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Evolution of the Belarusian National Movement in The
EVOLUTION OF THE BELARUSIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE PAGES OF PERIODICALS (1914-1917) By Aliaksandr Bystryk Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Professor Maria Kovacs Secondary advisor: Professor Alexei Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2013 Abstract Belarusian national movement is usually characterised by its relative weakness delayed emergence and development. Being the weakest movement in the region, before the WWI, the activists of this movement mostly engaged in cultural and educational activities. However at the end of First World War Belarusian national elite actively engaged in political struggles happening in the territories of Western frontier of the Russian empire. Thus the aim of the thesis is to explain how the events and processes caused by WWI influenced the national movement. In order to accomplish this goal this thesis provides discourse and content analysis of three editions published by the Belarusian national activists: Nasha Niva (Our Field), Biełarus (The Belarusian) and Homan (The Clamour). The main findings of this paper suggest that the anticipation of dramatic social and political changes brought by the war urged national elite to foster national mobilisation through development of various organisations and structures directed to improve social cohesion within Belarusian population. Another important effect of the war was that a part of Belarusian national elite formulated certain ideas and narratives influenced by conditions of Ober-Ost which later became an integral part of Belarusian national ideology. CEU eTD Collection i Table of Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1. Between krajowość and West-Russianism: The Development of the Belarusian National Movement Prior to WWI ..................................................................................................... -
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). -
The Baltic Sea Region the Baltic Sea
TTHEHE BBALALTTICIC SSEAEA RREGIONEGION Cultures,Cultures, Politics,Politics, SocietiesSocieties EditorEditor WitoldWitold MaciejewskiMaciejewski A Baltic University Publication Baltic and East Slavic languages; 17 Yiddish Sven Gustavsson 1. Language policies in the Russian Empire In the middle of the 17th century, when the Russian Empire had recovered from political unrest, it directed its expansionist efforts towards the west and southwest, towards the Swedish and the Polish-Lithuanian states. This expansion was completed with the Congress of Vienna in 1815. The situation only changed with the revolution in 1917 and the end of World War I. Then Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland became independent states. Poland also won back parts of its former possessions in Belarus and Ukraine. With World War II, the Soviet Union restored many of the former borders of the Russian empire, recapturing Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Polish parts of Ukraine and Belarus and also incorporating most of Eastern Prussia. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 following the August coup reduced the empire’s area once again. Clearly, the history and the language policy of the Russian empire has had a great impact on the history of many of the languages and peoples in the Baltic area. A short overview is therefore appropriate here. Russification has been a part of Russian policy from the begin- ning. After Mazepa’s cooperation with the Swedish king Charles XII, all traces of Ukrainian autonomy promised in the Treaty of Perejaslavl of 1654 vanished. In 1720, even the printing of Ukrainian works was forbidden. In the Estonian and Latvian areas taken from Sweden in the Great Nordic War at the beginning of the 18th century, the Tsar, however, relied on the mostly German nobility who got extensive privileges. -
National Awakening in Belarus: Elite Ideology to 'Nation' Practice
National Awakening in Belarus: Elite Ideology to 'Nation' Practice Tatsiana Kulakevich SAIS Review of International Affairs, Volume 40, Number 2, Summer-Fall 2020, pp. 97-110 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/783885 [ Access provided at 7 Mar 2021 23:30 GMT from University Of South Florida Libraries ] National Awakening in Belarus: Elite Ideology to ‘Nation’ Practice Tatsiana Kulakevich This article examines the formation of nationalism in Belarus through two dimensions: elite ideology and everyday practice. I argue the presidential election of 2020 turned into a fundamental institutional crisis when a homogeneous set of ‘nation’ practices against the state ideology replaced existing elite ideology. This resulted in popular incremental changes in conceptions of national understanding. After twenty-six consecutive years in power, President Lukashenka unintentionally unleashed a process of national awakening leading to the rise of a new sovereign nation that demands the right to determine its own future, independent of geopolitical pressures and interference. Introduction ugust 2020 witnessed a resurgence of nationalist discourse in Belarus. AUnlike in the Transatlantic world, where politicians articulate visions of their nations under siege—by immigrants, refugees, domestic minority popu- lations—narratives of national and political failure dominate in Belarus Unlike trends in the Transatlantic resonate with large segments of the voting public. -
Culture and Change in Belarus
East European Reflection Group (EE RG) Identifying Cultural Actors of Change in Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova Culture and Change in Belarus Report prepared by Yael Ohana, Rapporteur Generale Bratislava, August 2007 Culture and Change in Belarus “Life begins for the counter-culture in Belarus after regime change”. Anonymous, at the consultation meeting in Kiev, Ukraine, June 14 2007. Introduction1 Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine have recently become direct neighbours of the European Union. Both Moldova and Ukraine have also become closer partners of the European Union through the European Neighbourhood Policy. Neighbourhood usually refers to people next-door, people we know, or could easily get to know. It implies interest, curiosity and solidarity in the other living close by. For the moment, the European Union’s “neighbourhood” is something of an abstract notion, lacking in substance. In order to avoid ending up “lost in translation”, it is necessary to question and some of the basic premises on which cultural and other forms of European cooperation are posited. In an effort to create constructive dialogue with this little known neighbourhood, the European Cultural Foundation (ECF) and the German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) are currently preparing a three- year partnership to support cultural agents of change in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. In the broad sense, this programme is to work with, and provide assistance to, initiatives and institutions that employ creative, artistic and cultural means to contribute to the process of constructive change in each of the three countries. ECF and GMF have begun a process of reflection in order to understand the extent to which the culture sphere in each of the three countries under consideration can support change, defined here as processes and dynamics contributing to democratisation, Europeanisation and modernisation in the three countries concerned. -
National Identity Against External Pressure
Source: © Vasily Fedosenko, Reuters. Fedosenko, Vasily © Source: Nationalism National Identity Against External Pressure Will Belarus Reconcile Its Contradicting Narratives? Jakob Wöllenstein 26 Viewed dispassionately, the pro-Russian and pro-European poles of the Belarusian national identity, however much they disagree in questions of content, are both part of Belarus in its modern form. From the identity politics perspective, this realisation represents an opportunity to reconcile internal narratives and resolve internal tensions. This insight can ultimately lead to the heightening of the country’s profile at the international level – especially in the West, where Belarus is still often perceived as a mere Russian appendage because of the way it has positioned itself for years. A Hero’s Funeral demonstratively, not the most senior, since Pres- ident Aliaksandr Lukashenka was presiding over 22 November 2019 was a cold, windy day in Vil- regional agricultural deliberations at the time.1 nius, Lithuania. Yet the crowd that had gathered His compatriots, meanwhile, had travelled to in front of the cathedral welcomed the gusts. Vilnius and consciously assembled not under the They proudly held up their flags and the squared official red-green national flag, but under the his- blazed white and red – the most common motif torical flag from the early 1990s, which in turn was the old Belarusian flag with its red stripe on refers back to the short-lived Belarusian People’s a white field. The occasion of the gathering was a Republic ( BNR) of 1918 -
Violations of the Rights of Creative Professionals, Activists and Artists
Violations of the rights of creative professionals, activists and artists during the post-election crackdown in Belarus between October 2020 and January 2021 Report: Violations of the rights of creative professionals, activists and artists during the post-election crackdown in Belarus between October 2020 and January 2021 Produced by: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Truth Hounds Georgia Belarusian PEN Center Legal Transformation Center (Lawtrend) With support of German Federal Foreign Office and Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency Within the framework of the Civic Solidarity Platform. Artworks by Jura Ledyan: https://www.behance.net/Ledyan / https://www.instagram.com/jura.ledyan/ Cover - Welcome to Minsk: https://www.instagram.com/p/CEd7NpanK7z/ Page 7 - Belaruskaya gotika: https://www.instagram.com/p/CEu4Mkkntvj/ Page 10 - Vystavka omon: https://www.instagram.com/p/CEE_BMWHf9z/ Page 12 - Sabachku: https://www.instagram.com/p/CEkmqV2nIFE/ Page 13 - Omon ubivayet: https://www.instagram.com/p/CExrY0InGCp/ Page 21 - Gor’ko: https://www.instagram.com/p/CEuCcj8HQMq/ Page 23 - Useagulnaya zabastouka: https://www.instagram.com/p/CGyCB-JnO0W/ Page 28 - 5 otlichiy: https://www.instagram.com/p/CGvqX8Pn_hC/ Page 31- Krik: https://www.instagram.com/p/CExBg-ZHQfe/ Page 33 - Zyvie Belarus: https://www.instagram.com/p/CD2c6SpnJqb/ Page 35 - Omon v semye: https://www.instagram.com/p/CGdZN-5HhlP/ Page 36 - Mother of a partisan: https://www.instagram.com/p/CHuRRk7ncB9/ Page 37 - Ministerstvo vnutrennikh bed: https://www.instagram.com/p/CGdZX__HkBA/ Back cover - Svadebnyy tanets: https://www.instagram.com/p/CGyGd0YHD9O/ © International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR), 2021. Contents I. Executive summary 4 II. Methodology 6 III. -
The Empire, the Nation
“The relationship between empire and nation was among the thorniest of questions in the late Russian Em- pire, and the complications proved most acute in the country’s western regions. This volume assembles a The truly international team of scholars to explore these matters in a range of different contexts, from education Edited by and religion to censorship, tourism, and right-wing political mobilization. The chapters reveal an exception- al set of challenges that statesmen, reformers, and imperial subjects of diverse nationalities and confessions Tsar Darius The faced in conceptualizing and actualizing their projects in the context of new forms of association and al- Staliūnas tered political frameworks. As the authors reveal, the greatest casualty for imperial policy was consistency. Full of new research and compelling insights, The Tsar, the Empire, and the Nation represents the latest , The and word on this important problem in Russian and East European history.” Tsar, —Paul W. Werth, Professor of History, University of Nevada, Las Vegas Yoko “By investigating western borderlands from the Baltic provinces in the north to Ukraine in the south, this Empire Aoshima The Empire, volume creates a meso-level between the macro-perspective on the Russian empire as a whole and the mi- cro-perspective on a single region, paving the ground for comparative insights into the empire’s responses and to national questions. What I admire the most about this book is its very balanced discussion of national questions which still bear the potential to become politicized.” , The Nation —Martin Aust, Professor of History, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn, Germany and Dilemmas of Nationalization his book addresses the challenge of modern nationalism to the tsarist Russian Empire that first ap- Russia’s Western The in Tpeared on the empire’s western periphery. -
BELARUS (Bielarus)
CLASSROOM COUNTRY PROFILES BELARUS (Bielarus) Belarus has been an independent nation since 1991. The term Belarus means “White Russia” and in the process of rising na- tionalism, Belarus is a relative latecomer. Located at low eleva- tion on a vast plain between Russia, Poland, Ukraine, and the Baltic states, Belarus features gradual change, geographically and culturally. Belarus has maintained fairly close ties to Russia in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse and has been dominated by one political leader, Alexander Lukashenko for over 20 years. The capital city of Minsk is located along the major trans- portation routes between Russia and Western Europe. Religion in Belarus is predominantly of the Eastern Orthodox Christian Population: 9.5 million variety. The two largest ethnic groups in the country, Belarusians and Area: 207,595 sq. km. (size of Kansas) Russians have been Orthodox in tradition for over a thousand years. The Capital: Minsk (2 million ) second largest religious affiliation is Roman Catholic, and represented Languages: Russian and Belarusian (official) primarily by the Polish minority. Belarus has no official state religion and both Catholic and Orthodox versions of Christmas and Easter are cele- brated by state holiday. Freedom of religion is protected by the Constitu- Belarusian education is regulated and run by the tion, however, the political nature of certain religious affiliations (for exam- state. It is unclear what the distinction between ple Catholicism and Poland) has led to the degradation of religious free- public and private institutions of higher learning is doms in recent years. In the aftermath of the atheist Soviet era, a large as both exist and yet all are strictly regulated in proportion of Belarusians (41%) are irreligious. -
Monitoring Report on Developments in Belarus October 2008 - February 2009
MONITORING REPORT ON DEVELOPMENTS IN BELARUS OCTOBER 2008 - FEBRUARY 2009 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY As the six-month EU-Belarus dialogue period draws to a close, this monitoring report has been prepared by Belarusian civil society organisations and their international partners 1 to ensure that detailed information regarding the actual situation on the ground in Belarus is available to decision makers reviewing the EU decision on suspending sanctions for Belarus. The report draws the following conclusions: • The steps taken by the Belarusian authorities during this dialogue period have been primarily cosmetic and are ultimately reversible; the process has been neither systematic nor institutionalized. While a small number of organizations have benefited, little has been done to facilitate the functioning of independent civic and media sectors in any meaningful manner. • The minor changes have not addressed the core problems facing civil society in Belarus today. On-going restrictions on human rights and fundamental freedoms continue to cause concern and demonstrate that Belarus has not yet begun a meaningful democratization process. In particular, the authorities’ repression against young political and civic activists, as well as religious minorities, continues unabated. But rather than creating more political prisoners, more subtle forms of repression, including forced military service and “restricted freedom” (house arrest) are increasingly being utilized to control civic and political activists. • While the recent steps by the Belarusian government -
Institutionalized Harassment of the News Media
“The State for the People,” edition of 2 March 2006. “Soviet Belorussia” presents the programme of President Alexander Lukashenko, who is running for a fourth term. BELARUS : INSTITUTIONALIZED HARASSMENT OF THE NEWS MEDIA March 2006 Reporters Without Borders Europe Desk 5, rue Geoffroy Marie - 75009 Paris Tél : (33) 1 44 83 84 84 - Fax : (33) 1 45 23 11 51 E-mail : [email protected] - Web : www.rsf.org The Belarusian news media have never been independent press in the past two years. subject to so much harassment as now, three Thanks to state-owned monopolies, the govern- days before the 19 March presidential election. ment controls the entire network of newspaper First elected president in 1994 and now running production and distribution. It is easy to elimi- for a fourth term, Alexander Lukashenko has nate a newspaper in this centrally-controlled concentrated all power in himself and controls economy. You terminate its printing contracts, this former Soviet republic, and its nearly 10 mil- you terminate its contracts for distribution to lion inhabitants, with an iron hand. Notorious for news stands and by subscription, you prevent it once commenting that “not everything was so from selling advertising space by putting pres- bad in the famous Adolf Hitler’s Germany,” sure on all the advertisers, and you bring law- Lukashenko is quick to get rid of opponents. If suits in order to throttle it with heavy fines and they are lucky, he forces them into exile. If they damages awards. are not, he allegedly has them eliminated physi- cally. At the end of 2005, 13 independent newspapers suddenly found that the state-owned postal ser- He has not spared journalists in his quest for vice, Belpochta, had dropped them from the list power. -
Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe East European Politics and Societies 2007; 21; 348 DOI: 10.1177/0888325407299790
East European Politics & Societies http://eep.sagepub.com Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe East European Politics and Societies 2007; 21; 348 DOI: 10.1177/0888325407299790 The online version of this article can be found at: http://eep.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/21/2/348 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: American Council of Learned Societies Additional services and information for East European Politics & Societies can be found at: Email Alerts: http://eep.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://eep.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Downloaded from http://eep.sagepub.com by Grigory Ioffe on August 20, 2007 © 2007 American Council of Learned Societies. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. Culture Wars, Soul-Searching, and Belarusian Identity Grigory Ioffe* Attaching political labels to a situation whose roots transcend politics con- stitutes a critical weakness of Western policies vis-à-vis Belarus. The con- temporary nationalist discourse in Belarus allows one to discern three “national projects,” each being a corpus of ideas about Belarus “the way it should be”: (1) Nativist/pro-European, (2) Muscovite liberal, and (3) Creole. While the projects’ nametags are debatable, the trichotomy is a useful abstrac- tion, as it reflects the lines of force in the “magnetic field” of Belarusian nationalism. The article analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of each pro- ject, cultural wars between them, the role of a civilizational fault line that runs across Belarus and the attendant geopolitical divisions that underlie multiplicity of national projects.