Factional Struggle And Party Leadership

By James P. Cannon

•

Social Relations in U.S. Today

By Arne Swabech

25c FOltRTH INT,ERNATIONAL Two N,w Pamphlets

Vol. XIV - No. 6 Nov.-Dec. 1953 (Total No. 125) Published Bi1JZonthly by the America's Road FOurth Interndtional Publishing Association 116 Universlty Pl., New York 3, N. Y. Te1epJtone: All'ODlluin &-74:60. Subscription rates: U.S.A. and Latin AJDeriea $1.26·~ 6 .sue; b1,lJ1dles, 30c for 5 c(lldes a.nd up.FoJ:,etgn and canada: $1.60 tor To Socialism , fAuN: 'bundles 2lc for ,; oopies and up. 'iReente~d 88 =second o.La88 matter April 4. 1960... ttlbe·P .. t by James P. Cannon OUIee at New Y'ork. N.T.. 'II1l6er ~ A. of Karch I. 11'1t. Managing Editor: WILLlAMF. WAJWE I: America Under Eisenhower Business Manager: JOSEPH HANSEN 2: The International Prospects of Capita.Iism .,: a.nd Sodacrism CONTENTS 3: Prospects of CapitaHsmand Socialism in America Factional Struggle and Party 4: The Coming Struggle for PoWer Leadership ...... By James P. Call1wIt .I 15 5: America Under the Workers' Rule Social Relations in the U.S. Today By Arne Swabeck ...... 122 6: \Vhat America WiaI Look Like Under Socialism Index for Vois. XIII and XIV, 1952-1953 .... 127 80 pages 35 cents

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VOLUME XIV NOVEMBER-DECEMBER, 1953 ~267 NUMBER 6 Factional Struggle And Party Leadership By JAMES P. CANNON

(Speecb by jantes P. Cannon at tbe Open Plenum of the That's a profoundly true remark, as experience has shown. National Committee 01 the Socialist Workers Party, Nov­ The party which led the Russian Revolution to victory ember 1953, New York, N. Y:) wa's the ,prodlllct of theSiplit with the Mensheviks in 1903, * * * several unifications and splits along the road, and the We all recognize, comrades, that we have come to final unification with Trotsky in 1917. The combination the end of the long faction fight in the party. Nothing of the ·splits and the unifications made possible the' party of victory ,in the Russian Revolution. remains no~ but to sum up the results. We have seen, in our own experience, the same prin­ This has been a long faction fight, and it w~s not brought to a definitive conclusion until it was fully ciple working out. We began with a split from the Stalin­ ripe. The Cochranite minodty were given a. whole year ists. Uni,fication with the Musteites in 1934 and later to carryon underground factional work and organization with the ;Jeft-wing of the Socialist Party were "great mile­ in the party. A' whole year. Then we finaHy dragged them stones in the building of our organization. But these out into the open, and we had intensified discussion for unifications were of no more importance, land stand five" mbnths, with more Internall Bulletins' publi,shed even rather on an equal plane, with the split of the leftist than in the great fight of 19~9-40. Then we' had the May sectarians in 1935 and of the revisionist Burnhamites in Plenum ,and ·,t'he truce, which the Cochranitessigned but 1940, and with ,the split of the new revisionists today. did not keep. AliI these actions have been part of the process of build­ Then five more mJonths of struggle during which· the ing the r'evolutionary party. Cochranites developed their positions ,to their logical ~ This law enunciated by Trotsky, that both unifica­ conclusion land showed themselves inaction as an anti-­ tions and splits are alike methods of building the party, party, anti-Trotskyist tendency. They organized a cam... is true however, only on the condition that both the paign of sabotage. of party activities and party funds, unification and the split in each case is properly motiv­ culminating in the organized boycott of our 25th An­ 'ated. I f they are not properly prepared and properly niversary meeting. Then we came to this November motivated they can have a disrupting and cisorganizing Plenum where the Cochranite leaders were indicted for effect. I can give you examples of that. treachery and suspended from the party. And that's the The unification of the Left Opposition under Nin in end of ,the faction fight in the SWP. Spain with the opportunitst Maurin group, out of which In the face of the record nobody can justly say that \vas formed the PbUM, was one of the d~cisive factors we \vere impatient; that anything was done hastily; that in the defeat of' the Spariish Revolution. The dilution there wasn't'a free and ample discussion; that there were of the program of for the sake of unification not' abundant proofs of disloyalty before discipline was with -an opport,unist group 'Tobbed the Spanish proh::tariat inv6ked. And above all, nobody can say that the .Ieader­ of that clear program and resolute leadership \vhich coulJ ship hJesitakd to bring down the ax when the t:im'e came have made the difference in the Spanish Revolution in for it. That was their duty. The rights"of a minority in 1936. our democratic party have never included, and wi.JI never Conversely, the splits in the French Trotskyist Of­ include, the right. to be disloyal. The SWP has no.. place ganization before WorUd \Var II, several of them, none and no room for strike-breakers. of which were properly motivated - contributed to the 'demoralization of the party. It has been our good fortune * * * ,that we have malde no f~lIIse u'l1ifi:cations and no false Unifications and Splits splits. Never have we had a split in which the party did Trotsky once remarked that unificaqons and splits not bound forward the day after, precisely because the areaIike methods of building the revolutional'Y party. split was properly prepared and properly motivated. Page 116 rOURTII INTERNATIONAL N ()1Je111 ber-December, J () 5.1

The party was not ready for a split when our Plenum more definitive.' There is not a single member of this convened last May. The minority iat that time had by Plenum who contemlplates any later relations in' the same no means extended their revisionist conceptions into ac­ p'arty with the strike-breakers of the Pablo-Cochran gang. tion in such a manner as to convince every single mem­ Any doubt on this .score is excluded. It is an absolute ber of th~ party that they were alien to us. For that certainty that from yesterday morning at eleven o'clock, reason we made big concess.ions to avoid a split. By the when they left the hall --- not with a hang but a giggle--,­ same reasoning, because everything was clear and every- that they 1eft for good. The most that can be contem­ 1hing was ripe in November, we made the split here - plated is 'that individua·l members who have been caught without theS1lightest hesitation. And if, in the remlnis­ in the under-currents may drift back ·to the party one cenc~sof the fight, you give the party leadership credit by one, and of course they will be received. But as far for their . patience and forbearance in the long struggle! as the main core of the minority faction is concerned, don't forget to add that they deserve just as much credit they have broken forever with us. The day they were for the decisive, resolute action taken at this Plenum to suspended from the party, and r'eleased fro~ further bring things to a conclusion: obligations to it, was' probably the happiest day of their lives. * * ~: The Split of 1940 The Shachtmanites, on the othe·r hand,' continued to protest for a long time that they would like to have unity. I think it would be usefull for us to make a comparison And even six-seven years a.f.ter the spUt, in 1946 and 1947, of this split, which' we consider to he progressive and a we actually conducted unity negotiations with the Shacht­ contribution to the development of the revolutionary manites. At one time jn early 1947 we had a unification party in America, with the split of 1940. There are points agreement with them,' illustrating the point I make that of similarity and of difference. They are similar insofar the split of 1940 was by no means as definitive and final as the basic issue in each case was revisionism. But the as is the split today. We are finished and done with revisionism of 1940 was by no means as deep and defin­ Pablo and Pabloism forever, not ,.oJllly here but on the itive as the r'evisionism that we have, split with today. international field. And nobody is going to take up any Burnham, it is true, had abandoned the program of of our time with any negotiations about ,compromise or Marxism but he did it openly only in the last stages of any nonsense of that sort. \ye are at war wi~h this new the fight, when he took off the mask. And Shachtman revisionism, which came to full flower in the reaction to did, not go along fully with hiITll. Shachtman, up to the the events 'after the death of Stalin in the Soviet Union, point of the split, did not openly revise our program on in East Germany, and in the French general strike. the Soviet Union, which was the centr1al issue in dispute. . He left the question open and even stated in one of Differences In the Splits his' last documents that if ,the imperialists would attack There are differences between the two splits in other the Soviet Union he would come out for defense. A:s for respects, very important ones, and more favorable for the the third leader, Abern, he did not yield anything theoret­ :party. First, a1s to .the siz~ of the spIj't. In 1940 the Shacht­ ically to revisionism at all. He still considered "himself manites had not less than 40% of the party and a major­ an orthodox Trotskyist, and· thought the whole fight was ity of the youth organization. I f you count tne youth, over the organization question. He was greatly mistaken, who were not voting members of the party, it was almost but the definitive struggle between a 50-50 split.· This group takes out a bare 20%. That is and revisionism was by no means as clear-cut and deep one difference. in 1940 as .It is this time. That was showf.l by the fact A second difference is that in 1940 the split was a that when Burnham carried his revisionism to its logical 'split of the leading cadre right down the middle. Not just conclusion and abandoned the movement altogether a a sloughing off of some people that you can easily get .couple of months later, Shachtman and Abern drew a10ng without. For years in the central leadership of the back. party, the central political nucleus had been Burnham, The two splits, this one and that of 1940, are similar 5hachtman and Cannon. They took., two out of the three. in that they were both unavoidable. The differences in They had a majority of the Political Committee of the each case had matured to the point where we could" no party as it was constituted up to the outbreak of the longer talk the same language or live in the same party. fight in September 1939. We had to reorganize the Pol­ When the Shachtmanites gave us their plain ultimatum itical Committee at the Plenum in October 1939 in order and demanded that they be allowed to have their own 1:0 establish the majority rule in the PC. paper, their own magazine, their own public expression, Shaohtmlan and Burnh3Jm were by no means mere or­ they were only expressing their deepest conviction that naments in the PoHtkal Committee. lIhey were rhe edi­ tl:t.ey had to talk a different ',language from ours; that tors of the magazine and of the paper, and' they did they could not conscientiously circulate what we wrote practically alii the literary work. There was a division in our press along orthodox aines. And since we could oflaboY' between them and me, whereby I took care of not tolerate that, th~ split was unavoidable. the organizational and trade union direction, administra­ * * * tion 'an>l, finances ~and aU t.he rest of. the chores tlJat The present split is ditferent from 1940 in that it is intel1ectuals don't like to bother with 'as a rule - and November-December, 1953 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL l'age 117

,they did the writing, most of it. And when they were exclusively to factionalIsm, obstruction of party work on the, right lipe they wrote very well, as you know. and sabotage of party .finances. And what has, been the So'in 1940 ,there was a rea,l spl'it, ,not on1ly in the polit­ result? We h'ave found in the five months since the ,May kal!leadership but in the working cadre as well. At the Plenum that these people are in no way indispensable to time of the split' there was a lot of app'rehension on the the literary work of the party, to the politicalwor:k of part of some of our comrades. What in the devil would the party, to the organizational work of the party. or to we do without these first class intellectual forces, efficient the financial support of the party. writers, etc.? And there was great jubilation on their The party has been rolling along without them and part, and a profound conviction that we- 'Youl'd 'never be despite themfor five months. The split of the cadre turned able to get along because they took 'all the writers. out to be a splinter. We tested it out for five months in Why, practically aU the comrades who are now leading '\ cold split before we finally confronted it in a hot split, the party and doing, all the work of the. leading cadre 'and we know. There willI be absolutely no disruption' in - very, few of' them were even members of the National the leadership, no scurrying around to find who is going Commi ttee at that time. Those who were members, were Ito fiB the places vacated by these, former Trotskyists only getting their -first experience and hiad not yet gained turned revisionists. The places are already filled, filled recognition as writers, or.ators and politicians. Comrade to overflowing. so to speak. Everything is going 0" K. Dobbs, for example, 'coming out of 'the mass movement, That's the experience of the drawn-out cold split since had been only a couple of months in New York. A num­ May. bEr of other comrades, who Were memlbers or alternates * * * of the National Committee, had not yet considered them­ Third, nobody can imagine these people even daring selves or been ~onsidered as actual members of the lead­ 10 ,eontemp\,ate ~he idea of launching a new party and a'n ing politkal cadre of the, party. In 1940 the split of the agitational paper. First of all, they don't believe in their .cadrewent rIght down ,the middle. ow'n c:apacity,to bum'Ci a party. Seconld, they don't believe in the capacity of anybody to build a party. And in * * * the third place, they don't believe in a revolutionary And then there was a third feature of the 1940 split. vanguard party. So they are not going to confront us The pettY-lbourgeois opposition went out ()f the pa,r'ty with a rival party, claiming to be the Trotskyist van­ with the majority of the youth who, as Comrade Dobbs guard 'and thenuc1eus of the futur'e mass party of the said, have more bounce to the ounce. They were confident revolution. that with thei·r dynamism, with their !ability to jump and They ,are, in their own maximum optimistic plans, run, with their' conception of a Hcampaign party," and aiming at 'a small propaganda circle which will pub;-' with their writers - they would soon show that they }ish a little magazine, in which they will / observe and could build a party faster, bigger, better - and in every analyze and explain ihing~ for the benefit of the ~(sophis­ other California way - tha'n we could. \Ve didn't agree ticated political elements," i.e. the Stalinists and Hptog~ with them,. but that's what they, started with. ressive" labor skates. Sideline critics, obst!rvers, analysts And don't forget, -they started almost the, next week and abstainers - that is the kind of an opposition they with a new party. They caHetl it the "'Vorkers Party" will present to us. No rival party. and they came out with a new weekly paper and with a They will not be an obstacle to us in our struggle as magazine which they stole from us. For' a, considerable a party in election campaigns - because 'they don't be .. period th~ thought they were serious rivals of ours in lieve in election' campaigns. In the first period after we the struggle for the !allegiance of the workers' vanguard ~plit with the Shalchtmanites they used to run their own in this cOUl1try. That is what we were up against in 1940. candi(~ates against us in New York and othe~, places; and \Ve had to itake a new cadre of previously inexperienced in general they tried to compete with us, their party comrades and push them into places of responsibility in ag~.inst our party. That will not be the case with the the Politicall Committee and the pr'ess, and begin their Cochranites. If we want to have any debates with these training for' leadership in the fire of struggle. people, I think we wiH have to hunt them, up wherever they may be hiding. And in some places that is going TIle Party Rolls Along t<" he a diftk!uh 'propdsitio'l1, cispcciaHy in Detroit anci 'The 1953 split is quite different in various respects. San Francisco. ' . First, I m,entioned size. It is much smaller. Second, the cadre is not split down the middle this time, 'as' might * * * appear to some people when they see these names -:­ A Test of Leadership, Cochran, Clarke, Bartell, Frankel, and so on. They are A factio,nal struggle is a test of leadership. Factional talented people; they were part of the cadre; but not struggle is ,a part of the process of building the revol­ an indispensable pa:rt. We have had five months of ex­ utionary party of the, masses; 'no~ the whole of, th~ perience of the ('cold split" since the May Plenum to s,trug~k, but a paolt of it. test' that out. During that entire period the Cochranites Some comrades, especially mass workers, who want have done no 'constructive party work whatever. Inspired to beaU the time busy with their constructive work, whu by ~he Great GodP.ablo, ithey have devoted their ,efforts, are upset and irritated by argulltents, ~quabbles and fae- PaRe / /8 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL N ovember-December~, '195 J tion fights, have to Ie'arn that they can't have peace in the working class of the world and socialism is the un­ the party un1less tLley fight for it. Factional struggle is ~olv.ed problem 'of leadership. That is w~t is meant 'by one way of getting peace. "the question of the partty." That is what the Transition ' The par.ty, a's you know, enjoyed internal 'Peace and Program means when it states that the crisis of the labor solidarity over that entire period from 1940 to 1951; movement is the crisis of leadership. 'That rlleanS, ,that eleven years, barring that little skirmish with Goldman until the working class solves the problem of creating' and MQrrow, whkh did not amount to m:uch- e1even the revolutionary party, the conscious expression of the I -years of peace. and normal internal Ii'fe, This "long peace') historic process which, can lead the masses in struggle, carried the party through the war, the trial and Ithe the issue remains undecided. It is the most important of imprisonment 'of the 18, the post-war boom and the first all questions - the question of the party. period of the witch-hunt. That internal peace and so~· And i{ our break with Pabloism, 'as we see ,it now idarity didn't fall from the sky. It was not ugiven" to clearly; if it boils down to one point and is concentrated us. We fought for it and secured it by the factional bat­ in one point,' that is it - it is the question of the party. tle with the petty ··bourgeois opposition in the eight That seems clear to us now, as 'we have' seen the devel­ months from September 1939 to April 1940. opment of Pabloi$m! in action. The essence of Pabloist Every serious factional struggle, properly directed revisionism is the overthrow of that part of Trotskyism by a conscious leadership, develops in progressive stages ;-' which jls today its most vital part - the conception of the it has a beginnin~; a middle, and an end; and at every cnisi!s of mankind als the cris'is of the leadersh~p of the stage of the struggle the leadership is put to ,a test. With­ labor movement sUJmmed up in the question of the party. out a cOl~scious leadership, factionalism can devour and PaibloiSim aims not only to overthrow Trotskyism; it destroy a party. Headless factionalism, sometim~s even aims to overthrow that /part of Trol1skyisn:t which Trotsky 1he smaHest squabble, can tear a 'Party to !pieces. We Ilearned from, Lenin. Lenin's greatest contribution to his h~iVe seen this happen more than once. Everything de­ whole epoch was h~s ildea anldhis determilned 'Stf1lbggle to pends on the :leaders, on their consciousness. They must 'bui.J:d a vanguaJ1d pa'rty capahleof Ileading the worker.s ,in know how and when to begin the faction fight; how to revo'llution. And he ditd not c011lfi.ne hilS theory to t,he time conduct it; and how and when to finish it. of his own ac'tivity. He went an the wayback to 1~71., and * * '* ,~iiid :that the detersive falOtor 1ln the defe.at of the first The first two stages of the struggle against the re- prole~arian revolution, the, Paris Gomm'llne,wa's the .absente visionist-liquidators in the SWP - the beginning and of 'a party of the revolutionary Marxlist vanguard,. capable the middle - are already behind' us. Now comes the of givilng the m1a;ss movement a conlSCious program J and a end. We will have' plenty of time to reflect on the' ex­ resolute'leadership. It was Trotsky's acceptance of this part periences of the first two, stages later. I think it would of Lenin in 1917, that m·3Ide Trotsky aLe.ninist" ' be ill-advised and worse than ·a waste of time, at this That i's written into the Transition Program,' that stage of final action in fintshing the fight, to begin 1 eninist concept of the decis.ive role of the revolutionary reminiscing and examining how many mistakes were' made, party. And that is what the Patbloi

ficult to build a party wi,thout leadership, without cadres. by personal quarrels. That is the inevitaib'l,e fate of every As a matter of fact it can't be done. ' political clique. Look over the world, look over, all the" experiences of There is no such thing, and oan be nO such thing as a the last quarter of a' cen,tury, in one country after another, permanent cHque, no matter wha·t good friends and chums. where the writings and teachi\ngs of Trotsky were available, may be drawn together in a tight, exClusive circle and saY where the :program was known, and. what do you see? to themselves,: "Now we have everYthing, .in our hands and 'Where they lacked the leaders to' build the party, where we are going to run things fine." The great winds: and waves they lacked cadres, the party did' not amount to much. of the class struggle' keep beaHng upon this . little ,clique. On the other hand, those parties which threw up ieaclers Issue~ arise. 'Personal. difficU'lties ··and f:r.ictions ,develop. ca.pable of wdrkillK together as ',a cadre remained firm and And then come personal qua.rre~s and squabble6, mean-' so1id and consciously prepared their future. ingless faction fights and senseless splits, and, the' diq'Ue The leading cadre plays the' same ,decisive, role in fnds in disa~ter. The pafty cannot be led by a clique. Not ;elatioh to the party that the' party plays in relation to the for very long, anywa>:~ . class. Those who ,try to brea,k up the historically created * • * cadres of the Trotskyist1parties, as the Palb10ites are doing There is a 'third method oJ leadershi:p wni,cry. I wi'n in one country after another, are in reality. aiming to break confess to yO\! frankly I noticed only ~Her I passed my up ~he parties an'd to liquidate the Trotskyi'Sit movement. tSixtieth hirthd"y.T,hat ils the leadership of a cuh. I will Take note: I said "trying'" alftd '~a'im.ing,", r didn't say :admit that I 'lived Isixty years in this worM before I tlsua:eeding:" Tlhey w.ill not succeed. The Trotskyist palrties stumbled over the, fact that there are :su~h things as political will liquidate the liquidators, and the SWP has the high cult~. I began rubbing my eyes 'when I saw the J~hnsonites historic privilege of setting the example. operating in our party. I .saw a cult bound to a sil1'gleper­ . * * * son, a sort of Messiah. And I thought, I< f'H be· damned . Given the 'Program, the construction of leadin~ cadres You're never too old to learn something new." is the key to the constPuction of revolutionary pa.rties; and A cult requi'res unthinking fool'S for Ithe rank and fi,le. the. for-mer requires an even higher ,degree of consciousness But that is not aB. lin order for a cul,t to exist, it is not and a more deliberate design than the ;latter. Of course, enough for a leader to have personal followers - every every party in every' generation ISi'nee, the Communist 'leader has personal infiluence more or less ~ but a cult Manifesto has had a leadership of a sort. But· there has leader has to lbea cultist hilmsel{ He has to Ibe a megalo­ been very Htt'le conlsciousrtess about its selection, and for 'maniac who gets reve1ations outside t,he realm Qf reaHty. A that reason,amorig othe'rs, the real problem :remflinedun­ megalomanilacal cu}.t leader is liable to jump in any 9,ire

·Hardening of Factions Degeneration of Factionalism , There is no 'greater abomination in the workers' political In such circumstam:es the factions degenerated into ~~oveJ1}ent than a permanent faGtl0n.~here is nothing that gangs struggling for power, and the degeneration of the can demoralize the inte'rnal life 'Of a party more effiden1tly CommuniSll: Par,ty was. ,greatly facilitated by that. The ~han a permanent faction. You may say, that is c'On­ Comintern should ha.ve hel'ped us to unify the cadre,but t.ra.dieted by the eXJperience df Uenin. Didn't he 'Organize a ,iinstead it fed the fla,mes of factionaHsm in 'Order to fish faction qn 1903, the Bolshevik fadJon, and, didn't that i~ the troubled waters to oreate ilts own Stalinist faction. lemain a hard and fa'st faction ,allthe wayupto the revolu­ Those. werebit:ter ,times. I began t'O rebel against that tion? Nat entirely. The fa6tiqn of un.in, which spl'it with \sterHe ki.nd of struggle and I' made Several at.tempts --­ ~.he Mensheviks in 1903, and subsequently had negotiations years befDre we were thrown out of the party for Trot­ with ,them and at various times united with them in a single, skyism - I made several aHemprs to break up the party, hut nevertheless remained a faction, was a faction politically senseless faction formati'Ons. A number of us only' in its outward form,. broke away from the FDster gang and for.med a separate In the essence of the matter, thenu.cIeus of the Bolshevik grouping and united 'With a group that Weinstone h~d 'Pattyo( the was the Lenin Bolshevik split off from the· Lovestoneites, with the same rev6lt 'faction. It was a panty. And the ,proof of the fact that it ,1,gainst thi's 'Pll'rposelesfs gang factionaHsm. \Ve fonmed a was a party and not an exolusive fac.tion of Lenin was that "(mi'ddle grouping" witlh the slDgan: "Dissolve the factions." "'ithin .rhe B'ol'shevik faction there were di,fferent tendendes. \Ve ca:rried 'On a fight f'Or- 'a couple' 'Of yeats to dissOlve There were left-wing and right-wing Bolsheviks. At times the: factions intD the party~ But by that time both the ~ome of them openly polemicized with Lenin. The B'Ol­ Lovestondtes and the Fosteriltes had become so halrdened shev.iks even had splits and re-unifilcation's amDng them­ in the gang and elilque spi-nit that it was impossible to do it. selves. Lenin di,d n'Ot consider the Bolshevik fa,cti'Onso111'e­ That contributed to the degeneration of the COmmunist thi,ng he was going t(} keep with hi'm aN his liJe as a cl'Osed Pa1rty, because petmane'nt ·facti'Ons become cIi'Gues and they corpDration. exclude everybody else. If a permanent faction happens .to In the deci'sive days 'Of 1917 when he brought 'Out his .get conbrol of ~he leadership of the party and rUns the April Theses, he shDwed that his conception w~s really that party as a faction, it is bound tD exclude others from any 'Of a party by uniting wi,th 'Trotsky, whi,ch made. all the ,real place i'n the leadership. 'By that very fact it dri'ves the difference in the world . .Jt was a patty actilOn. And a few other:s into the organizatrion of ctmnter-c}iiques and counter­ months later, when Zi'l)oviev and Kamertev, the very closest' factions, and there is nO' longer a, single cadr~ i.n the'leader­ eDJ.la·boraltors of Lenin, wen,t wrong on the in su rrecbion , he ship of the party. We saw ,that happen in the C.P; '\\le combined with Trotsky tosma$h them. Lenin's faction was have to ~1C'arn something from that experience. in reality a party. * * * I n our pa,rty, Ibasingonrselves 'On Durexperienccs and * * * our sfudies, we h'lve had a. conception of the leadersihip not \Vc have seen favtiol;'s which grew out 'Of a separate JS a number' of uncoordinated· jndi'vidual stars; not as a, 'struggle, crystal:Iized and halrdened, and held together after clilque; not - in' God1s name - as a oult; and nQt as a ,the· issues which brought them int'O being no longer permanent facti'On.Our conception the ,leadership is {xistcd. Tha:t was i,n Ithe old Commtmis,t Parity. of that of a Jlcalding cadre. Its 'leading cadre,· as a whDle, was a fusion of people It ils a conscioUJs design, pa\tiently worked at for years 1\\1i,th different ba'ckgrounds. There were the New Yorkers, and years. A leading cadre, inourconcepti'On, has the ~lnd somc 'Others, who came out of t{1e Socialist P<\rty, following basic characteri'stics: It consi'sts of. people who ''''hosc cxperi'encehad ,been in the field ·of parI iamentary arc, first ofa-III, unit·ed on the program; not on every single socialism, election campaigns, etc. - a purely IIpdlitical" questiqn"that arises in daitly w'Ork but. united On the hasic gr'Ouping. Ruthenberg,· Lovestone, etc., represented this rrogram of Trotskyism. T,hat is the beginning. background. The!re was anDther kndency in the party The seoond feature is that the leading cadre is an r'cpresenled by' the "\Vcs{·erners" - those who had a 111clusit'e and n'Otan exclusive selecHon. It does not have syndicalist backgroun:d, a background of work in the trade ~l fixed membership, hut deliberately' keeps tihe door open nnion movement, in strikes, lin thc "direct acti'On" of the all the time for' the indusjon of new pe'Ople, for the cIa;-s strugglc. ,Foster, Bili Dunne, Swab'eek, myself, etc., ~I'ssimilation and de,,'clopment of others, so that the Jeading represented this ori.gin. cadre lis t~lexibly 'oroadcnin{~ in numbers and in influence ,\Ve naturaifly formed different tendencies ~ caieh partly 311 the time. right and partly wrong - and from ~he beginnipgwere Our calare has another feature. It CDnstructs the Na- always in skirmi'shes with each ot.her. Even'tua'lIy these 1i'Onal Comrhi,ttee as a widely democr.atic representation of tendencies hardened into factions. Then l'ater, after several the party. I do~ not know how the leadership is constructed years of experience, we :learrnedfrom each 'Other and the real in otheT parties, but 'Our Iparty here is no~ led exclusively ,differences narrowed down. Bui the f~rctkm formati'Ons by the, central poHtkal working group in New York. The rclnained. Tilme a[,ter tilme, t:hetrwo' factions would agree leadership, we ~ave always em ph asilied, is n'Ot the Sec­ on what was t'O be d'One; agree on every resolution for the retariat. H ,is not. the P'Olitica-l Commi,ft,ee. It is n'Ot the con V'ention; and still the facti'Ons' woukloon'till'uC to exist. Editorial ·Boa'rd. lit is the P.lenum. The 'plenum includes November·December, ]953 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL Page ]21 the Secretariat, the Politic.a.} Committee and the Editorial Ithem. You ,can somet'i,mes also get good and positive resu:lts BoarJ, plu.s the leading comrades from all :the districts 0' from a. combina~ion of faults. That also takes place in a the panty. properly organized and cOOrdinated cadre, That thought was expressed to me"in a letter from Trotsky. What I am Leadership Really Representative telling you here is not exclusive,ly what I have seen and T'hese district representatives, as you know, are not experienced and . thought IUp lin my own head. I t is not only handpicked in New York 'and prom()ted by special the experience, bUit ,al'so a great deal of personal instlruction maneuvers. We all know how to do that sort of thin'g and 1'rom Trotsky. He formed the habi,t of,writing to me very del iberate.ly refrain from doing it. The central leaders never often afterhe found out that I was wiHing to' listen a'nd did, interfere with ,the deliber,ations of the nomina ring com­ not take offense at f~iendly criticism. mission alt party conventions. The district reprcselHativcs ~'rc ,freely selected' by the delegates flrom their districts Trotsky's Advice and confirmed by the nominating commission" They really He kept advising me a 1:1 the time about the problems of lepre.sent t'heir branches or locals, and wh~n they sit irj the leadership. As far back as 1935 a'nd 1936, in the fight with Plenum you have a really democratic :reprrc'serttation of the the M usteites al1ld the Oehlerites; he gave us sud, advit.e. entire party. Tihat is one reason why our Plenu,l11s have lie always referred to Lenin, how Lehin had put his cadre such a commanding autharilty in, the parity. together. 'He said, Lenin would take one man who had a'n \.Vhen the Plenum meet's, we can say that we ;:Ire the impulse for action, smeHed opportunities and had a Icadershi.p because we really are. It is a small cOllvention tendency to run ahead of himself, and balance him off t:ve.ry time we have a meeting of the Plenum of the National ?ga'inst a man who was a' little more cautious - and the Committee. That is part of our deHlTerate program of con· compromise between the two got a balanced deoision, which ~truc.ting a representa'Hvc leadership whic:h is democrati­ .redounded to the benefit of the party. cally controlled. He told m'e, for example, in one letter where he was advising me to be very careful and not to make an ex .. * * :I' A third ·feat'Uire of our conception of ,~he 'cadre" which we clush;e slate .for the Committee, ,and nO't to eliminate people work on consciously and delilberately all the tinte, is to who have some faults which I especially don't like, s,tlch as cultivalie 3Jmong aliI the leading people the ,ability, to work hesitation, condliationism and indecisiveness in genera,}; together; not to be individual sta'rs; not. to ,be wri'Seacres he said, yoti know Lenin used to say a,boll't Kamenev, that who make problems of themselves - but p~olple who fit he was a constitutional vadllat6tr; he always tended at the into a machi-ne; work wi,th others; recognil~ the merit'S and moment of decision to Hsoften up," to vacillate and con· respect the opinions of qthers; .recognize.that there is .00 ciliate. Kamcnev, as a matter of faot, belonged to the ;:;uch thing a~ an unhnrportant person, ~hat allybody who f~cti(jn of 'Bolshevik condHatoTs in the period after 1907 :;tands for the program and is sent into the Nation-al Com­ to 1917, with a tendency towa'rd conciliation with the mitt~e by his branch. or local has got something to g,ive. .\-lenshevlks, but he remained in the Bolshevik Party. The task of the centra,l leaders of the party is. to open. the And Lenin used to say - as Trotsky explained it to (loor for him, find out what he can .do, and he\.p' him to me - we need Kamenev in the Central Oommittee because t rain himself 'to do better in the furore. his tendency to waver and conciliate is the rdlection of a The ahi'lity to work together isan essenbia,l feature of our certain tendency of that kind in the 'Party rank~ that we conception of -the ,leading cadre, 'andNle next featlure is that want to keep our finger on. When Kamen~v speakswe know of a division of labor. I t is not necessary for one or 'two that there is a certain sent'iment within the party of the "'lise guys to know everything and do everything. It.is same kind that We haVle to talke into consideration. A'nd whilt' we do not accept Kamenev's "wavering and con· much better, much fi1rmer, much surer if you h~vea broad (ilia'1ionism, we go slow and take it into account because ~election of people, each one of whom contributessOnll'­ thing to the decisions and does a specially selective work when we move we want to take the 'yholc pa'rty with us. for which he is qualified, and coordinates his work with I f he 'raises too many objections, we stop awhile and devote othc'rs. ;\ little more time to education in the pa rty ranI,s to make I Ollist say, I take gre3lt satisfaotion j,n the way the sure that ollr ranI,s will he solid. leading cadre of our party 'has evolved and developed in the * *. * period since the open ,tight '\\1i1h the Pablo-Cochran' revision­ Our strength is in our combination, both of our faults ists began. I 'think they have given the world movl',)nent :.:nd of ollr vi

But at the stalrt, the majority of the cadre constituted itself form a sort of "Grand Army of the Republic" ~ the ,only into a faction, meeting by itself, mak,illgits own decisions, ones allowed to wear ribbons, demand special priv.i,leges and so on. and honors? No.. The duty of this faction now is to say: However, this faction ~a:s not formed for the pu~pose "The task is finished, the faction is no 'lol1lger needed, and of having a faction. It was nO't formed as a permanent the faction must be dissolved into the party." The le'ader­ comb:'I)ation of good fellows who are going to stick together ship of the ·party belongs hencefort)h to the cadre as a from now to doomsday and not let anybody else join. I t i~ whole, assembled at ,this Plenum. All ptoblems, all ques­ ljOt a gang, nor a clan, nor a clique. I t is just simply a tions for ,discussion, should be taken directly into the party politico-m-Hitary organization formed for a certain purpose. bra.nches. But what was the purpose? The purpose was to defeat and I would like to start off this new stage of party li.fe by isolate the 'revisionist faction of P~tblo~Cochran. That aim announcing here, in the name of the majority faction of the has been achieved. Ntltional Committee, its unan,imous decision: The majori'ty Dissolution of Majority Faction f~lction ,that was formed for the purposes of the struggle, Tha't being the case·, what is the duty of this faction having accomplished' its task, thereby dissolves itself into now? Are we going to hold together for old time's sake, the party.

Social Relations In• u.S. Today By ARNE SW ABECK

From his fundamental social and economic studJes tions and their reciprocal interactions, expressed in violent Marx dr'ew the conclusion that' ,,11 human relations are confljcts, crises, and wars" account for the instability of rooted in the malterial conditions of life, or more spe­ the system. Historically, its character is transitory. The cifically; in. the prevailing mode of production and dis­ ever-expanding productive forces and their ceaseless rev­ tribution of each historical stage of development. This olU'tionization of capit:alist ,society prepares the way for is the basis for the exi1stence of social classes and 'it gives new and higher social forms. rise to Class lantagonism and conflicts as well as to con­ While material conditions of life have' thus made ne­ sciousness of class position. cessary a certain order of things during t'he historical II I t is not the consciousness of men that derermines stage of capitalism:, .they make equally necessary another their existence, but on the contrary, their' social-e-~istence order into which these must ineviro.bly pass over at' the determines their consciousness." next historical stage. Econom:ic' conditions are not the sole dete'rmining This we accept as our fundamental concept. It ena,bles factor. They fQrm the basis for the Political and legal us to understand the variations and changes of social superstructure whh its philosOphical,. cultural and rel­ relations ~t each successive stage of development. It eri­ igious attributes. But betweeil all of these there is re­ abIes us also to understand the corresponding changes ciprocalinteraction with :a fundamental economic neces­ in the reactions, the moods, and the consciousness of the sity which in the final analysis always asserts itself. working ~lass. And the application of this concept p.ro­ Since the beginning of civilization human society has vides the key to a correct appraisal of the future course developed on the basis of dominance of class contradic­ of development. tions and class struggles. Whenever new productive rforces were lattained the mode of production was altered and American ,Capitalism social reJations changed correspondingly. New classes ap­ The ~nalysis made by Marx of the objective laws peared in place of the old; and the soc,ial contradictions of motion' of capitalist society is most fully confirmed and confHcts became the motive power of all historical by the evolution of its American sector - its most highly development. developed expression. The history of the United States This holds true for each historical stage, to which is the history of capitalism in its most modern and its capitalism forms no exception. On Ithe contNiry, capital­ most advanced form. ism has intensified these contradictions and enlarged the Since its birth the United States has been built on a scale of conflict. capitalist foundation from its economic substructure to From these contradictions, constantly traI}sformed its philosophical and religious summits. American his .. from one series of connections into another, Marx form­ tory reveals an abundance of bold ventures, great spurts, ulated the objectIve laws of devdopm.ent of·the capitalist and revolutionary leaps. Its oustanding phenomenon is system. And he found that the very forces which operate the remarkably compressed character, and unexampled to yield an equilibrium of its elements generate counter­ speed and tempo, of social development. Within this forces which disrupt that equilibrium. ,These contradic- framework AmericancapitaIism displayed itS speCial November:-Decernbe.r~ 1953 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL Page ]2J

traits of audacity, aggressive enterprise and ruthless pur­ Since the crash of, 1929 ,the social and economic struc­ suance of its struggle for class supremacy. ture of the 'United States has been subjected to a trans­ As is well known, the secret of its success lies pri,m­ formation which is qualitative in its content. Corres­ arily in the unique position enjoyed by American capital­ pondingly, certain important functions of the political ism, during the earlier and greater part of its develop­ superstructure have been ,altered. As a con~equence, so­ ment. It had possibilities "aplel)ty for sustained expansion cial and class relations exist now on a foundation which on a virgin continent' rich in natural resources. l"his pro­ is also qualitatively different. A new molecular 'process vided the essential prerequisities for technological ad­ was set into motion; and the mutual interaotion of these vance. Rapidly growing labor productivity created abun~ basic changes will influence decisively the course 'of dant surplus values 10 furnish the life blood of an ever future development. greater accumulation of capital, all of which exis~ed Several features of this transformation stand out in alongside of an organically expanding internal miarket. bold relief and warrant careful examination. Let ·us con­ As it unfolded, this process was interrupted periodically 'sider first among these what an inventory of national py crises I3.nd panics, yet in its dialectic inter.actions it wealth reveals. became a self-sustaining process. I: A study of income and wealth 'published by the The United States bec;une the land of plenty and of National Bureau of Economic Research presents iIlum­ opportunity. Its ever-mounting wealth enabled American jnating facts :and figures. Estimates of this study are capitalism to give greater concessions expressed in a rel­ carried through from the year 1896 to 1948. But their atively higher, standard of living for thie population and real significance'lies in' the sharp contrast revealed by greater degree of formal' democracy than was the case the two periods, before the depression 3:ndafter. The­ with capitalism elsewhere. figlJres given' in constant dollars based on' 1929 prices These unique I possibilities lavaila~le to American ca­ read .as follows: pitalism set its, definite seal upon th~ corresponding so­ From 1896 to 1929, both inclusive, national wealth cial developments. While the working cla'ss movement rose from $164 billion, to $426.3 billion with' a fairly often challenged the capHalist drive toward complete regular upward curve of an increasing ratio, and amount­ .class domination, its own evolution during this early ing to an average annual rate of growth of ,about '3 per: state followed. 'an irregular pattern. Robust and militant, cent. From 1929 to 1948, however, the figures present an from its inception, lit forged ahead in turbulent,ly ex­ entirely different picture. The rate of growth of national plosive struggles, esp~~ial1y during each boom "period, to wealth now becomes highly irregular. Starting from' a retreat and~almost disappear for a time. But, :it rose total of $426.3 billion in 1929 the increase over these again to make further gains. Bold venture and, revolu­ years is very slight, the actual total of 1948 is only­ tionary leaps became a distinguishing characteristic also $4~1.8" 01' an average annual gain of less that one-half of the early American labor movement, reaching its percent (to be exact, 0.45 percent). highest point during the upheavals of the eighties of the Projections made of the above "mentioned study by past century. the U.S. News and World Repo-rt, carried through 1951, The equilibrium of class relations s~ffered ruge reveal the fact that while we have a plethora of auto­ shocks, sometimes merely· causing a shift of fighting ad­ mobiles, radios, televisions and innumerable, gadgets, vantage between the opposing forces, at other times, how­ the 'total value of home. bVildings, measured in constant ever, having a sufficiently shattering' effect to necessitate dollars on a per capitil basis, is today 13 percent below its, reconstitution on a new plane. that of 1929. These projections sUI1).marize ·as follows,: Stich a ,reconstitution took place after the explosive "Even now, big as the' U.S. wealth has become, the,coun­ period of 'the eighties. A relative stability qf class rela­ try is still a lIttle below. 1929 in r~al' wealth, population tions ensued, but, h"!:was attained primarily by narrowing growth considered." ' the, scope and 'influence of the unions to the skilled sec­ The basic trend r·evealed by these estimates is clear tor at the cost of keeping' the great m'ass of the' labor ahd beyond dispute. It does not conceal the fact that the population unorganized and helpless. Final.1y the unions American bourgeoisie has become fabulously enriched by were in actuality divQ,rced from mass pro'Ciuction indus­ vast profits made in peace-time as well as in war-time. try. And as Am,erican capitalism, still enjoying the fruits But ,the twofold' effect of ravages of depression, and a of 'its lJnique possibilities, advan~d toward its' most vast scale of arms output in the place of production of healthy prime in the DOOm! period of the twenties, the use values, during this latter period, created a different labor mPvement retreated I3.nd lost ground. reality for the American people. Relatively the country as a whole is now poorer than it was in 1929. In terms of The Great Depression population growth this relationship becomes absolute. With the great depression ,the unique position which What 'does this basic trend portray if not a system American capitalism had enjoyed came toanend~ The in decline? The powerful i~ternal dynamic' once gener.. long-term factors of organic ,expansion of its internal ated by American capitalism, out of its past unique po­ market had been exhausted. But exhausted also were its sition, to be sure, and not out of any inherent quality, historically progressive qu:ali~ies. The great depression this internal dynamic is now being rapidly dissipated. marl5.ed .the end of one era ,and the beginning of a new. American capitalism now squanders, recklesslYl the wealt!! Page 124 FOUR:fH INTERNAT]ONAL November-December, 1953

accuITlJulated by past generations. This is the surest in­ the vastly enlarged scale of function of the political dication that it has in actuality entered the state of de­ superstructure. The paralyzing effe'ct of the great de­ cline of its world ~ystem as a whole. pression. made necessary a m:uch more direct state inter­ 2: A second feature of the transformation carries im­ vention in all ,aspects of soda I and economic life. Be­ plications of more immediate and more basic concetn. ginning with' the New Deal, this intervention continued The great depression revealed the fact that Amerioan through the Fair Deal and it will, aU appearanc~ to capitalist economy had loot its capaoity to opera!e as ,the contra1ry notwithstandung, become more complete ,a self-'sustaining process. In place of a:n ever-growing under Eisenhower. market, keeping abreast of the expanding-' productive . Greater' and more direct intervention in social and foroos, 'a yawning disproportion -appeared. The whole ecqnotnic relations is an outgrowth of, and at the same process had been thrown into reverse; it could' no longer time a particularly distinguishing characteristic of, the proceed unaided and on its own momentum. Artificial capitaiist world system in its stage of decline. Its ap­ stimulants had to be injected to keep the economy .a pearan'cein . the United States serves to unde~line the going concern. fact that basic ,elements of decline have lalso reached At first these stirriulants took thehrm of simple these shores. "pump-priming" through public works 'expenditures as increasing anarchy of production in general, pushed an effort to dose the gap between production and con:" to its e~treme by the greater concentration of monopoly sump.tion. But - the efforts of the first phase quickly capital. generates ever more malignant elements. of eco­ proved insufficient. They were superseded by war and nomIc crisis. Complexities of interriational relations, ex­ armaments expenditures tbgether with' foreign economic pressed' in wars land revolutions, and reflected as well in and military grants. the astronomic costs of the w~r program, tend to invest . Thus, while in 1929 expenditures for the armed forces every manifestation of economic crisis with a distinct ,amounted to less than one percent of the gross national social and political charader. They tend to become man­ product, in 1944 at the heilght of WoJ11d War II expen­ ifestations of crisis of the bourgeois regime. The com­ ditures, thes ewere not less than 45 percent .. Today,the bination of these factors has necessitated constantly more ·arms program accounts for .20 to 25 percent of the direct ,state intervention in an attempt to preserve the gross national product. social stability of the regime. The Arms Program World War H, the Korean War, and the continued war IProgralm. has brought this intervention to its high­ War and armaments production became, and has est form of development in the United States. The gov­ sinlCe remained, a sector of decisive imlportO):nce to the ernment became the centrally directing force in' all so­ wholeeconom)y. It was decisive not only in the sense of cial and economic activity. Major !risks of capital invest-' its central imperialist aim to which all other economic ments in ,the war program were assumed by the govern~ efforts had to be subordinated. It was, and remains, m:ent . with guaranteed. lucrative profit returns for .the big decisive also in the sense of m'aintaining 'a baI~nce in ,monopoly concerns. The govarnment took charge of a I precarious economic equiHbrium loaded with explosive bbor relations and set patterns of wages and working elements of crisis. conditions. Through heavy taxation, the government con­ ,While the armaments program represents a terrific trolis a'll iUlci;e,asingly large share of the national income: burden of overhead. expense on the nation as a whole, This constit:utes its operating cJJpital - social capita'} - its real paradox Hes in the fact that the economy under which is used primarily to promote imperialist aggres­ capitalist relations of production 'could not be sU,stained sion in an effort to keep the economy on an even keel without it. This has already become a demonstrated 'and . safeguard capitalist profits. ract, it is the fact of a qualitative change. The truth 1S that this economy is no longer expandingor'ganicallY Shifting Class Forces in the sense of either rapidly enlarging 01~ industries On the whole, the powers of the political state are or 'creating new ones. Those of the latter category whiCh have appeared during the period under consideration, ~~treng~hened immeasurably; its p repon1de rance, however, such as radio and television; do not absorb' a sufficient renders the political state so much more vul'nerable to the part of the . immense productive capacity to provide a tremors land eruptions of social and economic' relations 5erious impulsion to the econom\Y. Hence only' arms pro­ with which it is now so thoroughly integrMed. The im­ dUictiontemains to provMe an a~tpfi\oialsti\mulant. In pact. on the future political life of the nation will tend the ,absence of an, organically growing ma·rket these com­ in this . sphere also to bring forth new and higher. forms ponents of the economic structure by the basis for mor~ devastating .crises to come.. Thus an the factors whiCh of development. in the past stimulated and strengthened the prodigious 4.: Yet the mast important aspect of, the trans­ growth of the American economy are either disappearing formation of the American social structure since the or turning into their opposite. dcpfcss.ion is the change that has taken place in the 3: Alongside these changes in the economic founda­ relationship of class forces. \Vhile the outward stability tion and closely' integrated with them should be not~d of i,ts; 'sociall fabdc still remains; thils rda'lion~hip ndw NO'Z.'ember-December, 195J FOURTH INTERNIATIONAL Pqge 12,5 rests .on an entirely new fDundatiDn. The wDrking class Washington's Problems has emerged as a distinct sQcial force / foreshadowing But the war plans elaborated by the' WashingtDn today its great potentiallitie~ ()f tomorrOw. str.ategists are nDW badly disorganized; their time-table From the lowest depth, of its long period ,of ebb-tide is ups~t. Defeat in KDrea underlines the pDwer and sweep the labor movement advtanced in one mighty leap. A of the colonial revDlution. Increased working class resis­ volcanic eruptiDn climaxed the long accumulated pres .. t'ance, to WashingtDn pDlicies in the EurDpean metrDpol;­ sUires of (japita'list e~ploitation which were, intensiifjed by itan centers unfolds ,alongside the mounting difficulties, the mass unemployment and destitution of the' depres­ insecurity and crisis of their bourgeois regimes. The siDn days. From virtual atomi~ation the wDrking class overall effects cause hesitatiDn ,and· muffled resistance went ahead and buHt the most pOwerful' union mDve~ also by the latter ,and introduce paralysis into the NATO ment i'n the world. In the prDcess of growth, quantity struoture. No.t because these bDurgeois regimes, like, for changed to quality. Union tConsreiousness, 'cohesion an1d example, that of the British 'TDries, ~are ,less imperialistic militancy replaced the diffusion, inertia 'and backward­ or. 'le~s c9unter-revolutionary thari their more'· powerful 'ness of the past Washington allies. No, the ,!Teal reason, is the impact, of The hithertq. prevailing equilibrium 6f class forces more clearly defined and sharpened class relations on was shattered and it could be restored only .on an en· Tory home' groun1ds. Stronger' than the pressure' from tireIy" new basis : .on the basis of recognition of this new Washington 'is the more immediate and direct threat to power. For the American sodal structure this change of "'rQry d~s'S rule coming from the growing consciousness relationship more than any other develDpment signifies and political ,advance of the British working class which, the end of an era and the beginning of a new. moreover, is displaying' its hatred of imperialist war. Outwardly ,this new equilibrium still remainsrela­ Tory hesitatiDn and resistance reflect their awareness .of tively 'St?-ble. The opposite and antagonistjc dassforces tl1:at danger. have maintained a certain balance tlf power., How was This is paralleled by signi,ficant ohang:es in the So­ this manifested in actual life? In the 'first pl~cet the viet' Unibn since the death of Stalin; 'and the, tDtality of war and the 'arms economy 'provided a guaranteed market, these developments has introduced further modifications relatively free of competition, for the prodiuct~of capi­ in the world relatiQn of class forces which cDPlpel a tal., investments. But it permitted also a vast expansion cC)J1siderably slower tempo of the imperialist war, drive. and a greater utilization of the available productive forces In ,turn these mtldificatipris" tDgether with' the change .of whkhin turn permitted a more com:pleterealization of tempo, .tend' to aggr,avate the contradictions of the Am'" surplus v!alue. On Ithe wh91e this made poss:ible the coo .. er'ican' social, and economic structure. The artificial tinuation of a measure of concessions to -labor. Through ~'tiIilUlaJl1,ts whkih haldopera'1:ed to yielid an equi1ibriiUm' fuU emptloy;ment" indudin,g overtime, and by mea-ns of «l.f'its elements generated counterforces' whiCh threaten to w.inning several wage rDunds, the working :class standard

VOLUME XIII (January to December 1952) MAITAN, Livio VOLUME XIV (January to December 1953) The Rise of Neo-Fascism in Italy Jul-Aug '52 103 COMBINED INDEX Bourgeois Philosopher - Educator of Key to abbreviation~: AM-lFrom the Arsenal of Marxism; Marxists Jan-Feb '53 17 BR-Book.Review; WR-World in Review MARTIN, Jean-Paul ALPHABETICAL INDEX BY AliTHORS Democracy and Workers' Rule Jan-Feb '53 25 MILTON, Tom Date Page BREITMAN, George Sidney Hook 'BR May-Jun '53 78 The. Bomb-Murder of Harry T. Moore Jan-Feb '52 3 Cartels Respect No Flag BR Jul-Aug '58 94 Negro 'Progress': What the Facts Show Nov-Ikc '52 173 MUNIR, S. CANNQN, James P. Anti-Imperialist Struggle in Egypt Mar-Apr '52 47 Fac~iQnal Struggles and Party Leadership Nov-Dec '53 115 The Military Coup in Egypt Sep-Oct '52 189 CLARKE, George PABLO, Michel The Tragedy of Harold Isaacs BR Jan-Feb '62 26 Disunited Europe Mar-Apr '52 37 Truman and Eisenhower Mar-Apr '62 35 Behind the Marty-Tillon Case Sep-Oct '5Z 154 Germany: Turning Point WR May-J,un '52 67 The 19th Congress of the Russian C.P. N ov·Dec '52 169 A Ca:se of Day Dreaming WR May-J'un '62 69 Tito Speaks BR Jan-Feb '58 31 The Bipartisan Call1paign' Basins Jul-Aug '52 99 The Pos~-Stalin 44New Course" Mar-Apr '53 35 Marxism and the World Crisis (Debate at SANCHEZ,' Leonard New York University) Sep.. Oct '52 131 Letter to Editor May,.Jun '68 78 The Soviet Purges and Ahti-Semitism Nov-Dec '52 163 SIMON, Jean Stalin's Role -. Stalinism's Future Jan-Feb '53 5 Tom ;Paine - Revolutioni.gt ,Mar-Apr '52 52 Reply to Letter of M. Stein Mal:-Apr '53 58 SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY Sh:a~e-up in the Kremlin Mar-Apr '53 59 American Stalinism - And Our Attitude The' June Days in Review Mar-Apr '53 61 Toward It (Resolution Adopted May '53) May-Jun 153 70 EDITORS, The Major Developments Since Eisenhower's '- His Ideas Live On Jul-Aug '52 98 Election (Resolution Aclopted May '53) Jul-Aug '53 8a One Year of'the Bolivian Revolution Jan-Feb '53 13 Against Pabloist Revisionism (Adopted Note on 'Article "Stalin's Role. - Stalin- November 1953) Sep';'Oct '63' ~8 ism's Future" by George Clarke Mar-Apr '53 56 STEIN, M. The East German Uprising May-Jun '53 67 Letter Mar-Apr '53 57 ED1TORS, QUATRIEME INTERNATIONALE SW ABEGK, Arne Revolutional'yTide Reaches USSR Jan-Feb '53 3 Inflation and the Arms Crisis May-Jun '62 76 China's First Five-Year Plan Mar~A.pr '53 55 Social Relations in: U.s. TOday Nov-Dec '53 122 FRANK, Pierre TJOKRO Imperialism Beckons "" Mar"Apr '52 57 Social Conflict in Indon.esia Sep-Oct. '52 150 Th~ PoUtics of French Stalinism Jul-Aug '52 108 T~OTSKY, L~n FRANKEL, Harry Lenin Before' October AM What the Steel Con\fention Revealed Jan-Feb '52 17 WILKINS, John Income Trends: Fact alld Fiction Mar-Apr '52 42 G~n~ral of the Cold WarBR America Nears the Crisis May-Jull '52 71 Jan-Feb '52 22 How Many Capitalists in the U.S.? Jill-Aug. '52 '101 WINTERS, Allen Capitalism and Democracy BR Sep-Oct '52 144 Peonage in the Southwest I Mar-Apr' '53 43 Problems of' Farm 'Labor II GERMAIN, Ernest May-Jun '53 74 Eastern Europe Since 1950 Jul-Aug '52 118 WRIGHT, John G. Economic Problems of Transition Epoch Nov-Dec '52 179 Inflation and the A~ms Program Mar-Apr '53 89 GREY, V. ALPHABETICAL INDEX BY SUBJECTS Wall Street's Dilemma in Japan May-Jun '62 83 BOLIVIA Date Page The Cas~ of .owen Lattimore Jan-Feb '53 18 The Great Decade of Class Struggles, by LORA, Guillermo Guillermo Lora I May-Jun '52 89 The Great Decade of Class "Struggles I M.ay-Jun '52 89 Cla,ss Struggles in Bolivia, by Guillermo Class Struggl~s in Bolivia II II ul-Aug '52 125 Lora II Jul-Aug '62 125 POURTII INTERNATIONAL

One Year of the Bolivian Revolution, by the Stalin,'s Role -.:.. .. Stalinism's Future, by Editoi'S Jan-Feb '53 13 George Clarke J an· Feb '53 5 BOOK REVIEWS N cite, by the Editors Mar-Apr '53 56 The Forrestal Diaries, edit~d by Wal~r Letter from M. Stein Mar-Apr '53 57 Millis. Reviewed by John Wilkins . Jan-Feb '52 22 Reply. to. Letter of M. Stein, by G. Clarke Mar-Apr '53 58 The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, by . Shake-Up in the Kremlin, by George Clarke Mar-Apr '53( 59 Harold, R. Isaacs, Reviewed by Geo. Clarke Jan-Feb '52 26 The June Days in Review, by George Clarke Mar-Apr. '53' 61 Democracy and the Economic Challenge, The E~st German Uprising, by the Editors May-Jun '53 67 by R. M. MacIver. Reviewed by It. Frankel Sap·Oct 'b~ 144 Amerjc~n Stalinism - And OU'r AttitUde Tito, by V. Dedijer. Reviewed by M. Pablo Jan-Feb '63 31 T,O'W4rd It(Resolution of National Com- Heresy, Yes - Conspiracy, 'No; by Sidney mittee, :S()Clalist·. Workers Party) . May Jl.1n '58 70 Hook. Reviewed by Tom Milton May·Jun '53 78 Agafnst Pabloist Revisionism (Document The Devil's Chemists, by Josiah E. DuBois, Adopted by 25th Anniversary Plenum, Jr. Reviewed by Tom Milton Jul·Au,," '53 94 Socialist Workers ~arty) Sep-Oct '53 98 BUFFER ZONE TRADE UNIONS Eastern Europe Since 1950, by E. Germain -luI-Aug '52 118 What the StE\el Convention, Revealed, by The Soviet Purges and Anti-Semitism, by Harty Frankel Jan-Feb '52 17 George Clarke Nov-Dec '52 163 TROTSKY, L~ON CEYLON Ideas Live· On, by May-Jun'52 95 Leon Trotsky ~is' Nev,vsletter: The Ceylon Elections the' Editors Jul-Aug '52' 98 OHINA UNITED STATES The Traged}" of H. Isaacs, by G.· Clark,e BR Jan-}'eb '52, 26 , (See also Negr9 Struggle, Trade Unions) The Third Chinese Revolution (Resolution of Forr~stfl:, Symbol of Imperialism in Crisis,. International Executive Committee, by John Wilkins BR Jan-Feb '52 22 Fourth International) Jul-Aug. '52 113 TrUman and Eisenhower, by George Clarke . Mar-Apr '52 85 Labor in Revolutionary· China, by Chinese Income Trends:. Fact and Fiction, by Harry· 'Trotskyist I Mar.. Apr '53 •49 ~l'ankel .. . Mar.Apr "62 42, China's Fil'stFive-Year rlan, by Editors, Tom ?~ine - Revolutionist, by Jean Simon Mar-Apr. '52 52 Quatrieme Intel'nationale Mar-Apr '53 55 America Nears the Crisis, by H. Frankel May-Jul).· '52 71 Labor in Revolutionary China, by Chinese Inflation and the Arms Cl'isis, by A. Swabeck May-Jun -52 76 Trotskyist II Jut-Aug '58 88 Wall)Str~et's Dilemma in Japan, by V. Grey May-Jun '52 83 EGYPT The Bipartisan·. Campaign Begins, by Anti-Imperialist Struggle in Egypt, by S. George Clarke Jul-Aug '52 99 Munir Mar-Apr '52 47 How Many Capitalists in the U. S.? by The Military Coup in Egypt, by S. Munir Sep-Oct '02 139 Harry Frankel Jul-Aug '52 101 EUROPE The· Case of Owen Lattimore, by V. Grey Jan~Feb '53 18 Inflation and the ·ArmlS Program, by Disunited Europe, by Michei Pablo Mar-Apr '52 37 John G. Wright Mar-Apr '~8 39 Cartels Respect No Flag, by Tom Milton BR Jul-Aug '53 94 American Stalinism - And Our Attitude FRANCE Toward It (Resolution of National Com- The Politics of FreM.ch Stalinism, mittee, Socialist Workers Party) May-Jun'53 70 Letter to Editor, by Leonard Sanchez May-Jun.. ~53 78 by . Jul.. Aug ~52 .108 Sidney Hook, by Tom Milton BR May4un ~53 78 Behind the Marty-Tillon Case, by M. Pablo Sep-Oct '52 154 Major Developments· Since Eisenhower's GERMANY Election (Resolution of National Com- Germany: Turning Point, by Gao. Cl4rke WR May-Jun '52 67 mittee, Socialist Workers Party) Jul-Aug '53 88 Shake-Up in the Kremlin, by George Clarke Mar-Apr '58 59 Cartels Respect No Flag, by Tom Milton BR Jul-Aug '53 94 The June Days in Review, by George Clarke Mar-Apr '53 61 Social Relations in U.S. Today, by A. Swabeck Nov-Dec '53 122 The East German Uplising, by the Editors May-Jun '53 67 U. S. S. R. (See also Stalinism) INDONESIA Lenin Before October, by Leon Trotsky AM Jan-Feb'52 11 Social Conflict in Indonesia, by Tjokro' Sep-Oct '52 150 The Soviet Purges and Anti-SemitisM, ITALY by George Clarke Nov-Dec '52. 168 The ~ise of Neo-Fas~ism i~ It~ly, by Livio The 19th Congress of the Russian C.P., Maltan Jul-:Aug .'52 103 by . . Nov-Dec '52 1'69 Bourgeois Philosopher - Educator of M~rx- EconomicPr()blems of, Transition Epoch, ists, by ' Jan-Feb '53 17 by Ernest Ge.,rml\in Nov-Dec '52 179 JAPAN Revolutionary Tide' Reaches USSR, by Wall Street's Dilemma in Japan, by V. Grey May-Jun '52 sa Editors, Quatrieme Internationale Jan-Feb '53 3 Stalin's. nole - Stalinism's Future, by NEGRO STRUGGLE George Clarke Jan-Feb '535 The Bomb-Muraer of Harry T. Moore by The Post.. Stalin "New ~rse," by M. Pablo Mar-Apr '58 35 George Breitman ' ~Jan-Feb '52 3 Note by the Editors Mar-Apr '58 56 Negro 'Progress': What the Facts Show by Letter from M. Stein Mar-Apr '&8 57 George Breitman ' Nov-Dec '52 173 Reply to Letter of M. Stein, by G. Clarke ·Mar-Apr '58 58 STALINISM Shake-Up in the Kremlin, by George Clarke Mar-Apr '53 59 (See also U.S.S.R.) The June Days in Review, by George .Clarke Mar-Apr '58 61 The Politics of French Stalinism, by The East German Uprising, by the Editors May-Jun '53 67 Pierre Fi'ank " , Jul-Aug '52. -108 YUGOSLAVIA ' Behind the Marty-Tillon Case, by: M. Pablo Sep-Oct '52 164 ·Tito Speaks, by ·ltlichel Pablo BR· Jan.. Feb '58 81