Montesquieu and the Making of the Modern World
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John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France
John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France David Loudon General University Honors Professor Robert Griffith, Faculty Advisor American University, Spring 2010 1 John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France Abstract This paper examines the split of the Federalist Party and subsequent election defeat in 1800 through the views of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton on the Quasi-War with France. More specifically, I will be focusing on what caused their split on the French issue. I argue that the main source of conflict between the two men was ideological differences on parties in contemporary American politics. While Adams believed that there were two parties in America and his job was to remain independent of both, Hamilton saw only one party (the Republicans), and believed that it was the goal of all “real” Americans to do whatever was needed to defeat that faction. This ideological difference between the two men resulted in their personal disdain for one another and eventually their split on the French issue. Introduction National politics in the early American republic was a very uncertain venture. The founding fathers had no historical precedents to rely upon. The kind of government created in the American constitution had never been attempted in the Western World; it was a piecemeal system designed in many ways more to gain individual state approval than for practical implementation. Furthermore, while the fathers knew they wanted opposition within their political system, they rejected political parties as evil and dangerous to the public good. This tension between the belief in opposition and the rejection of party sentiment led to confusion and high tensions during the early American republic. -
THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau
THE PHILOSOPHES Voltaire Montesquieu Rousseau Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 Philosophes - public intellectuals dedicated to solving the problems of the World - wrote for a broad, educated public audience - fought to eradicate bigotry, religious fanaticism, superstition - promoted “Natural Rights” - intellectual freedom, freedom of the press and religion, human progress - spread their ideas through books, essays, letters pamphlets http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RxG_d94F3Dg http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Xd_zkMEgkI Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas Tuesday, January 21, 2014 PHILOSOPHES - Paris was headquarters - they met in salons and coffee houses to share ideas -Mme. -
CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1
The following text was originally published in Prospects: the quarterly review of comparative education (Paris, UNESCO: International Bureau of Education), vol. XXIII, no. 1/2, 1993, p. 197-209. ©UNESCO: International Bureau of Education, 2000 This document may be reproduced free of charge as long as acknowledgement is made of the source. CONDORCET (1743–94) Bernard Jolibert1 In the discussions of ideas that constitute our daily intellectual environment there are certain words that reek of cordite and certain writers who give us a sense of peace. The term ‘secular’ is in the first category, and Condorcet in the second. A person who speaks of secular or non-religious education or schools, or of educational ‘neutrality’, immediately lays himself or herself open to being regarded either as a supporter of the ‘independent school’, that is private, clerical, religious, ‘right-wing’ and, needless to say, reactionary, or as a champion of public, secular, positivist, ‘left-wing’ and, needless to say, anti-clerical education. Simplistic images are powerful, and ingrained mental habits so reassuring. And yet the divisions are not always where one would like them to be. I may be that one of the first people to notice the caricatural exaggeration of this Manichaean representation of the school was in fact Condorcet, at a time when the present-day French noun denoting the principle of non-religious education did not yet exist. Rather than bludgeon the reader with an encyclopedic account of the educational writings and thought of Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, Marquis de Condorcet, it seemed more useful to accompany this writer, insufficiently known in spite of media excitement over the bicentenary of the French Revolution, along the path that led him to discover the secular ideal. -
Thomas Paine's Influential Rhetoric in Common Sense
Revolutionary Persuasion: Thomas Paine’s Influential Rhetoric in Common Sense On January 10, 1776, an unknown English immigrant drastically altered the course of human events by publishing what has been referred to as the most influential pamphlet in American history. This man was Thomas Paine, and his pamphlet was titled Common Sense - two words which to this very day resonate as synonymous with American independence and freedom. Paine’s influential writing in Common Sense made an immediate impact on the minds and hearts of thousands of colonists throughout the densely populated eastern seaboard of North America, calling for an end to tyrannical British rule and for the subsequent foundation of an independent, egalitarian republic. Paine’s “hardnosed political logic demanded the creation of an American nation” (Rhetoric, np), and through his persuasive discourse he achieved just that. Paine’s knowledge and use of rhetorical skill was a main reason for the groundbreaking, widespread success of Common Sense, the magnitude of which, many would argue, has yet to be matched. Rhetoric is the art or science of persuasion and the ability to use language effectively. This paper will provide an in-depth analysis of Paine’s rhetoric in Common Sense by examining factors such as the historical time period, communicator attributes, and audience psychology, and will deliver a thorough application of contemporary modes of persuasive study to the document’s core ideological messages. To Paine, the cause of America was the cause of all mankind (Paine, 3), and for that matter he will be forever known as the father of the American Revolution. -
De Sade's Theatrical Passions
06.puchner 4/19/05 2:28 PM Page 111 Martin Puchner Sade’s Theatrical Passions The Theater of the Revolution The Marquis de Sade entered theater history in 1964 when the Royal Shakespeare Company, under the direction of Peter Brook, presented a play by the unknown author Peter Weiss entitled, The Persecution and Assassination of Jean-Paul Marat as Performed by the Inmates of the Asylum of Charenton Under the Direction of the Marquis de Sade.1 Marat/Sade, as the play is usually called, became an extraordinary success story.2 By com- bining narrators with techniques developed in a multi-year workshop entitled “Theater of Cruelty,” Marat/Sade managed to link the two modernist visionaries of the theater whom everybody had considered to be irreconcilable opposites: Bertolt Brecht and Antonin Artaud. Marat/Sade not only fabricated a new revolutionary theater from the vestiges of modernism, it also coincided with a philosophical and cul- tural revision of the French revolution that had begun with Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer’s The Dialectics of Enlightenment (1944/69) and found a preliminary culmination in Michel Foucault’s History of Madness (1972). At the same time, the revival of Sade was fu- eled by the first complete publication of his work in French (1967) and by Roland Barthes’ landmark study, Sade Fourier Loyola (1971).3 Marat/Sade had thus hit a theatrical and intellectual nerve. Sade, however, belongs to theater history as more than just a char- acter in a play.Little is known about the historical Sade’s life-long pas- sion for the theater, about his work as a theater builder and manager, an actor and director. -
History, Anthropology and the Study of Communities: Some Problems in Macfarlane's Proposal
C. J. Calhoun History, anthropology and the study of communities: some problems in Macfarlanes proposal' In a recent paper, Alan Macfarlane advertises a new approach to the study of communities in which 'a combination of the anthropological techniques and the historical material could be extremely fruitful'.2 Unfortunately, he fails to make clear just what the approach he advocates is, and with what problems and phenomena it is intended to deal. He thus exacerbates rather than solves the methodological and conceptual problems which face social historians who would study community. The present paper is primarily polemical in intention. It is in agreement that community can be the object of coherent and productive study by historians and social scientists, working together and/or drawing on the products of each other's labours. It argues, however, that Macfarlane's conceptual apparatus is seriously problematic, and does not constitute a coherent approach. I have outlined elsewhere what I consider to be such a coherent approach.3 It makes community a comparative and historical variable. Macfarlane dismisses the concept as meaningless at the beginning of his paper, but then finds it necessary to reintroduce it in quotation marks in the latter part - without ever defining it. He introduces several potentially useful anthropological concepts, but vitiates their value by both a misleading treatment and the implication that they are replacements for, rather than supplements to, the concept of community. In the following I attempt to give a more accurate background to and interpretation of these concepts, and to correct several logical and methodological errors in Macfarlane's presentation. -
Causes of the American Revolution
Missing Pieces of the Puzzle: African Americans in Revolutionary Times “Tell them that if I am Black I am free born American & a revolutionary soldier & therefore ought not to be thrown entirely out of the scale of notice.” -John Chavis to Willie P. Mangum, March 10, 1832 Overview In a puzzle, each piece counts. Yet often when studying the Revolutionary War, we forget to acknowledge the important roles Africans and African Americans played, whether in fighting for either side of the war, or fighting for their own rights to freedom. Without including their pieces of the puzzle, the history we learn is incomplete. In this lesson, students will learn how Blacks were contributing to colonial society, making active choices to survive their bondage and striving to shape and control their own lives amidst the Patriots’ struggle for political freedom. By participating in an in depth class discussion centering around a Power Point presentation, students will explore the roles of Blacks during the Revolutionary War, gaining an understanding of the contradiction of a nation seeking independence while simultaneously denying freedom to those enslaved. Students will share their new understanding by creating an artistic bulletin board-sized puzzle (“Every Piece Counts”) focused on the roles African Americans played during the Revolutionary War. Grades 5, 8, 11 Materials • African Americans in Revolutionary Times Power Point; available in the Database of K-12 Resources (in PDF format) at https://k12database.unc.edu/files/2012/05/AfricanAmericansRevWarPPT1.pdf -
The Political Life of Edmund Burke
INTRODUCTION 1 Empire and Revolution Th is is a book about the vicissitudes of empire and revolution as confronted by one of the leading political intellects of the eighteenth century. Th e confrontation was complicated in a number of distinct ways. In the fi rst place the term “revolution” had a range of meanings. At its simplest it could denominate a change in the system of government. Yet it could also cover resistance to an established political order lead- ing to the creation of a new regime. Finally it could refer to the subversion of govern- ment along with the various liberties it was supposed to protect. Over the course of his life, Edmund Burke defended revolution in the fi rst two senses although he ardently set himself against the third. But while he supported the rights of legitimate rebellion, he also consistently upheld the authority of empire. However, the picture here was again a complex one. Burke cherished the rights of British imperial sover- eignty, yet he vehemently opposed the standing policies of the Empire. Underlying this apparent ambivalence was a commitment to the rights of conquest accompanied by a repudiation of the “spirit of conquest.” Th is referred to the attitude of usur- pation that Burke believed had characterised European governments in the gothic past. Although governments of the kind had their origins in expropriation, they had gradually accommodated the “spirit of liberty.” Nonetheless, modern liberty for Burke was a precarious achievement. It was capable of relapsing into the spirit of domination, not least in its interactions with the extra- European world. -
The Philosophes (The Enlightenment
GS/World History, Jan 7 •Entry Task: On a piece of paper, please make a chart like the one on the board. Then read, “Coffeehouse Culture” •Announcements: • We are going to briefly look at your song lyrics (with your permission) after each description. If you’d rather perform, let me know • Parent/Guardian Survey PHI LOSOPHE ENLI GHTENMENT PHI LOSOPHER Madame Goffrin’s SALON – a gathering, focused on conversation “ Dare to know! Have courage to use your own reason!” I mmanuel K ant (1784 ) WHO’ S WHO of t he E nl i ght enment PRECURSORS T homas H obbes: L eviathan PRECURSORS (F ranci s B acon), N ewt on and L ocke NEWTON R at i onal V i ew of the Universe L OCK E R el i gi ous T ol erat i on L OCK E R at i onal V i ew of G over nment NATURAL RI GHTS Life L i ber t y P r oper t y THE PHI LOSOPHES FRA N CE PRUSSI A USA Vol t ai r e K ant Jef f er son D i der ot SCOTL A N D F r ankl i n M ont esqui eu Pai ne R ousseau Smi t h WOM EN’ S RI GHTS •From England •Wrote “The Vindication of the Rights of Woman” in 1792 VOLTAI RE F rench P hi l osophe, A ut hor, & P l aywri ght NOTABLE WORKS • L etters on England • Philosophical D ictionary • E l ement s of N ewt on’ s Philosophy V oltaire writing hi s book on N ewton’s phi l osophy W ho i s the woma n? CHÂTELET F rench M athemati ci an, P hysi ci st, and A uthor “a great man whose onl y f aul t was being a woman.” -- V ol t ai re A DV OCATE of R el i gi ous T ol erat i on CRITIC of Christianity (“ Reveal ed” Rel i gi on) N atural Religion DI DEROT F rench A uthor and Editor T he E ncyclopédi e was a col l abor at i ve ef f or t t o compi l e and di st r i but e a wi de var i et y of knowl edge f r om an “ enl i ght ened” per spect i ve. -
Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty
Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Author: Rebecca Clark Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:103616 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2012 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Boston College Graduate School of Arts & Sciences Department of Political Science MONTESQUIEU ON THE HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL LIBERTY A dissertation by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2012 © Copyright by REBECCA RUDMAN CLARK 2012 Abstract Montesquieu on the History and Geography of Political Liberty Rebecca R. Clark Dissertation Advisor: Christopher Kelly Montesquieu famously presents climate and terrain as enabling servitude in hot, fertile climes and on the exposed steppes of central Asia. He also traces England’s exemplary constitution, with its balanced constitution, independent judiciary, and gentle criminal practices, to the unique conditions of early medieval northern Europe. The English “found” their government “in the forests” of Germany. There, the marginal, variegated terrain favored the dispersion of political power, and a pastoral way of life until well into the Middle Ages. In pursuing a primitive honor unrelated to political liberty as such, the barbaric Franks accidentally established the rudiments of the most “well-tempered” government. His turn to these causes accidental to human purposes in Parts 3-6 begins with his analysis of the problem of unintended consequences in the history of political reform in Parts 1-2. While the idea of balancing political powers in order to prevent any one individual or group from dominating the rest has ancient roots, he shows that it has taken many centuries to understand just what needs to be balanced, and to learn to balance against one threat without inviting another. -
The Misunderstood Philosophy of Thomas Paine
THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE A Thesis Presented to The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of History Jason Kinsel December, 2015 THE MISUNDERSTOOD PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS PAINE Jason Kinsel Thesis Approved: Accepted: ______________________________ _____________________________ Advisor Dean of the College Dr. Walter Hixson Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Faculty Reader Dean of the Graduate School Dr. Martino-Trutor Dr. Chand Midha ______________________________ ______________________________ Department Chair Date Dr. Martin Wainwright ii ABSTRACT The name Thomas Paine is often associated with his political pamphlet Common Sense. The importance of “Common Sense” in regards to the American Revolution has been researched and debated by historians, political scientists, and literary scholars. While they acknowledge that Paine’s ideas and writing style helped to popularize the idea of separation from Great Britain in 1776, a thorough analysis of the entirety of Paine’s philosophy has yet to be completed. Modern scholars have had great difficulty with categorizing works such as, The Rights of Man, Agrarian Justice, and Paine’s Dissertation on First Principles of Government. Ultimately, these scholars feel most comfortable with associating Paine with the English philosopher John Locke. This thesis will show that Paine developed a unique political philosophy that is not only different from Locke’s in style, but fundamentally opposed to the system of government designed by Locke in his Second Treatise of Government. Furthermore, I will provide evidence that Paine’s contemporary’s in the American Colonies and Great Britain vehemently denied that Paine’s ideas resembled those of Locke in any way. -
Montesquieu on Commerce, Conquest, War, and Peace
MONTESQUIEU ON COMMERCE, CONQUEST, WAR, AND PEACE Robert Howse* I. INTRODUCTION:COMMERCE AS THE AGENT OF PEACE:MONTESQUIEU AND THE IDEOLOGY OF LIBERALISM n the history of liberalism, Montesquieu, who died two hundred and Ififty years ago, is an iconic figure. Montesquieu is cited as the source of the idea of checks and balances, or separation of powers, and thus as an intellectual inspiration of the American founding.1 Among liberal internationalists, Montesquieu is known above all for the notion that international trade leads to peace among nation-states. When liberal international relations theorists such as Michael Doyle attribute this posi- tion to Montesquieu,2 they cite Book XX of the Spirit of the Laws,3 in which Montesquieu claims: “The natural effect of commerce is to bring peace. Two nations that negotiate between themselves become recipro- cally dependent, if one has an interest in buying and the other in selling. And all unions are based on mutual needs.”4 On its own, Montesquieu’s claim raises many issues. Montesquieu’s point is that trade based on mutual dependency discourages war. Here, Montesquieu abstracts entirely from the relative power of the states in question, a concern that is pervasive in his concrete analyses of relation- ships among political communities. For example, later on in the same section of the Spirit of the Laws he mentions that trade relations between Carthage and Marseille led to jealousy and a security conflict: There were, in the early times, great wars between Carthage and Mar- seille concerning the fishery. After the peace, they competed in eco- nomic commerce.