler, Home Front U.S.A., 54. 70~bid., 134. 71~eeKennett, For the Duratiofi . . . The United States Goes to War, Pearl Harbor-1942 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1985), 200.

73~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter," 120; Christine Marin, "La Asociacion Hispano Americana de Madres Y Esposas: Tucson's Mexican American Women in World War 11" (Washington, D.C: U.S. Department of Education, 1985), 3, ERIC, ED 315 253. 74~ichardSantillan, "Rosita the Riveter, 116; Roldolfo Acuna, Occu~iedAmerica: The Chicanos Struaale Toward Liberation (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972), 198. 75~bid., 116-117; DIAnn Campbell, Women at War, 66. 76~hristineMarin, "La Asociacion," 5.

77~oseB. Rodriguez, ed. , llAboutOur Soldiers, I' Chatter (11 June 1944), 1. 78~oseB. Rodriguez, ed. Chatter, no. 23 (3 June 1945), 2. 79~llanM. Winkler, Home Front U. S .A., 32, 39. 80~epartmentof Defense, 50th Anniversary of World War I1 Commeration Committee, Fact Sheet World War I1 (Washington, D.C.: Headquarters, Department of the Army, SACC, 1992) 81~t~nn Campbell, Women at War, 66.

82~hristineMarin, "La Asociacion, " 3. 109 83~ulieA. Campbell, "MADRES Y ESPOSAS: Tucson' s Spanish-American Mothers and Wives AssociationI1~ JournalofVol. 31, no. 2 (Summer l99O), 165. 84~hristineMarin, "La Asociacion, 162-163.

85~ulieA. Campbell, WADRES Y ESPOSAS," 163. '%bid.

95~bid., 5. '%bid., 5.

97~ulieA. Campbell, WADRES Y ESPOSAS," 162.

lo5r)efense Equal Opportunity Management Institute, The Research Division, His~anicHeritaae Week 1987 (Washington, D.C.: The Research Division, 1987), 6. 110 lo7~ulie A. Campbell, "MADRES Y ESPOSAS , 170; Christine Marin, "La Aso~iacion,*~10.

lo9christine Marin, I1La Asociacion, " 6-7. ''O~ulie A. Campbell, "MADRES Y ESPOSAS, 170.

l13christine Marin, "La Asocia~ion,~~10. ll41bid. , 10; Rose B. Rodriguez-Caballero, interview by author, 9 January 1993. ll5christine Marin, "La Asociacion, " 10.

ll7~ulieA. Campbell, WADRES Y ESPOSAS, 164; Christine Marin, "La Asociacion,*~9. 118~oseB. Rodriguez-Caballero, telephone interview by author on January 9, 1993. 119~hristineMarin, "La Asociacion, 5-6,9. lZ0~icardoFierro, Chatter, no. 25, 28 July 1945, 1. lZ1~oseB. Rodriguez, Chatter, no. 16, 4 March 1945, 1. lZ2~oseB. Rodriguez, Chatter, no.1, 11 June 1944, 1. 123~ermilaR. Aros, Chatter, no. 22, 29 May 1945, 3.

lZ4~oseB. Rodriguez, Chatter, 6 May 1945, 3. 125~oseB . Rodriguez, Editor of Chatter, telephone interview by the author, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 9 January 1993. 126~hristineMarin, "La A~ociacion,~~11; Julie A. Campbell, WADRES Y ESPOSAS, 175. 127~hristineMarin, "La Asociaci~n,~11. 111 128~ulieA. Campbell, WADRES Y ESPOSAS," 175.

129~hristineMarin, ##LaAsociacion, It 12. 130~bid., 11-12; Julie A. Campbell, "MADRES Y ESPOSAS," 175. l3 l~hristineMarin, "Mexican Americans on the Home Front: Phoenix in World War 11," Paper presented at the 22d Annual Arizona Historical Convention in Scottsdale, Arizona on 30 April, 1-2 May 1981 (Co-sponsored by the Arizona Historical Society and the University of Arizona in cooperation with Arizona State University); Richard Santillan, "Rosita the Riveter," 116. 132~ulieA. Campbell, "MADRES Y ESPOSAS," 161. CHAPTER V Hispanic Wartime Experiences

His~anicWomen in Uniform A visionary and the originator of the idea of a Women's Army Auxiliary Corps was Massachusetts Congresswom- an Edith Nourse Rogers, who introduced a bill on 28 May 1941 "to establish a Women's Army Auxiliary Corps for service with the Army of the United States."' The purpose of the WAAC was . . . to make available to the national defense the knowledge, skill, and special training of the women of the nation. u2 You as you gather here, are living history. On your shoulders will rest the military re utation and civilian recognition of this Corps. !? These words were part of a speech directed at a group of history-making women at Fort Des Moines, Iowa on

23 July 1942. The women in the audience were the first members of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps Officer Candi- date Class in the initial days of their training, from 20 July to 29 August 1942.4 The speaker was the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps (WAAC) director, thirty-seven-year-old Oveta Culp Hobby, a lawyer, newspaper co-editor, publisher, wife of the former governor of Texas and mother of two. 113 Sworn in as director on 16 May 1942, she was an intelligent woman with impeccable credentials. * The primary developer and organizer of the Women's Interest Section of the War Department Bureau of Public Relations, she was also its former chief. Mrs. Hobby was the handpicked selection of Chief of Staff General George Marshall. Mrs. Hobby, at the helm of the WAAC, had the formidable task of directing and building a new organization with no history into a long-standing institution. In July 1942, the total WAAC strength stood at 727 and reached a peak strength of 99,288 in April 1945.~ The first women in uniform faced the scrutiny and skepticism of a society unaccustomed to seeing women in nontraditional roles. A key proponent of the establishment of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps was General Marshall who had the foresight to realize that total war would require a massive commitment of manpower. While the WAAC legislation was still under review and debate in the chambers of Congress, Gener- al Marshall wrote in a 6 February 1942 letter: Women certainly must be employed in the overall effort of this nation. . . . We consider it essential that their status, their relationship to the military authority, should be clearly established. General Marshall was concerned that a significant number of men in uniform performed typing and telephone service func- tions which reduced the overall capability of the ground forces* strength.' Colonel John H. Hilldring, the G-1, clearly understood General Marshall's strong position on 114 the employment of women in the war effort. The colonel recalled an explicit oral order the general gave him: "General Marshall shook his finger at me and said, 'I want a women's corps right away and I don't want any excus- es! '"lo Marshall wanted his G-1 to dedicate his efforts to furthering the passage of the critical WAAC legislation, directing the colonel to ''omit no step to ensure its immediate passage.u11 The reality of the situation was undeniable; the Army was a bureaucracy dependent on paperwork for its operation and in order to function successful-. ly it required the #*clericalwork of 23 percent of the Army in 1943 and 35 percent in 1944.1~'~ Army administration was atremendous effort: Millions of letters, personnel files, repair manuals, equipment specifications, vouchers, planning documents, transfer orders, payroll slips, requisitions, medical records, budget summaries, priority authorizations, and any number of other kinds of documents had to be dictated, typed, ?pied, delivered, responded to, and filed away. Displaying a degree of confidence in the eventual passage of the WAAC legislation, War Department planners had initiated a serious search for a future training center in April 1942. They identified the unique advantages of a former, now vacant Midwest cavalry post. The U.S. Cavalry was a mechanized force which no longer required the facilities located at Fort Des Moines, Iowa. l4 The fort was highly touted as an ideal location for the following reasons: Fort Des Moines was near the geographical center of the United States, had no major defense projects in the area, would present no race and color difficulties, had suitable utilities to handle expansion to 5,000 population, and already had room for 1,000 and su'table administration, supply and recreation buildings. 1& Fort Des Moines, Iowa had red-brick buildings which required only minor conversions in the toilet facilities, plus the fort had a large, manicured parade field which was essential to Army training. l6 Privately, the staffers were elated about the "nine large stables suitable to con- version to barracks;" however, they did not publicize this fact because of the potential negative impact on recruiting efforts. l7 The mention of horse stables for housing women was not an attractive selling point. After a year of debate and delay, on 14 May 1942, the Rogers bill received Senate approval with a vote of thirty-eight to twenty-seven. On 15 May 1942, President Roosevelt signed Public Law 554, "An Act to Establish a Women's Army Auxiliary Corps for Service with the Army of the United States."18 Thus, the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps gained official status and proceeded to recruit primarily single women with a high school education, between the ages of twenty-one and fifty, five to six feet tall, and weighing between 105-200 pounds. 19

It was not until the President signed a bill on 1 July 1943 which established a Women's Army Corps (WAC) in the Army of the United States that women received many of the same rights and privileges of men in the Regular 116 Army. 20 At that time, Mrs. Hobby no longer held a director status but she became a colonel, the only woman colonel in the corps and the highest rank authorized for women. 21 There were limitations on the extent of the women's authority as well as the type of duties which they could perform. For instance, women "officers could never command any men unless specifically ordered to do so by mysuperiors. "22 American women never comprised more than 2 percent of the military. The Hispanic-American woman was a part of the history of the first women in uniform, the Women's Armf Auxiliary Corps (WAAC) which changed to the Women's Army Corps (WAC) in 1943. 23 In the Corpse official history, there is a reference to the participation of Puerto Rican women. Though no specific details are provided about their service, there was a small group of Puerto Rican WACS who were "enlisted, trained, and assigned as a unit.''24 Generally, women from minority groups were not actively recruited; however, except for Negro women, minority women served throughout WAC units.25 There were no exclusionary rules regarding women from various ethnic groups. The G-1 staff planned to integrate Puerto Rican women into other units, but "language difficulties made this step impractical In April 1944, the Antilles Department recommended that the War Department recruit women from Puerto Ri~o.~' he War Department sent a WAC recruiting party 117 comprised of one officer and three enlisted women with

authorization to recruit no more than 200 women for service in the United States. 28 While the official history does indicate that Puerto Rican women responded positively to

the recruiting as evidenced by the 1500 immediate applica- tions, there was a disproportionately high rejection rate due to aptitude test failures, parental objections, and

language difficulties. 29 However, because the Transporta- tion Corps needed personnel for their mission, it readily "requested and successfully employedw Puerto Rican

WACS. 30 They could use WAC soldiers in any capacity. 31 Joining the Women's Army Corps was a monumental undertaking for the first women, regardless of race, creed or color, who left their homes to join the war effort. They were embarking on uncharted territory in a profession wholly dominated by men. 32 For Puerto Rican women, this was a significant life event; a majority of them had never set foot on the North American continent. A WAC museum photograph attests to this fact. The October 1944 photo shows a group of eighteen Puerto Rican recruits preparing to board an Army transport plane bound for training at Fort

Oglethorpe, ~eor~ia.33 The caption indicates that En- glish-speaking ability was a requirement for acceptance into the Women's Army Corps. 34 Elsewhere in the United States, particularly in Arizona, Mexican-American women were enlisting in the 118 Women's Army Auxiliary Corps. The 11 February 1943 issue of the A- reported that the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps was actively recruiting linguists for fields such as, "cryptology, communication, and interpretati~n."~~Mexican-American women with both Spanish speaking and reading abilities were highly sought. In Phoenix, thirty-seven women proudly donned the uniform beginning as early as 1 December 1942. 36 One of these women was Sergeant Josie Ornelas who served in 1943. 37 Another Arizona woman, Sergeant Vicenta R. Torres, was among the first women to serve in an overseas theater. She served in Italy where she assisted in "directing mail from Italy to American fighting men stationed over seas.^^^ Another woman who joined the war effort was Private Carmen C. Contreras who added a distinctive footnote to her name, "750th Arizona woman to join the my. "39 In Tucson, the Chatter, a local newspaper published by the Spanish-American Mothers and Wives Association of Tucson, included the names of the women who left their hometown for service with the WACS. In the April 23, 1945 issue, the newspaper acknowledged the departure of Miss Leonor Morales Aguilar with her enlistment in the WAC medical department. She followed in the footsteps of her two brothers, Arturo and Antonio, who were in the Navy. 40 The paper reported that Private First Class Lucy R. Robles 119 was among the members of the 5200th Army Corps Detachment, U.S. Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE) who in June 1945 had served overseas a year. 4 1 Hispanic-American women served in all theaters of operation overseas throughout World War 11. General Eisen- hower was another strong proponent of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps. While stationed in England, he personally observed the performance of British women in uniform. The experience enlightened his views on the benefits derived from employing women in the war effort. They were effi- cient, professional workers and freed up men essential for the ground forces. 42 Shortly after the invasion of North Africa, the North African Theater commander, General Eisen- hower, sent a cable in November 1942 to the WAAC director ordering her to send him a "company of WAX typists and telephone operators for North Africa and provided a high priority shipment. 8143 The general 's request for women overseas would constitute the first WAACs serving abroad. His deputy, Major General Everett S. Hughes, was also a supporter of the women in an overseas capacity. Ironically, fifteen years earlier, he had prepared a general staff study titled Participation of Women in War. 44 In January 1943, the first enlisted women arrived in Al- giers, Algeria, the capital city and General Eisenhower's headquarters. 45 The 149th WAAC Post Headquarters Company had 200 women; ten were officers. 46 It was a historic event 12 0 heralded by the newspapers as 'Ithe first American women's expeditionary force in history. The official history of this milestone praised the quality of the women in the unit, "[they were] one of the most highly qualified WAAC groups to reach the field.u48 The women were of the highest caliber intellectually, "hand-picked and all-volunteer, almost all were linguists as well as qualified specialists, and almost all eligible for officer candidate school.1149 They were safely shipped on a regular military transport from the United States. Once in A1- giers, they were housed in the women's designated living quarters which was "the dormitory of a convent school some distance from the headquarters. One of the first women of the 149th WAAC Post Head- quarters Company in Algiers was a young Hispanic-American woman, Carmen Contreras. Carmen Contreras Bozak, a seventy-five-year-old widow and mother of three, answered a request in the WAC Association newsletter, The Channel pertaining to the research for this thesis1 section on women in the WAC during World War 11. She promptly responded with a letter and a subsequent telephone interview was conducted on 12 March 1993. Her service represents an important part of the history of the Women's Army Corps and World War 11.~' Carmen Contreras Bozak was born in Cayey, Puerto Rico on December 31, 1919. She and her mother left Puerto 121 Rico for New York City for reasons unknown to her. She speculated that her mother was atlookingfor greener pas- tures," but she said, *# I really don't know why." She did mention that she had cousins living in New York City at the time. Their departure from the island occurred shortly before she entered high school. She attended four years of high school in New York City. She and her mother first lived in Manhattan, then the Bronx. After graduation from high school, she moved to Washington, D.C. where she was a payroll clerk for the War Department in the Quartermaster Corps and later the Engineers. Mrs. Bozak served in the military from October 1942 until her honorable discharge in April 1946. She actually joined in July 1942. In October 1942, she was sworn in and started basic training in November 1942 in Fort Des Moines, Iowa. While in Fort Des Moines, after basic training, she attended administrative school at a hotel in town. The Army decided she would do administrative work because, "They knew I had done office work and they knew I could type and take shorthand. Some of the women who had been secretaries they put as cooks and bakers and they hated it." During those days, she easily typed sixty-five words per minute; however, in remembering her schooling, she remarked, "I don't think that I ever finished." This was because in early December 1942, she was fapulledout of administrative school . . . because I was bilingual." 122 Also, some women she knows today who were in her class received certificates, but she has no such paperwork. She did not complete administrative school because the Army needed bilingual telephone operators at the time. '*Mainly because I was bilingual and they needed bilingual telephone operators, French and Spanish-speaking, but I never did work as a telephone operator.'* Mrs. Bozak could speak both French and Spanish; however, she "didn't get to use her French or Spanish at all." **Theonly ones who got to use it were some of the telephone operators. A girl from New York who spoke French quite fluently got to use her skill because in Algiers, French was the main language." Her selection for overseas duty was attributed tc her foreign language proficiency. She said, ''in Oran [Morocco], they spoke Spanish, French, and Arab." In Decsm- ber 1942, she was a member of a history-making group: "I traveled by train to Daytona Beach to join the first contjn- gent of WAACs which was to go overseas." In retrospect, she was glad that she was bilingual or **theywould've picked on me." When she joined the WAAC in June or July 1942, she traveled to Baltimore, Maryland for inprocessing. At this station, she underwent a type of administrative screening process where her clearance and birth certificate were checked. She also underwent a battery of tests and a physical examination. On completion, she returned home to await the Army's decision. She did not hear anything until September 1942. In October 1942, she was sworn in and returned to Washington, D.C. on furlough. Subse- quently, she traveled over 1000 miles by train from Washing- ton, D.C. to Chicago, Illinois to Fort Des Moines, Iowa which was the only training center at the time. Her basic training began on 7 November 1942. On arrival, her initial impression was: "it was the coldest place I've ever been to." The early morning formations were especially cold and memorable. When asked what her parents thought about her joining the WAAC, she said that since she had already been away from home for a few years they made no memorable objections. "I was away from home already so they weren't gonna miss me that much. They didn't care. I was twenty-one, I didn't even have to get their permission. At that time, you had to be twenty-one, then they lowered it to twenty. I joined first, then I told them." Likewise, her boss didn't say anything but the girls in the building gave her a nice farewell party. When asked what her reasons were for joining, she answered: Well, I thought, you know, the war had been declared and the country was in turmoil and a lot of women in the office were saying, 'Well, we might as well go and do our part, too.' So, we signed up. She was the first woman in the building to join; later other women joined the Navy. Leaving a secure job and friends for the military would cause one to experience some 124 anxiety and apprehension about the future. In her case, when asked if she was scared to join and leave her family, she replied, "No, of course not. Well, you know, you're not scared." Youth ignored the fears of the unknown. Whe? asked if it was more of an adventure, she replied, l1Yeah, sure. It was a combination of things, patriotism, adventure, change of surroundings, change of atmosphere." During basic training, women cadre were in charge of her class while the previous class had men serving as NCOs and officers. For Mrs. Bozak, the four weeks of basic

training were composed of It . . . classes [to] learn map reading, the articles of war, gas chamber training, calis- thenics and marching and close-order drill." There were no other Hispanic women in her basic training company of approximately 200 women; however, this fact did not bother her. Basic training was followed by another four to six weeks of MOS training where she was sent to the administrative school in town commonly referred to as, "the stables because it used to be a cavalry unit.I1 Mrs. Bozak remembered some of the uniform items she was issued at Fort Des Moines, Iowa. "In the early days, they gave us a corduroy, wine-colored robe, khaki under- wear, jersey underpants, bras and girdles, Lilt Abner higF top shoes and regular shoes.1* Asked if she wore the shoes during basic training, she said, "1 liked them. I liked the Hobby hats. But nobody else liked the Hobby hats."

125 The hats were named after the first director, Mrs. Oveta Culp Hobby of Texas. They resembled "a French Foreign Legion1*hat. It was not until they went to Algiers that WAACs were issued the overseas cap which was less cumber- some than the Hobby hat and a favorite among the women. Also, the regulations required the women's hair to be above the neck and pulled up if it was long. The women had physical examinations every month which they unanimously dis- liked. On one December day in 1942, she was informed that she would be leaving the following day for Daytona Beach via train. She was one of twenty-five women who left the fort. They arrived in Daytona Beach the first week of December 1942 and stayed for about one month. Right after Christmas they left for Camp Kilmer, New Jersey where they stayed until New Year's. From there, they traveled via truck to New York City for their point of embarkation. She remembers carrying her duffle bag, barracks bag, and mu- sette bag and "dragging barracks bags up the gateway1*as they boarded the ship Santo Paulo. The ship made a stop in Oran, Morocco and arrived in Algiers on 21 January 1943. The WAACs were billeted in a convent outside the city limits, in the community of El Dier where they waited for an assignment for a couple of weeks. Initiation into a wartime theater came early as she recalled one of her initial experiences there, *'About two days after we got there, we had a big air raid." She lived through the curfews, the

126 frequent alarms, and the runs to the shelters. Her group left the convent on trucks used as weapons carriers. The women did not carry weapons. Even though she was classified as a stenographer, she was assigned to the Signal Corps as a teletype operator. Her life as a shift worker necessitated sleeping during the day and working through the night. For young Carmen Contreras, the first year was truly a "learning experience." She was always conscious of the nearness of the war front. At the time, war was waging on in neighboring Tunisia against Rommel~sGerman army. As a teletype operator, she sent teletype messages in code to the front, "back and forth." She belonged to the group of five to six women working during each tour of duty. They were always extremely busy. Mrs. Bozak was not required to have a clearance because they transmitted in code. However, the people in the message center and the radio operators required clearances for their work. A worker on the midnight tour, she "never slept well during the day; I wish I just had a daytime job." She and the rest of her company lived in the convent for two or three months and then moved to an apartment building across the street from the St. George Hotel which was General Eisenhow- er's headquarters. She wore the Allied Force Headquarters Patch (AFHQ) on her shoulder and today, she still has the patch on her own version of the Eisenhower jacket. Proud of her 127 service, she transformed her long OD jacket into an Eisenhower jacket for sentimental reasons. Mrs. Bozak saw him almost each morning because his office was on the second floor of the hotel and every morning they went up to the third or fourth floor to change from their uniform into a blue jean dress. They would see him in the hallway and he would render an appropriate greeting, "Good morning, corp~ral.~~ Some of her close friends worked in his office. They had great respect and admiration for the general. His driver was Ina Scott, "Scottie," who lives in Oregon. Another WAC friend, Pearly Hargrave, was a driver who married Eisenhower's valet. Her daily life meant shift work with three shifts around the clock. Remarkably, she was not concerned with the dangers of war. She even made light of a time when . . . we had an air raid and we were working, they told us to go down to the basement and this other woman, girl, we went to the roof to watch." Free time was a precious commodity and there was much to do. During her days off, she would take care of laundry, or go to the library in the evening. Three or four months after their arrival, the women attended US0 dances. Sometimes, she and her friends would take a trip into town for dinner and stay for the movies. The British had dances and later the American Red Cross also sponsored dances. Algiers was a "very modern city, very big" so she and her friends would enjoy the 128 shopping trips. The women in the French Army brought them some humor, . . . the women in the French Army, we used to get a kick out of them because they didn't wear socks." Generally, the American women had little contact with the British or French servicewomen. While in Algiers, the uniform she wore consisted of the khaki skirt, blouse, tie and overseas cap. The WAC women had no long pants and they wore Olive Drabs (ODs) in the winter because it "got a little bit chilly in the winter" and the ODs were made of wool. Initially, she had no rank until she was made a technician T3 which was equivalent to a corporal with two stripes. Later, on her return to the United States while working in the Pentagon, she made Technician-T4 or sergeant with three stripes. She worked in the newly-built Pentagon. Prior to the war, she remembered that the Treasury and Quartermaster Departments were housed in separate buildings. Promotions were tied to the table of organization which allowed only so many. There were some exceptions in the system. l1Some of the women working for the generals, they got promoted right away." For instance, Eisenhower's secretary was made a warrant officer and when the general left for England, she was transferred with his headquarters. In July 1944, she left Algiers and went to ltaly for three months. It was not a voluntary transfer. She continued to work as a teletype operator and was stationed 129 outside of Naples in the city of Caserta. A smaller group, a postal company, was also there. In fact, the history books recorded the first group of women to arrive in Caser- ta eight months earlier on 17 November 1943. The official history of the Women's Army Corps states the following about the first women in Caserta: The theater's most unusual experiment in WAC employment was that of the Fifth Army WACS, who claimed the honor of being the first WACS to set foot in Italy, and in fact on the continent of Europe. Although nevermore than sixty women were involved, the experiment was considered to be potentially more important than its size would indicate, since it might determine the degree to which women could i future emergencies make up part of tactical units. f32 While in Italy, Mrs. Bozak recalled that Italian POWs pulled the Kitchen Police (KP). In Algiers, she did not perform KP duties but she performed Charge-of-Quarters(CQ) duties. Her overseas tour would conclude in Italy when she submitted a request to return to the United States on points. She regretted the decision once she returned, "After I cameback, I was sorry I came back but a lot of people were coming back on points." In retrospect, she says, "Maybe I was disgruntled because I didn't get a promotion and I wanted to come home." When questioned about the lspoints,*lshe explained the system. Every month overseas was worth a point. An overseas tour was completed after eighteen months. "If you got more than enough points, you could request to be sent home; in other words, if you were overseas more than a year 130 and a half you could come back. So then, I requested to be sent back and I was sorry I came back. It was different. Even though now there were a lot of women there. When we first went there we were the only women. We got there in January, but in May they sent a whole postal company and then another contingent and after that they kept coming and we were no longer a novelty. In Italy, there were an awful lot of women." With a battle star on her campaign ribbon, she returned to the States to work at the Pentagon for Major Jules Dubois, general staff, until an eye condition recurred. She performed regular type office work which she preferred to the teletype work because of the variety. Mrs. Bozak did secretarial work, typing, filing, answering the phone, and taking dictation. She lived in an area known as South Fort Myer which was within walking distance of the Pentagon. Because of an eye infection contracted in North Africa, she was sent to Walter Reed Hospital for treatment. Further treatment found her at Valley Forge Hospital where she met her future husband, a badly wounded veteran of the 30th Infantry Division. Subsequently, she was honorably discharged in April 1946. When asked if she personally encountered any discrimination or sexual harassment because she was a Hispanic woman, she said that her experience was void of either of those conditions. Though she had little contact with them, she did know of two other Hispanic women who were stationed 131 in the theater with her. Anna Ramirez, a shift worker, was also a Puerto Rican native. While overseas they worked different shifts; therefore, they did not spend time together. Another woman was Vicenta Torres of Phoenix who was a cook. Through the activities of the WAC Association, the women became better friends in later years than during the war. Mrs. Bozak was positive about the years she spent in uniform. In reflecting on her service in the WACS, Mrs. Bozak professed the following, "It was gratifying. I would say it was the happiest part of my life. I have no regrets. I'd do it all over again in a heartbeat. It changed my life. It made it possible to meet the man who was to become my husband." The experience was not only a favorable one for Mrs. Bozak but General Eisenhower had laudatory words for the many women who served in his theater: The WAC in Africa has proved that women can render definite contributions to the winning of the war, and that their capabilities in this regard extend to an actual theater of operations . . . . The smartness, neatness, and esprit constantly exhibited has been exemplary . . . . their general health and well-being have cg~tainlybeen equal to that of our best enlisted units. When she was asked about her receipt of any awards and decorations, she responded, "No, I didn't do anything extraordinary. I was no big hero or heroine.'* Perhaps, in her own analysis of the experience, she performed no memorable military feats or acts of valor. However, she was a 132 unique woman of her day. During World War 11, she was one of the first Hispanic women to serve in the ranks of the military and among the first to serve overseas. Judging from her favorable recollections and her eagerness to shar~s her story, the years in uniform were a positive life experience. Mrs. Carmen Contreras Bozak encountered no acts of discrimination because of her ethnic background nor did sha mention that other Hispanic women experienced any racial problems during their service. She was a pioneer woman wh~ voluntarily subjected herself to the regimentation and discipline of military life. The military treated her as a soldier without special regard for her race or color. The WAAC was only in its infancy when she joined out of patriotism and for the challenge and adventure of the new opportunity. Mrs. Bozak had vivid memories of her WAAC/WAC days. While she claimed difficulty in remembering the exact details of her life from fifty years ago, her recollections were precise and accurate. Her experiences gave substance and personification to the descriptions, facts and figures recorded in the official history of the Women's Army Corps. Her Spanish-speaking ability was not a limitation on her service. On the contrary, it was considered a valuable attribute for her and the Army. During her military service, she successfully lived and worked alongside

133 Anglo-American men and women. In fact, she established lifelong friendships with some of the Anglo women in her overseas unit. She contributed three and a half years of her young life to serving her country and today she remains a self-proclaimed "flag waver." Proud of her past and her participation in the WAC, she is an active member of several veterans organizations and she formed a WAC chapter in Ft. Lauderdale, Florida. Hiswanic Men in Uniform

So, it is our business to define, if we can, the natural gifts that fit men to be guardians of a commonwealth, and to select them accordingly. It will certainly be a formidable task; b!;F we must grapple with it to the best of our power. Plato With the May 1940 German attack into Holland, Bel- gium, and France, the situation in Europe required the President and military leaders to plan for a buildup of America's armed forces to assist her European allies. Military planners estimated that the manpower requirements would exceed the statutory limitations established in the National Defense Act of 1920. The 1920 Act authorized a Regular Army strength of 280,000; two decades later on 30 June 1940, the Army had a total strength of 264,118. 5 5 The chain of events on the Western Front compelled the Army to focus its efforts on an expansion plan which would dou-

ble its forces within a year. 56 The Chief of Staff, General George C. Marshall directed his staff to formulate plans with specific time phased objectives. The first

- phase specified a target date of 1 July 1941 for an estimated 11500,000men to be ready for continuous combat."57 Faced with Hitler's threat of complete domination of the European continent, the IIArsenal of Democracyq1di- rected her efforts toward imminent wartime mobilization. On 16 September 1940, President Roosevelt signed into law the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940, a historic 135 first step toward establishing a system for military manpower requirement^.^^ This system would constitute the nation's "first peacetime registration for military service in American history. ''59 In October 1940 the Army's active duty force consisted of 34,405 officers and 483,218 enlisted men. 60 The intent of the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 was to provide "a fair and just system of selective compulsory training and service8' without deny- ing minorities the opportunity for national service in land and naval forces. 61 The Act allowed for the,voluntary induction of "[all] persons, regardless of race or col- or. "62 The Act included: Every male citizen of the United States and every male alien residing in the United States who has declared his intention to become such a citizen, between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-six at the time fixed for his registration, shall be liable for training and service 'n the land or naval forces of the United States.63 However, men between the ages of "18 and36 (later 18 and 45)" were liable for training and At the conclusion of the first registration day on 16 October 1940, q*16,316,908men aged 21 through 35 years processed through 125,000 registration centers. The first registration in Puerto Rico was held on 20 November 1940 and

243,449 men registered. 66 Initially, the standard for induction was the "ability to comprehend simple orders given in the English language."67 Approximately five months after the United States' declaration of war against Japan, the Army specified that effective 15 May 1941: No registrant in the continental United States will be inducted into the military service who does not have the capacity of rgading and writing the English language as com~#nly prescribed for the fourth grade in grammar school. Even though the Selective Service Act included male citizens under age 21, it was not until the fifth registration on 30 June 1942 that 18-20 year-old males were required to register for military service. 69 In another attempt to delineate thecomposition of the forces, men of various ethnic groups were categorized under the heading of %.pecial groups.89 The Army's groups included Negroes, American Indians, Japanese Americans, Chinese Americans, Filipinos, and Puerto Ricans (in order of size of numbers). 70 Mexican-Americans fell either under the "white" grouping or they were among-the"others of minor importance as to numbers.1a71 The absence of a clear and distinct category for the Mexican-American did not exclude him from the obliga- tions of national service and training. On 29 October 1940, President Roosevelt in the National Draft Lottery picked number 158 which belonged to Pedro Aguilar Despart of Los Angeles, California. He was the first Mexi- can-American draftee of the U.S. Army during World War 11. 72 Meanwhile in Puerto Rico, a young man was attending college while serving as a member of the Reserve Officers 137 Training Corps (ROTC) program. The native Puerto Rican would miss fighting overseas in World War I1 but he would go through the Army's training program. He and many of the men he trained would eventually use the training lessons later in the Korean War. LTC Rene Ramos was born on 4 July 1925 in Arrecibo, Puerto ~ico.~~In 1941 at age 16, he entered college to study engineering. However, since it was wartime, he joined the ROTC program because "they were not commission- ing people directly into the Army.ll Later, "when I went through the advanced course which was in 1943, during my senior year, that's in order to continue with the program, you had to enlist as a private, in my case, in the Enlisted Reserve Corps, continue then in ROTCw and attend summer camp. "Because of the potential use of force in war, you were given more training than you normally give soldiers.^^ The period was from 1941 to 1945 and the focus was on infantry training. From 2 April 1944 until 8 April 1944, during his junior and senior year, Cadet Ramos attended advanced military training which included gun drill, marksmanship, and 81mm, and 60mm mortar training. He received training with live grenades, live ammunition-white phosphorous, the Browning Automatic Rifle (BAR), -30 caliber rifle, the .50 caliber machinegun and the 31mm gun antitank (AT) weapon which he called a "pea shooter" because it "did not penetrate anything." 138 He admitted that the trainers took chances with cadets and fortunately none were hurt in his class. The active duty Army instructors conducted the training at one of the four training camps called Garatho. "It was a camp they had for people coming into the Army. The idea was that because they had enough people from the pool, they were getting a little more [so] they were willing to allow some of us in the position to receive training to be potential lieutenants, platoon leaders. A lot of dummies out there, okay.' Passing the training was critical because failure meant that a cadet was "kicked out of the Reserve Officers Training Corps program and they called us a private." Cadet Ramos held a dual rank while he was in college. He was required to enlist in the Enlisted Reserve

Corps and was an Army private. While in the ROTC, he was a cadet sergeant and captain. On 5 June 1945 he was called to active duty. He had finished college in May and went straight into the Army for "the purpose of giving us additional training prior to sending us to Fort Benning, Georgia.I8 This extra training known as "intensive training, was ten days of heavy training. We were already in the Army and we were already active privates. Prior to sending us to Fort Benning, they gave us a brush up. We had been cadets and we were coming from an academic environment." He explained that Itin a way, we already had the basic course over the [period] of 139 four years." Over the years, he had received progressive field training and drill similar to the basic course training. The focus during intensive training was on night training, map reading, and field fortifications which at the time equated to digging a foxhole. Prior to beginning Officer Candidate School (OCS), he entered pre-OCS training for a period of four weeks. This program was specifically designed to bring the soldiers scheduled to attend regular OCS up to the same standard of the Infantry soldiers. Most of the soldiers in attendance were from the Quartermaster Corps and the Army Air Corps. The training was designed to make them more competitive with the combat arms soldiers. In July 1945, Ramos entered Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning where he went through the "ninety day wonder course" which lasted approximately four months. Two significant events happened while he was undergoing the training. The first event occurred during the eighth week, or halfway through the school, when he became ill. This forced him to recycle back to the fourth week. The second event occurred when he was almost a bonafide graduate of the school. During the fourteenth week, two weeks shy of graduation, he was sent before a board. Candidates were boarded for deficiencies in academics or training and various other reasons. At the board, Ramos was told that he would return to the eighth week because of "language 140 difficulties and lack of experience.'' He clearly recounted the experience, '*Youhave to remember that I was competing with sergeants that had combat. I had a lack of experience as compared to some of the other candidates. The enlisted men, the sergeants, corporals had served overseas. Some of the soldiers had field and/or combat experience. They were taking all these potential lieutenants from different sources. While Ramos had no problems understanding the instructors, he admitted difficulty in expressing himself to others. It caused him a great deal of personal frustra- tion. Intelligent and determined, he was a college graduate who had few problems completing the training. His only shortcoming was that others had difficulty understanding him. The language barrier was not easily overcome for this future officer. "Also, I was coming from another culture. Sure, I had problems. They shipped me from Puerto Rico to Fort Benning. That's why I can relate to the allies." However, Ramos was not ready to concede defeat. "1 said to the colonel of the board, you give me a chance to finish it, I'm going to finish it. You're not going to kick me out, 1'11 finish.t1 He was true to his word and completed OCS on 21 February 1946. Out of the 200 in his OCS class, he estimates approximately half actually graduated. In talking about the language difficulties, Ramos provided some insight into his background and culture.

141 While he was growing up in Puerto Rico, he spoke Spanish. "1 was an American citizen,'* but his parents were Spanish citizens. Puerto Rico was a Spanish colony until 1819. His mother and father were both Spanish citizens because the inhabitants did not obtain American citizenship until 1917 when Puerto Rico became a United States territory. Ramos is a first generation American citizen. It was difficult to converse in English because his family spoke Span- ish at home. This is in spite of the fact that English was part of the curriculum in grade school and the university. However, the problem with his early English language training was attributed to the teachers who themselves had learned the language. Thus, he received faulty instruction which resulted in learning Itthe wrong way because they [the teachers] were making errors in pronunciation and so forth." However, "it was not a problem for me to write or read. I was the editor of the Spanish edition of the u- tarv Review and I had no problem^,^^ [this was when he was a field grade officer.] His wife, also a native Puerto Rican, did not have the same experiences in school. "My wife went to a Catholic school where the nuns taught her. They were from the United States. While she has an accent, she has no problems. What you learn as a child, you don't lose it unless you have the ability like my wife of mimick- ing the language. My wife has a better ability." Throughout his career, he approached any challenges with an attitude toward ttpush[ing] himself up and 142 breakring] [down] barriers. That's why I told that co1one:L at OCS to give me the chance and I'd complete it." This positive attitude and intestinal fortitude allowed him to complete over thirty years of military duty. When asked if he was treated any differently because of his accent, Ramos answered, "I could detect it. But I'm not saying that it was derogatory. What I'm saying, it was a fact. Some of the people there were helpful to me, they were trying to push me. Some others, they were different . . . . But, the point I have always said is that I knew my limitations. I knew my strong points. I was not going to figure too much on my limitations--I woulcl work on bypassing or improving. In my case, I had a natural ability for weapons. Mechanical engineering, mathemat-. ics, trajectory were no sweat. That's where I had the advantage-a~ademically.'~ During OCS, the focus of the training had switched from training in preparation for the war in Europe to training for the Pacific theater. ''In Fort Benning, a major portion of the training was directed toward the invasion of Japan. Many of the techniques were oriented or1 low-level unit training because they were the ones doing the combat. We had a heavy dose of tactical training where we reduced field fortifications, namely pillboxes and so forth. We focused on amphibious operations but not the landing or invasion phase of the training. There were

143 eighteen of us in a specialized squad, with two individuals assigned to each of these weapon systems: flamethrower, bangalore torpedo carriers, shape charges, Browning automatic rifles, and satchel charges." During OCS, they were required to learn to use each of these systems. His reaction to carrying the flamethrower on his 135 pound frame was summed up with this statement, "If it goes, I hope it's fast." Ramos and his squad trained in simulated conditions against an enemy entrenched in heavily defended fortifications where they were required to employ each of the weapons systems to neutralize the enemy. The OCS training was conducted by three groups: committees, officers, or enlisted. The lecture portion of the training was given by the officers who were captains or majors. The real experts and technicians were the sergeants. The individual training was conducted by the non- commissioned officers (NCOs) in a small group setting. Ramos received some tank training which he credits with his current hearing problem. He trained on Sherman tanks, M4s, which were used with the infantry. It was basic level tank-infantry team training but it was useful. "Also, since the 65th Infantry was a regimental combat team, we had a tank company with about seventeen tanks. We used to have a cannon company, not a cannon battery, which had 105mm towed howitzers. These soldiers were trained artil- lerymen. 144 While in OCS, Ramos had bayonet training. He claims the instructor liked him because their accents were a common bond. Ramos had a Spanish accent and the second generation American instructor had a distinct German accent. "The bayonet training was used for coordination purposes, to develop aggressiveness, and for psychological reasons. We used real bayonets without the shield when we were going after the dummies on the bayonet course.*1 However, OCS was not focused entirely on tactical training; a portion of it included #*alot of leadership training." Ramos received training on the principles of leadership. The leadership training for the future combat leader stressed two important points. "First of all, know your job." The second and **morebasic thing was take care of your men. You are given a position of trust and you must use it for that reason.I1 After completing OCS, he graduated with a Reserve commission and was permanently assigned to the 65th Infan- try Regiment in Puerto Rico. In Puerto Rico the 65th was the only active Army unit among some reserve and National Guard units. Most members of his OCS class graduated witk an Army of the United States (AUS) commission and he was among the few who received a Reserve commission. His prior participation in the ROTC program gave him an advantage in the final selection process. The Army in Puerto Rico had control over his professional life and extended its influence into his personal life. He had to obtain permission to marry his wife in 1947. Also, because his wife was a minor at eighteen years old, Ramos had to receive her mother's permission. The latter request was not as complicated as the first one, as he had known her since she was a child. However, since his wife was a native, there was a rule that soldiers marrying a native overseas were required to process their request for marriage through the regimental chain of command. The Army wanted to ensure that its soldiers knew exactly who they were marrying to prevent v'youngsters8'from marrying a potential "undesirable ." In the 1940s the Army, like the Bureau of Census, had not resolved the classification of individuals from various minority groups. Ramos saw the Army's vacillation on this issue throughout his career and it is a source of obvious displeasure. He pulled a document from his records which identified him as belonging to the race, "White Puer- to Rican." When asked about the categorization, he provided a detailed explanation. "You sometimes see different reactions to one word. I don't care for the word, 'Hispanic.' This is not because I'm not from Spanish descent with my name and accent. When I came in the service, the races were black, white, American-Indian, and other. I ended coming in the Army under the category, 'Other.' I 146 resented that I was not given a choice. They were stereo- typing me from the beginning and I did not have a choice 05 having a race. Later, because there was a lot of friction, they started coding and denoting the race as White Puerto Rican. They also had Black Puerto Rican. Then, we lost the race when we went to Vietnam. Afterwards, they used the term, Waucasian and Caucasian 1nsular.I' "Then, somebody came up with a big idea to dump them all together again and call them Hispanic if they speak Spanish or if they're Catholic. If they speak Span- ish, we'll say they are Hispanic. That's the reason why I don't like it. Again, it is an attempt to paint me a certain way and not allow me to have my own identity. The point I am saying is do not stereotype me. Give me the opportunity to have my identity without telling me that I need to eat tacos and tortillas. Often, they assume that you are a dummy because you have an accent. Ramos felt that identifying him as White Puerto Rican was derogatory. Also, categorizing him as Puerto Rican was not a solution because Puerto Rican is not a race. 'If you apply the rules, you don't put Alabamian or Texan for race. We're American first, so apply the rules the same across the board." When asked if he knew how he was counted, White or White Puerto Rican, he did not know. In the final analysis, the race issue seemed to be more of an irritant to him because he said, "I have served my

147 try. I have risked my life twice.l9 He also recalled a racial incident which occurred when he was an OCS candidate in Fort Benning, Georgia. Ironically, he was not discriminated against but his black comrade was verbally harassed by a local. "One of the candidates was a black soldier. I was a little ignorant of the races and one time he and I were walking together in Columbus, Georgia in uniform. Some idiot made a derogatory comment to my companion and I told him that he was my friend. Later, I realized that I might have put myself in jeopardy by defending my friend." Besides the one racial incident, Ramos did not feel discriminated against in Alabama or Georgia. "In my case, I cannot complain about the people in Alabama or Georgia. In a way, maybe they looked at my youth and they might have seen some of their own who were still fighting in Europe. Also, because of my race, I didn't clash. I was Catholic, but I used to go to meetings of the Protestant Church because that's where I could meet the girls and there were a couple of Families that used to invite me to have dinner with them. I can't say that they mistreated or discriminated against me openly as such because of people like that." There were black soldiers in his OCS unit and while they were not segregated in OCS, once they left the military post and went into town, segregation was a reality. The water fountains and bathrooms in the city were separate and marked accordingly. 148 After graduation from OCS, he received his first assignment as a lieutenant. He was given a training detachment in the 65th Infantry Regiment because at that time, "the active duty training was allowed to be conducted in the regiment. The regiment could conduct training for their own trainees or recruits. As a result, the regiment I was in selected two officers and top sergeants. I was allowed to select a first sergeant and I don't know how many of the top sergeants. I took the good ones. I had a detachment of 100 trainees. They were regular enlisted soldiers. The fact that he was from Puerto Rico did not limit his future career assignments. He had the opportunity to serve in any U.S. Army unit. The assignment to Puerto Rico was "c~nvenient;~the needs of the service dictated the assignment. "In theory, we could go anyplace.I1 "There was a variation between this type of training and the one found at Fort Dix, New Jersey and others. Those were training centers, and this was a regimental training program. We would train our own recruits to brirg them up to the standard of the regiment. These soldiers would not go to any of the training centers in the continental United States." It was not until the Korean War that the soldiers attended the training centers in the United States. "The reason that they did not go to Ft. Dix was because within Puerto Rico the soldiers, sergeants, and tte

149 officers spoke Spanish, and even if the training was conducted in English, you could switch back and forth. The officer corps was composed of 50 percent from the island and 50 percent from the States. The officers from the Unit- ed States were not required to be bilingual. The only ones who had to be bilingual were the ones from the island.*' There was a high learning curve for the officers from the United States because of the language gap. "In theory, the soldiers were supposed to know English. The regiment had a program to teach them English." However, Spanish was the common language throughout the regiment. Regarding the employment of soldiers from Puerto Rico, there were no set rules. Vlany people from the island fought with American forces; however, they were never identified as Puerto Ricans. This is similar to the Mexi- can-Americans from Texas. If you look at the rosters of names, you'll see Spanish surnames. For instance, my brother-in-law, he went to engineering college and was an officer in the Engineer Corps. He served in combat in World War I1 where he fought at Guadacanal. He served in a segregated, black engineer outfit from the island. Also, he later served in another U.S. unit. There were two or three units composed of people from the island. The rest of the forces were spread out throughout the U.S. Army. One of the original Flying Tigers was from the island. You'd never know it. They never mention it."

150 While he was the commander of the training detachment as a first lieutenant, the officer under him was a second lieutenant named Miller who was from the United States. "He was the only Anglo while the rest of the NCOs were from the island. He was treated like 'one of us.' "He was a good officer. We always worked together and he was in charge of the detachment when I was not around. He had the desire to learn and he knew the basics. He earned the soldiers1 acceptance. In the service, if you know what you're doing and you're fair, you're okay." Ramos served as the training detachment commander for approximately three months when he was rotated to another platoon. Throughout his tour in the 65th Infantry Regi- ment, he was in charge of several different platoons which he felt was to his advantage. "1 started with an assignment to the Headquarters Company, 2d Battalion. Within that battalion, you had specialized platoons, one of which was the antitank platoon. By that time they had the 57mm weapon which was from a British design that was used during

World War-. I1 in Europe. Also, they had a pioneer platoon which was used to build bridges, crossings and so forth. At the same time, I went into a program which they called a competitive tour." For one year, selected officers compet- ed worldwide for a Regular Army commission. Because he was in the program, he was rotated three times during the year in order to receive ratings from different commanders. As

151 a result, he served in E Company, 65th where he was a rifle platoon leader. In his second unit, M Company, he was the mortar and heavy machine gun platoon leader. His last assignment was in F Company where he was the weapons platoon leader, a position normally reserved for the senior lieutenants. At the time, he was one of the senior lieutenants in the regiment. Out of a group of more than 400 officers, approximately 200 were selected to receive the coveted Regular Army commission; Ramos made the list. In recalling his rotations within the unit, Ramos felt that he benefited from the different types of training. "1 was able to give the training, but I was being trained, too.' In those days, most of the training was conducted by the officers which Ramos felt was "a mis- take." The consequences of this officer-led training would appear in the Korean War. Ramos also received valuable court-martial training while he was a lieutenant. He served as trial defense counsel, a member of a court-martial board, and a summary court officer. Of this experience, he commented, "We were given a lot of responsibility. When asked how he felt about not serving in combat during World War 11, he expressed no regrets about his service during that time. "We were happy about the war ending. At the time the war started in 1941, everybody was patriotic. They had the Selective Service and they had my

152 classification because I was in the reserves. For example, if you were classified a IV-F, you were considered physically incapable of meeting the standards of service and the girls would lose respect for you. It was viewed as a slap in the face of manhood. Puerto Rico had a strong traditio? of being pro-military. In the Spanish tradition, lawyers, priests, and military members commanded respect and esteem in the community. Inherently, they held honorable and important positions. Yes, I felt left out. On the other hand, some of my friends in my age group, they were killed. Some enlisted with the Marines and they were killed in the war. I look back and I missed out, yet on the other hand, because I was in the ROTC program, I did not feel that I had avoided it.lV Ramos had grown up with the strong desire to join the military. "When I was a child, I used to watch the National Guard in my hometown. Also, we were used to the regimentation in school. When the war broke out, there was a strong patriotic sentiment throughout Puerto Rico. We wanted the island to be represented. My father was a member of the local Selective Service board and if my time came up to go, I would definitely go. However, I did not want to go overseas as a private. If my number came up, there is no doubt that my father would've sent me to fight in the war." During World War 11, part of the 65th Infantry Regiment participated in the campaigns with the 3d Infantry 153 Division. "One battalion actually had combat on the Italian front." Ramos attributed their lack of participation to the United States Army's distrust of the outfit and

questions of dependability. I* When asked if he felt that he had the same opportunities for promotion as compared to Anglo officers, he offered this assessment. "1 would say that prior to the Korean War, no, because of the attitude of that time. However, there were very few from the island selected for the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College which was necessary for promotion. Overall, I would say I was given the opport~nity.~~From his days at Fort Benning, he was told to seek assignments with troops. Consequently, he asked for and received many assignments with troops, "Training was considered an assignment with troops.8f In retrospect, the first period of Ramost military career during World War I1 was a time for personal and professional development. OCS graduation was a monumental step and was an example where vqpersistencepaid off." During his tour with the 65th Infantry he was given responsibility for men and equipment and he was able to apply his years of ROTC and OCS training. Lieutenant Colonel Ramos serves as an example of the Hispanic soldier who was a part of the World War I1 experience. From his recollections, there were language difficulties which he had to overcome, yet there was no

154 overt discrimination which stood in the path of his military career. Through his determined performance, he made it through OCS training alongside Anglo and black men. While he experienced communications problems because of his accent and fluency in Spanish, he proved to the system that he had the leadership .and physical ability to serve honorably as an officer in the United States Army. Judging from his comments, the Army and Ramos both benefited from his service. The Army needed highly motivat- ed, trained, and competent leaders and they found one in Ramos who realized his lifelong ambition of service as an officer in the United States Army. ENDNOTES

'u. S. Department of the Army, The Women's AmCorus, Special Studies, Publication of the Office of the Chief of Military History, ed. Mattie B. Treadwell (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1954), 18. 'Dept. of the Army, The Women's Armv Corus, 19.

%bid., 21; D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America: Private Lives in a Patriotic Era (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984),25. 7~ept.of the Army, Women's AmCorrx., Appendix A, 765. *1bid., 21. bid., 20. 1°1bid., 22. lllbid. 12DtAnn Campbell, Women at War, 19. 131bid. 14~ept.of the Army, Women' s Armv Corus, 36. 151bid., 36. 161bid., 36. l7 1bid. 181bid., 45. 19Doris Weatherford, American Women and World War I1 156 (New York: Facts on File, 1990), 33. 20~ept.of the Amy, Women's Armv Corns, 220. 21~bid. 22~bid. 23~'~nn Campbell, Women at War, 19.

24~ept. of the Army, Women's Armv Corps, 330. 25~bid., 589.

26~bid., 330. 27~bid., 478. 28~bid., 220.

32~'~nn Campbell, Women -at War, 37. 33~ignalCorps Photograph dated October 1944, Antilles Department, SC 194973-S, from the Edith Nourse Rogers Museum, U.S. WAC Center, Fort McClellan, AL.

35~hristineMarin, "Mexican Americans on the Home Front: Phoenix in World War 11," Paper presented at the 22d Annual Arizona Historical Convention in Scottsdale, Arizona on 30 April, 1-2 May, 1981 (Co-sponsored by the Arizona Historical Society and the University of Arizona in cooperation with Arizona State University), 8.

40~oseB. Rodriguez, Chatter, no. 19, 23 April 1945, 41~oseB. Rodriguez, Chatter, no. 23, 3 June 1945, 2. 42~ept. of the Army, Women's Armv Corws, 361. 43~bid., 106. 44~bid., 360. 45~bid., 361. 46~bid., Appendix A, 765. 47~bid., 361. 48~bid. 49~bid. 50~bid. 51Mrs. Carmen Contreras Bozak, One of the original members of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps/ Women's Army Corps and among the first to deploy and serve in an overseas theater during World War 11, Telephone interview by the author at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas on 12 March 1993. 52~bid., 367. 53~bid., 379. 54~epartmentof Defense, Off ice of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Force Management and Personnel), Manwower For Militarv Occuwations (April 19881, by Mark J. Eitelberg (Alexandria, VA: Human Resources Research Organization, 1988), 19. 55~.~.Department of the Army, Dewartment of the Armv Pamphlet No. 20-212, Historv of Militarv Mobilization in the United States Armv. 1775-1945, by Merton G. Henry and Marvin A. Kreidberg (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, November 1955), 567-568. 56~bid., 581. 57~bid., 572.

58~.S. Selective Service System. Selective Service in Peacetime: First Rewort of the Director of Selective Service, 1940-1941 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing office, 1942), 3. 158 60~alterV. Bingham, "How the Army Sorts Its Manpower," Harper's Maaazine, (September 1942), 436. 61~.S. Selective Service System. Selective Service and Special GrOUDS, Special ~oko~ra~h#lo, Volume I (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1953),

62~electiveService: First Report, 1940-1941, 35. 63~bid., Appendix 2, 323. 64~electiveService and special Groups, 35. 65~electiveService: First ReDort. 1940-1941, 76-77. %bid., 26, 81.

67~.S. Department of the Army, Marainal Man and Military Service: A Review (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), 33.

68~.S. Selective Service System, Problems of Selective Service, Special Monograph No. 16, Vol. I, (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952), 159.

69~.~. Selective Service System. Selective Service in . Wartime: Second Report of the Director of Selective Service. 1941-42, (Washington, D.c.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943), 33.; Special Groups, 87. 70~~ecial Groups, 4. 71~~ecial Groups, 4. 72~electiveService: First Report. 1940-41, 93. 73~ieutenantColonel Rene Ramos, A Puerto Rican native and U.S. Army career officer who was a participant in the Army's training program in preparation for deployment to World War 11. However, the war was over before he was able to see combat. Personal tape-recored interview at his residence in Leavenworth, Kansas by the author on 13 March 1993. CHAPTER VI Summary and Conclusions Recommendations for Further Study

For Hispanic Americans, World War I1 was a watershed period in the history of their respective unique cultures. The enormous manpower requirements of the war effort required the unparalleled participation of men and women from various racial groups for the good of the country. Patriotism was no longer a sentiment reserved only for Anglo-Americans. The Selective Service Act of 1940 legally paved the way for the inclusion of minority men from all walks of life. The discriminatory barriers among races were set aside in order for the nation to defeat the enemy. Throughout the nation, Hispanic Americans, men and women, were volunteering for the armed services. Many represented the first generation of Americans of Mexican or Puerto Rican descent. Unlike many of their foreign-born parents, they were Americans first and they understood the implications of citizenship. Patriotism, duty, honor, and country had no boundaries which specifically excluded His- panic Americans. For most Hispanic Americans, wartime

160 demands for industrial and military manpower presented an exciting and challenging opportunity to contribute to a war effort which had engulfed the entire country. Unfortunately, in looking back at World War I1 to ascertain the roles and contributions of US Army Hispanic soldiers is a difficult task. For the most part, Hispanics who participated in the war served in integrated units where they tended to blend in with other soldiers. They performed their assigned duties and, judging from the representative sample of articles found in the Chatter and the Medal of Honor rolls, many received deserved recognition for their service. Spanish surnames are found in the many lists of various combat units which served overseas. Howev- er, some men with a mixed heritage are recognized as Hispan- ics by their ancestors. Hispanic Americans are part of the heroes of World War I1 for their actions 18beyondthe call of duty." There were thirteen Medal of Honor recipients from World War I1 who received their just recognition. Because they belong to such a select and unique group of men, their contributions are a recorded part of history. Many soldiers performed extraordinary acts of bravery and gallantry on the battlefield; however, their legacies are less conspicuous. In some circles, Hispanic Americans are considered an invisible minority because their service has been largely forgotten and a multitude of history books are devoid of

161 their trials and tribulations. On the other hand, the history of the African-American in the military is recorded and documented quite extensively compared to the material on Hispanic Americans. Perhaps, it is largely because they were proud soldiers who fought alongside their Anglo comrades without significant problems of prejudice and discrimination. They experienced greater acceptance by their comrades because of their smaller numbers. Since they were integrated throughout most units, members of the unit had to interact with them on an individual basis. Also, except for parts of the South and Southwest, Hispanic Americans were not overtly discriminated against in other regions of the country. Generally, society still clung to strongly held views on segregation which extended to the military's treatment of some minorities. For the most part, Hispanic Americans appeared more interested in the success of the unit rather than self-aggrandizement. The definitive work on Hispanic Ameri- cans in World War I1 is the book Amona the Valiant which provides a listing of some of the ordinary Hispanic men who participated during the war. Countless Hispanics were merely ordinary men who belonged to a traditional and noble profession and fought for their country when asked to do so; some returned as heroes in the opinions of those who served in units with them in combat. For example, in the accounts of the 88th Infantry Division, "Blue Devils," a unit which fought bravely and 162 extensively in the Italian campaign, the "ranchmen, Mexi- can-Americans and some Navaho Indians were some of the division's best soldier^.^^ In this unit, "the Mexi- can-Americans are universally praised by other division veterans as superb soldiers.*t2 While unit historians could not accurately assess the percentage of Mexican-Americans in the 88th Division, they were found mainly in rifle companies. Their numbers ranged from both ends of the spectrum. Perhaps thma most telling assessment of the way they were perceived comes from the comments of the soldiers themselves or the veterans who served alongside them in combat. The current editor of the 88th Infantry Division Association newsletter, World War I1 veteran, C.W. "Doc" Waters of A Company, 349th Infantry said: My own experiences with Mexican-Americans and Indians was good. Company A, 349th had a number of both, and my first boss was Jose Almarez, from Brownsville, Texas. I learned more about a light machine gun from Jose in a few weeks than 'I did the previous six months in the 86th Division. I am certain that I never saw any incidents or heard any slurs directed towards any of the men because of their ancestry. Of course, I joined the 88th after they had completed their traininq and maneuvers and were ready to go overseas and into certain combat. Perhaps everything else had become unimportant by then. 4 Waters* last assumption might also explain why Hispanic Americans generally did not encounter overt discrimination within their particular units. The men in the ranks were more concerned with the consequences of combat and their ultimate survival. They did not expend a great 163 deal of time on the @*unimportantf@matters of skin color or ethnic heritage. Perhaps the perils of combat were inevita- ble and prejudice and discrimination were petty obstacles in the larger scheme of things. Mr. Waters recalled a @@bullsession with General Mark Clark who said, 'progress in the North Appenines each day depended upon ten men, the company commanders of whatever rank, who led the assaults that It appears that under such arduous and . difficult conditions that there was no time to make distinc- tions between comrades based on race. Each man in his own role was critical to the overall success of the operation. In the end, the veteran Waters remembered the quality of the soldier, the leadership he displayed, and his performance in combat. The color of his skin was not the dominant factor in assessing his contribution to the unit. The experiences of Mrs. Bozak and Lieutenant Colo- nel Ramos seem to suggest that they were given the opportunity to serve and they did so proudly with no bitter memories about their treatment as minorities. While Ramos spoke of his language difficulties in the early part of his career, this did not prevent him from serving a long, dis- .* tinguished career until his retirement as a lieutenant colonel. Mrs. Bozak encountered no discrimination during her time as a WAC. They both were successful soldiers who contributed to the World War 11 effort in their own distinct ways. 164 On the homefront, there were Hispanic American women in defense industries and communities who did their part to support soldiers serving overseas. They did not sit idle at home. Many women assumed nontraditional roles in the community and the workplace to support the war effort. While they could have remained in the shadows of the war curtain, they assumed center stage and worked to im- prove the morale of soldiers abroad while improving the image of the Mexican-American in their particular communities. This is in spite of the fact that they had deep roots which tied them to the traditional upbringings where the family was the nucleus of existence. Accustomed to focusing inward, many women relinquished their privacy to embark on new territory as community leaders and organiz- ers, and employees in factories. It was a monumental undertaking of great consequence for these women who were mostly foreign-born and first-generation American-born citizens. History has largely overlooked these women because they did not record their feats. Few Hispanic men or women have written about their wartime experiences. Their contributions to the war effort are only known by a few. Genera.L S.L.A. Marshall offered his opinion on the character and performance of the Hispanic soldier in combat in response to an audience question on December 3, 1962. An officer, Colonel White from Liberia, in the audience at the U.S.

165 Army Command and General Staff College asked the general this question: In many instances you find people with a degree of modesty which permits them not to tell stories about themselves. Have you run across a situation like that to the extent where somebody else has to tell and say this man did so-and-so, and he was very effective with a grenade, or machinegun and which brought success to our ba tle or our outfit and if so how did you classify this? g The general answered with the following response: Well, yes, you do run into these types and I'll tell you where you find them particularly. You will find them in the United States among our immigrants, among our American Indians, among a good many of the people of Mexican blood from our southwestern states. They're reluctant to speak of themselves and this is one reason that they are overlooked for preferment, you see, and it's out of battle they suddenly reveal themselves as natural born leaders. They have not been in communication with the society very much and therefore they're hesitant about expressing their personality once they get the opportunity, as in battle. Then that type of man will rapidly come forward and can take over and exercise leadership. 7

The-individuals interviewed for this thesis are in their seventies and eighties and many were in poor health. One of the four surviving Hispanic Medal of Honor winners was contacted for a possible interview; however, he was in the hospital in critical condition. Two World War I1 veterans were just tired of being interviewed and declined the invitation to have their stories recorded. Unfortunately, the oral histories of these veterans is an important part of the history of the Hispanic American and World War 11. The nation will celebrate the 50th anniversary of the end of the war in 1995. This would be an excellent opportunity to recognize not only the Medal of Honor recipients but the countless other Hispanic Americans who had a part in the forming of this nation's history. The Women's Army Corps had many Hispanic women; however, in conducting this research, it was discovered that several have died causing the loss of their valuable stories of that period. No first person accounts from Hispanic officers who served in combat were uncovered in the research for this thesis. It would be interesting to record the experiences of Hispanic officers who actually served in combat units and examine some of the challenges they faced during the war. An extensive look at the men of Hero Street, USA would give that special neighborhood more than a footnote in the annals of history. Residents lived in the same neighborhood and left it to serve in the various branches of the armed forces during three wars. Their personal experiences could provide insight on their experiences in wartime and how they viewed their neighborhood on their return. The changes they each experienced as a result of the war and how they interacted with each other after the war would add some depth to the history of this street. Also, they present a situation for an unusual case study. Most researchers tend to focus on combat units which

167 consisted of a large number of Hispanic Americans and the experiences of the individual soldiers within the units. Rarely are there situations for study where lifelong friends embark on a similar experience and return to the same starting point but with different combat experiences. Also, while there is little written on the Hispanic soldier during World War 11; besides a cursory look in Amona the Valiant, nothing was found about Hispanic airmen or Marines. Their experiences remain largely undocumented even though two Hispanic received the Medal of Honor during World War 11. The armed forces is an example of equal opportunity and a melting pot without comparison in modern times. In order to further the assimilation process within the military, all soldiers should be cognizant of the numerous contributions of the men and women of other minority groups. While an attempt is made annually through the celebration of the various ethnic heritage months, the recognition of peoples from minority groups should be a part of the military history education at the service acade- mies and institutions of higher military education. There is much to be learned from the lessons of the past and some of the lesser-known participants. In the final analysis, the eloquent, yet simple thoughts of Private Henry Castillo of San Antonio, Texas in a letter he wrote from *Isornewhere in Luxembourg1*may

168 provide some of the answers to the questions suggested in this thesis: Too bad everyone can't belong to one small squad in one small battle. To learn how men of different breeds and creeds can live and work together when they must. How unreal are the luxuries, privileges, prejudices and politics that separate men. This Mexican-American private was a member of a squad which consisted of a German, Frenchman, Spaniard, Italian and a Jew. These men in Castillo's words "helped to take a little town called Konzen, part of the Siegfried Line . . . but it never made the news.ll9 These singular events intricately woven together form the fabric of history. Often, individual, unremark- able men are thrown together for a brief moment under formidable circumstances with nothing in common except their dependence on one another. War can span many an abyss of diversities in culture, background, and language. In the case of the Hispanic soldier of World War 11, this appears to be the case. Unfortunately, the treatment of the Hispanic soldier on his return to various cities in the Southwest was not improved by his wartime service. The treatment of some soldiers was less than hospitable and this is another area for further study. One Mexican-American soldier was refused burial by a funeral home in Texas. Through the intervention of a young Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas, Felix Longoria was buried in Arlington National Cemetery with full military honors instead of in his hometown. His 169 death was more monumental than most because it resurfaced old prejudices and led to the formation of the American GI Forum which was dedicated to ensuring the rights of Hispan- ic veterans of World War 11. 10 In the end, Hispanics did receive the respect and recognition which they rightly earned but it is preserved quietly in the recollections of those who served or others who served alongside them. Lieutenant Colonel Julian Phill- ips was a company commander during World War I1 with the 36th Infantry Division from Texas. The unit was a famous combat unit and had some companies composed entirely of Mexican-American men. He told of the plaque which hangs on his wall in his office. He is the 29th Anglo-American to be designated as an **honoraryMexican. I* l1 As he bragged about the distinction, it was evident it is a recognition which he considers a true **hon~r.~*l~To the Mexi- can-Americans who served in the unit with the colonel, it truly symbolizes the respect and camaraderie which men of the same uniform but of different backgrounds had for one another in wartime. This is perhaps the greatest credit which can be bestowed on another individual: an apprecia- tion for the heritage of the other. ENDNOTES

'~athleen Wright, The Other Americans: Minorities in American History, ed. Bernadette Giles (Greenwich, Connecticut: Lawrence Publishing Company, 1971), 211; T.N. Dupuy and Gay N. Hammerman, "The U.S. 88th Division in World War 11; a Case Study in Combat Performance E~cellence,~~ Militarv Review (October 1987), 8. 2~upuyand Hammerman, "The 88th Division," 8.

4~.~. "Docw Waters, Haverstown, PA to CPT Debra L. Fix, regarding information on Hispanic soldiers in the 88th Division during World War 11, Leavenworth, KS, 8 March 1993.

6~oger.J. Spiller, ed., S. L.A. Marshall at Leavenworth: Five Lectures at the U.S. Armv Command and General Staff Colleae, The Office of the Command Historian at the Combined Arms Center at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 1980. Question from Colonel White from Liberia during Lecture V: **Problemsin Combat Leadership," given December 3, 1962; 39.

8~aulineR. Kibbe, Latin-Americans in Texas, (Albuquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 1946), 226.

''Stanford P. Dyer and Merrell A. Knighten, *8DiscriminationAfter Death: Lyndon Johnson and Felix Longoria," Southern Studies (Winter 1978), 413. '~LTC (ret) Julian Phillips, 36th Infantry Division Association, telephone conversation with author, February 1993, Leavenworth, Kansas. 121bid. 171 BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Acuna, ~odolfo. Occu~iedAmerica: A Historv of Chicanos. 2d ed. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, Inc., 1981. . Occu~iedAmerica: The Chicano's Struaale Toward Liberation. San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972. . A.New York: American Book Company, 1971. Allsup, Carl. The American G.I. Forum: Oriains and Evolution. Austin: Center for Mexican American Studies of The University of Texas, 1982. Ambrose, Stephen E. and James A. Burber, Jr. andAmericanNew York: The Free Press, 1972. Anderson, Karen. Wartime Women: Sex Roles. Familv Relations. and the Status of Women Durina World War u. Contributions in Women Studies, Number 20. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1981. Arthur, Anthony. Bushmasters: America's Junale Warriors of W-. W-. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Bartlett, John. Familiar Ouotations. 14th ed. Ed. by Emily Morison Beck. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1968. Bates, Samuel P. Historv of Pennsvlvania Volunteers. 1861-5. Vol. I11 Harrisburg, PA: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1869. . Historv of Pennsvlvania Volunteers. 1861-5. Vol. I Harrisburg, PA: B. Singerly, State Printer, 1870. Bean, Frank D. Jurgen Schmandt, and Sidney Weintraub, eds. Mexican and Central American Population and U.S. Immiaration Policv. Austin: Center for Mexican American Studies, University of Texas at Austin, 1989. Bogardus, Emory S. The Mexican in the United States. School of Research Studies Number.Five. Los Angeles: University of Southern California Press, 1934. Brandt, Carol, and Robin Higham. The United States Armv In- Peacetime. Essavs in Honor of the Bicentennial, 1775-1975. Manhattan, KS: Military Affairs/Aerospace Historian Publishing, 1975. Burma, John H., ed. Mexican-Americans in the United States.: A Reader. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkmim Publishing Company, Inc., 1970. Bustamante, Charles J. and Patricia L. The Mexican-American and the United States. Mountain View. California: Patty-Lar Publications, 1969. Calvert, Robert A., Renato Rosaldo, and Gustav Seligmann. Chicano: The Beainninqs of Bronze Power. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc., 1974. Campbell, D9Ann. Women at War with America: Private Lives- in a Patriotic Era. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984. Cortes, Carlos E., Alan W. F. Green, Arlin I. Ginsburg, ~amesA. Joseph. Three Pers~ectiveson ~thnicitv: Blacks. Chicanos. and Native Americans. New York: G.1'. Putnam9s Sons, 1976. Dalfiume, Richard M. Deseareaation of the U. S. Armed Forces: Fiahtina on Two Fronts 1939-1953. Columbia, Missouri Press, 1969. Daniel, Clete. Chicano Workers and the Politics of Fairness: The FEPC in the Southwest. 1941-1945. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991. Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio. Psvcholoav of the Mexican: Cultur~l and Personality. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1975. Dinnerstein, Leonard and David M. Reimers. Ethnic Americans: A Historv of Immiqration and Assimilation. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1975. Dunn, Lynn P. Chicanos: A Studv Guide and Sourcebook. The Ethnic Studies Publisher. San Francisco: R and E Research Associates, Inc., 1975. Dworkin, Anthony Gary and Rosalind J. Dworkin, eds. The 173 Minoritv Reuort: An ~ntroductionto Racial. Ethnic. and Gender Relations. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976. Fitzpatrick, Edward A., ed. Selective Service in Wartime: Second Reuort of the Director of Selective Service, 1941-42. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Off ice, 1943. Galarza, Ernesto, Herman Gallegos, and Julian Samora. Mexican-Americans in the Southwest.' Santa Barbara:

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Griggs, Anthony. "Minorities in the Armed Forces." -. Race 7, no. 7 (July 1973): 9-14. Hara, Steve. "Hispanic Heroes." Soldiers, September 1984, 45-48. Hasenauer, Heike. "Hispanic Heroes. Soldiers, September 1992, 46-47.

Perkins, Frances. "Women~sWork in Wartime." In Monthlv , Labor Review, ed. Hugh S. Hanna, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, April 1943, 661-665. Reyes., Robert J. "The Medal of Honor: A Hi~tory.~~-La &g, February 1981, 18-23. Schorr, Daniel L. "Reconverting Mexican-American~.'~ -.New 179 Republic 115, no. 13, 30 September 1946, 412-413. Thompson, Jerry Don. "Santos ~enavidesand the Battle for Laredo." Civil War Times Illustrated 19, no. 5, August 1980, 26-33. Vasquez, Amilcar. "Hispanics on the Frontline: A History." La Luz 9, no. 2, February 1981, 7-13. Weinberger, Caspar W. "A Heritage of Valor-Hispanics in America's Defense," Remarks given at the unveiling of paintings of Hispanic Heroes at the Pentagon. Nuestro 7, no. 9, November 1983, 18. . "Zoot Suits and Service Stripes: Race Tension Behind the Riots.11 Newsweek 21, 21 June 1943, 35-36. nlYo Solo!' General Galrez." La Luz, August-September 1980, 38.

NEWSPAPER ARTICLES Murphy, Vi. "Not One Draft Card Burner on Second Street." Moline Dis~atch,5 January 1968, 17. Phelon, Craig. "The Hero Who Hid His Heritage." Sari Antonio Emress-News, 21 May 1989, sec. Sundav Maaazine, 1-8.

Rodriguez, Rose B. Chatter. 23 April 1945; 3 June 1945; 11 June 1944; 4 March 1945; 29 May 1945; 6 May 1945. WWII Hero Gets Pleasant Surprise," -, 18 August 1978.

JOURNALS Alexander, Will W. "Aliens in War Industries." The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 223, (September 1942) : 138-143. Altus, William D. "The American Mexican: The Survival of a Cult~re.~~ The Journal of Social Psvcholoav 29, (1949): 211-220. Andrisani, Paul J., Curtis L. Gilroy, Thomas N. Daymont, and Robert L. Phillips, eds. "The Economic Returns to Military Service: Race-Ethnic Differences." Social Science Ouarterly 73, no. 2 (June 1992): 340-359. Brown, William F.! Jr. "David Gonzales-Gallant Mexican-American.m* Annals 12, no.1 (September 1989): 180 Campbell, Julie A. WADRES Y ESPOSAS: Tucson's Spanish-American Mothers and Wives Association." --The Journal of Arizona History 31, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 161-182. Christian, Carole E. "Joining the American Mainstream: Texas's Mexican Americans During World War I." Southwestern Historical ~uarteriy92, no.4 (April 1989) : 559-595. Crawford, W. Rex. "The Latin American in Wartime United States." The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 223, (September 1942): 123-131. Culver, Elizabeth M. "Women in the Service." The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 229: (September 1943): 63-68. Dyer, Stanford and Merrell A. Knighten. "Discrimination After Death: Lyndon Johnson and Felix L~ngoria.~~ Southern Studies 17, no. 4, (Winter 1978): 411-426. Hayes, Leslie Anne and James B. Jacobs. "Aliens in the U. S. Armed Forces: A Historico-Legal Analysis." Armed Forces and Society 7, no. 2 (Winter 1981): 187-208. Kenney, Jim. "In Memoriam: Cleto Rodriguez." Annals: Official Publication of the Medal of Honor Historical- Societv 13, no. 3 (March 1991) : 51. Knouse, Stephen B. **SocialSupport For Hispanics in the Military." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 15, no.4 (1991): 427-444. Lee, Alfred Mc Clung. "Subversive Individuals of Minority Status." The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 223, (September 1942): 162-172. McDonagh, Edward C. "Status Levels of Mexicans." Socioloav and Social Research, no. 6 (1949): 449-459. Miller, Clyde R. "Foreign Efforts to Increase Dis~nity.~~ The Annals of the American Academv of Political and Social Science 223, (September 1942). Miller, Thomas Lloyd. t*Mexican-Texansat the Alamo." -The- Journal of Mexican American Historv 2 (Fall 1971): 33-44. 181 Oppenheimer, Robert. lvAcculturationor Assimilation: Mexican Immigrants in Kansas, 1900 to World War 11.' T h e y 16, no. 4 (October 1985): 429-448. Santillan, Richard. "Rosita the Riveter.: Midwest Mexican American Women During World War 11, 1941-1945." 2 (1989): 115-147. Smith, Michael M. "Mexicans in Kansas city: The First Generation, 1900-1920." Pers~ectivesin Mexican American Studies 2, (1989): 29-57. Walters, J.E. 88Womenin Industry.*@ The Annals of the American Academv at Political and Social Science 229 (1943): 56-62. Wolfson, Theresa. "Aprons and Overalls in War." The Science 229 (1943): 46-55. Zamora, Emilio. "The Failed Promise of Wartime Opportunity for Mexicans in the Texas Oil Indu~try.~~Southwestern -v -v 95, no. 3 (January 1992): 323-350. . "The Mexican Soldier." Infantrv Vol. 15, No. 8, February 1919.

DISSERTATIONS Flores, Lawrence G. "Perceptions of Veterans Administration Health Care Services By Hispanic Veterans." Ph.D. diss., University of Southern California, 1982. Garcia-Cabrera, Angelita. "The Hispanic Veterans of the Armed Forces and in the Veterans Admini~tration.*~ Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, April 1978. Kohr, Ira G. "Mexican Americans and the Military." Ph.D. diss:, University of Southern California, 1976.Mazon, Mauricio. "Social Upheaval in World War 11: Zoot-Suiters and Servicemen in Los Angeles, 1943." Ph.D. diss., University of California, 1976. Orozco, Cynthia E. "The Origins of the League of the United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement in Texas with an Analysis of Women's Political Participation in a Gendered Context, 1910-1929.11 Ph.D. diss., University of California, 1992. Sevilla, Exequiel R., Jr. "The Latino Soldier." Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, June 1979. White, William B. "The Military and the Melting Pot: The American Army and Minority Groups, 1865-1924.11 Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1968.

GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS Bach, Shirley J. and Binkin, Martin. Women and the Military. Studies in Defense Policy. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1977. Devartment- of Commerce. Bureau of Census. Data User Services Division. Directory of Federal Statistics For Local Areas: A Guide to Sources. 1976. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1978. Department of Defense. Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Force Manaement and Personnel). Manvower- For Military Occuvations (Avril.1988L, by Mark J. Eitelberg. Alexandria, VA: Human Resources Research Organization, 1988. Spiller, Roger J., ed. S.L.A. Marshall at Leavenworth: Five Lectures at the U.S. Army Command and General Staff Colleae. The Office of the Command Historian at the Combined Arms Center at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 1980. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Veterans Affairs. Medal of Honor Recivients, 1863-1978: In the Name of the Conaress of the United States. 96th Cong.! 1st sess. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1979. U.S. Congress. House. Representative Lane Davis of Illinois speaking on Hero Street, U.S.'A., A Tribute to Neighborhood Veterans. 98th Cong., 1st sess. Conaressional Record (18 November 1983), vol. 129., ro. 161, pt. 4. U.S. Department of the Interior. National Parks Service. Hisvanics in the Civil War. Brochure, Washington, D.C.: Parks and History Association, 1991.

U.S. Devartment of Defense. Office of the Deputy-- Assistart secretary of Defense for Military Manpower and 183 Personnel Policy. 1. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1990. U.S. Department of the Army. -y. Army Historical Series. Publication of the Office of the Chief of Military History. Ed. by Maurice Matloff. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973. U.S. Department of the Army. The Women's Armv Corvs. Special Studies. Office of the Chief of Military History. U.S. Army in World War 11. Ed. by Mattie E. Treadwell. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1954. U.S. Department of the Army. Office of Chief of Public Affairs. 4 -991. Washington, D.C.: Community Relations Division, 991. U.S. Department of the Army. Marqinal Man and Militarv Service: A Review. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1966. U.S. Department of the Army. Dewartment of the Armv Pamphlet No. 20-212. Historv of Militarv Mobilization in the United States Armv. 1775-1945, by Merton G. Henry and Marvin A. Kriedberg. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955. .* .* Deeds. Forest Ranch, California: Sharp and Dunnigan Publications, 1984.

Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute, The Research Division. Hiswanic Heritaqe Week 1987. Washington, D.C.: The Research Division, 1987. Furtaw, Julia C., ed. Hiswanic Americans Information Directorv: 1992-93. 2d ed. Detroit: Gale Research Inc. Marin, Christine. "La Asociacion Hispano-Americana de Madres Y Esposas: Tucson's Mexican American Women in World War 11." Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education, 1985, ERIC, ED 315 253. . "Mexican Americans on the Home Front: 184 Phoenix in World War 11." Paper presented at the 22d Annual Arizona Historical Convention in Scottsdate, Arizona on 30 April, 1-2 May 1981, Co-sponsored by the Arizona Historical Society and the University of Arizona in cooperation with Arizona Universi ty. Oxford-Carpenter, Rebecca and others, eds. Demoarawhic Proiections to the Year 2000 of Limited Enulish Proficient His~anicAccessions in the U.S. Armv. Alexandria, VA: U.S. Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences, 1984. ERIC, EO 244040. Reyes, Domingo Nick. Viva--A Look at the Hiswanic-Americans. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare National Institute cf Education, 1975. ERIC, ED 122990.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES Meier, Matt S. compiled. Biblioarawhv of Mexican Americar- History. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984.

Sahai, Hardeo. s q piswanics in the Militarv: An Annotated Biblioarawhy. U.S. Army Recruiting Command Research Memorandum 84-2. Fort Sheridan, Illinois: April 1984.

United States Air Force Military Academy Library. Women j~ the Militarv. Special Bibliography Series, no. 51. November 1975.

U.S. Army Military History Institute. -, Armv: A Workina Biblioarawhv. May 92. U.S. Department of the Army. Hiswanic Americans: A Selective Biblioarawhy. Hispanic American Heritage Month. September 1991. Washington, D.C.: The Pentagon Library. Wood, J.R. 1. Base. U.S. Army Recruiting Command Research Memoranclum 86-1. Fort Sheridan, Illinois: February 1986. .* Annotated Bibliosrawhv. Monterey, CA: BDM Corporation, August 1985. INTERVIEWSITELEPHONE CONVERSATIONSILETTERS Bozak, Carmen Contreras. A World War I1 Women's Army Corps veteran. One of the first women to serve in an overseas theater. Telephone conversation by author, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 12 March 1993. Tape recording. Murphy, Edward F. President of Medal of Honor Historical Society. Telephone conversation by author, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, 7 January 1993.Phillips1 Julian. Member of 36th Infantry Association. Telephone conversation with author. Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, February 1993. Ramos, Rene. A Puerto Rican native and U.S. Army career Officer who was a participant in the Army's training program. Interview at his residence, Leavenworth, Kansas on 12 March 1993. Tape recording. Rodriguez, Rose B., editor of Chatter paper. Telephone interview by author, 9 January 1993, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Tape recording.

Waters, C.W. wDoc.r' Letter dated 8 March 1993 from Haverstown, PA to CPT Debra L.Fix, Leavenworth, Kansas regarding information on Hispanic soldiers in the 88th Infantry Division during Wor-ld War 11. INITIAL DISTRIBUTION LIST

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