DOCSLIB.ORG

Russia's Strategy in Cyberspace

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Russia's Strategy in Cyberspace 978-9934-564-90-1 RUSSIA’S STRATEGY IN CYBERSPACE Published by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence ISBN: 978-9934-564-90-1 Authors: Janne Hakala, Jazlyn Melnychuk Project manager: Sanda Svetoka Design: Kārlis Ulmanis Riga, June 2021 NATO STRATCOM COE 11b Kalnciema Iela Riga LV1048, Latvia www.stratcomcoe.org Facebook/stratcomcoe Twitter: @stratcomcoe Aknowledgments This publication is developed in the framework of the joint cooperation project of the NATO StratCom COE and NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence COE. We would also like to thank Dr Juha Kukkola, Dr Ieva Bērziņa, Varis Teivāns and Mark Laity for advice and review of the publication. This publication does not represent the opinions or policies of NATO or NATO StratCom COE. © All rights reserved by the NATO StratCom COE. Reports may not be copied, reproduced, distributed or publicly displayed without reference to the NATO StratCom COE. The views expressed here do not represent the views of NATO. Contents Introduction . 6 Russia’s “information confrontation” . 7 Russian conceptions of ‘cyber’ . 7 Protecting ‘information’: cognitive and technical . 7 National security interests and strategic objectives . 10 Russia’s threat perception ....................................................................... 11 Strategic deterrence . 12 Securing the information space - ‘digital sovereignty’ . 14 State actors and proxies . 19 Activities in cyberspace . 25 Implications and objectives ...................................................................... 34 Conclusion and recommendations . 36 Endnotes . 40 ____________________________________________________________________________ 3 INTRODUCTION Headlines connecting Russia to the vague notion of ‘cyber’ have become daily bread for Western publics and decision makers alike. From the damage done by NotPetya or attacks against Ukraine and Georgia, to Russia’s hacking and leaking operations in US and European elections, Russia’s offensive operations are consistent threat. An increasingly important tool in what Russia views as the ongoing “information confrontation,” Russia utilizes cyber operations alongside other military and non-military means to pursue strategic objectives. On the other hand, recent years have seen attacks such as disinformation. However, Russia’s attempts to close and secure its the center of gravity in the ‘information own digital information space. By using a confrontation’ lies in peoples’ minds and combination of legal and technical means, perception of events, both domestically and the Kremlin tries to impose control both over internationally. digital infrastructure and content, efforts which are aimed at ensuring independence This report seeks to clarify the role of from the global Internet network and thus cyberspace in Russian strategic thinking. enhancing their information security. It will analyse cyber operations as a subset of Russia’s ‘information confrontation’ Russia sees activities in cyberspace as a and explore how this philosophy is put subset to the all-encompassing framework into practice. The report will examine both of ‘information confrontation,’ which is offensive measures, such as participation in derived from the Russian understanding the information war, and defensive measures, of relations between states and, more such as Russia’s efforts to secure its own specifically, a subset of the struggle information space from foreign influence. between great powers for influence in the Finally, it will conclude with several policy world. According to Russian thinkers, the recommendations for NATO strategic information confrontation is constant and communications in addressing Russia’s ongoing, and any means can be used to gain offensive activities in cyberspace. superiority in this confrontation. Activities in cyberspace are one of several tools of warfare in the information environment, including psychological operations, electronic warfare (EW), and kinetic action. In practice, cyberspace can be used both for physical attacks on infrastructure, and cognitive 4 _____________________________________________________________________________ RUSSIA’S “INFORMATION CONFRONTATION” Russian Conceptions of ‘Cyber’ rather than ‘warfare’.4 This paper uses the term ‘information confrontation’ due to its Russia’s conceptualization of ‘information established status in discussions regarding confrontation’ and the role of cyberspace hostile Russian informational activities. within it is outlined in strategic policy documents, such as National Security The confrontation includes a significant Strategy (2015), Foreign Policy Concept psychological remit, whereby an actor (2016), Information Security Doctrine (2016), attempts to affect informational resources Military doctrine (2014), Conceptual Views (documents in information systems) on the Activity of the Armed Forces in the as well as the minds of the adversary’s Information Space (2016), as well as works military personnel and population at large.5 and publications by Russian military thinkers. Ultimately, cyber operations (or information- technical means) are one of many methods From the Russian perspective, cyber warfare used to gain superiority in the information or the Russian equivalent ‘information- confrontation. Russia, and particularly technological warfare,’1 is only a part of Russian President Putin’s regime, sees the the overarching concept of “information information confrontation as a constant confronta tion” (informatsionnoe protivo­ geopolitical zero-sum competition between borstvo). The Russian Ministry of Defence great powers, political and economic describes the information confrontation as systems, and civilizations.6 the clash of national interests and ideas, where superiority is sought by targeting the adversary’s information infrastructure Protecting ‘Information’: while protecting its own objects from Cognitive and Technical similar influence.2 The translation of the term informatsionnoe protivoborstvo into Publicly available Russian doctrines English has proven difficult, and has often and policy documents do not explicitly incorrectly been translated as ‘information reference cyber operations. Furthermore, warfare’3 (‘informacionnaja vojna’), despite Russian documents do not use the the fact that protivoborstvo refers to ‘counter- term ‘cybersecurity’, but refer instead to struggle’, ‘countermeasure’ or ‘counteraction’ ‘information security.’ This term differs from ____________________________________________________________________________ 5 Russia perceives the information space in very geopolitical terms, with their domestic information space representing a continuation of territorial state borders, which they view as constantly being violated by foreign intrusions.13 the Western notion of ‘information security’ and websites within the information and (or in short: infosec) in that it encompasses telecommunications network of the Internet not only the protection of critical digital […], communications networks, information networks, but society’s cognitive integrity as technologies, entities involved in generating well.7 There are several reasons why Russian and processing information, developing and military thinkers apply the term ‘cyber’ when using the above technologies, and ensuring talking about Western threats and activities, information security, as well as a set of but are reluctant to link the term to Russia’s mechanisms regulating social relations in own capabilities and actions. Some authors the sphere”.9 argue that this deliberate choice is related to negative connotations around Soviet-era The information space refers to activities ‘cybernetics,’ as well as the importance the to form, transform, and store information, term ‘information security’ holds for Russia’s as well as ‘influencing individual and public own domestic politics8. consciousness, information infrastructure and information itself.’10 When discussing the operational environ- ment, Russia uses the term ‘information According to Ofer Fridman, Russia space’ (informatsionnoe prostranstvo), or conceptualizes cyberspace as the ‘information sphere’ (informatsionnaya intersection between hardware, software, sfera), which again is more comprehensive infrastructure, and content11. In this than the Western concept of ‘cyberspace’ or framework, the information-technological ‘cyber domain.’ The 2016 Russian Doctrine of layer includes hardware, software and Information Security defines the information infrastructure, while the information- sphere as: psychological layer includes hardware, software and content.’ Irrespective of “a combination of information, infor- the means used – technological (for matization objects, information systems example, destroying digital infrastructure) 6 _____________________________________________________________________________ or psychological (manipulating a message waging information war,” in practice the on social media) – activities in cyberspace concept covers a wide array of activities are understood in terms of their effect (often with an emphasis on affecting the in the information space.12 Importantly, human mind); this includes the spreading Russia perceives the information space of disinformation, electronic warfare, in very geopolitical terms, with their the degradation of navigation support, domestic information space representing psychological pressure, and the destruction a continuation of territorial state borders, of adversary computer capabilities.15 which they view as constantly being
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Russia's Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity
    Russia’s Foreign Policy Russia’s Foreign Policy Change and Continuity in National Identity Second Edition Andrei P. Tsygankov ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK Published by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 http://www.rowmanlittlefield.com Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom Copyright © 2010 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tsygankov, Andrei P., 1964- Russia's foreign policy : change and continuity in national identity / Andrei P. Tsygankov. -- 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7425-6752-8 (cloth : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6753-5 (paper : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-0-7425-6754-2 (electronic) 1. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations. 2. Soviet Union--Foreign relations. 3. Great powers. 4. Russia (Federation)--Foreign relations--Western countries. 5. Western countries--Foreign relations--Russia (Federation) 6. Nationalism--Russia (Federation) 7. Social change--Russia (Federation) I. Title. DK510.764.T785 2010 327.47--dc22 2009049396 ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Printed in the United States of America It is the eternal dispute between those who imagine the world to suit their policy, and those who arrange their policy to suit the realities of the world.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss
    The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money by Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss A Special Report presented by The Interpreter, a project of the Institute of Modern Russia imrussia.org interpretermag.com The Institute of Modern Russia (IMR) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan public policy organization—a think tank based in New York. IMR’s mission is to foster democratic and economic development in Russia through research, advocacy, public events, and grant-making. We are committed to strengthening respect for human rights, the rule of law, and civil society in Russia. Our goal is to promote a principles- based approach to US-Russia relations and Russia’s integration into the community of democracies. The Interpreter is a daily online journal dedicated primarily to translating media from the Russian press and blogosphere into English and reporting on events inside Russia and in countries directly impacted by Russia’s foreign policy. Conceived as a kind of “Inopressa in reverse,” The Interpreter aspires to dismantle the language barrier that separates journalists, Russia analysts, policymakers, diplomats and interested laymen in the English-speaking world from the debates, scandals, intrigues and political developments taking place in the Russian Federation. CONTENTS Introductions ...................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ........................................................... 6 Background ........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • State of Utah Federal Funds Commission Economic Risk Analysis
    State of Utah Federal Funds Commission Economic Risk Analysis Prepared by: Kevin D. Freeman, CFA Freeman Global Holdings, LLC January 2016 Copyright © 2016 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC The Utah Federal Funds Commission retains a non-exclusive but unrestricted and perpetual right to the use and ownership of this RISK ANALYSIS as outlined in the contract with Freeman Global Holdings, LLC ECONOMIC RISK ANALYSIS 3 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY BLANK ECONOMIC RISK ANALYSIS 1 Freeman Global Holdings, LLC PURPOSE The purpose of this effort was described as Risk Analysis in the contract and legislative language. Risk Analysis means an economic risk analysis that: a) Identifies the most likely and substantial risk that could cause the state of Utah to experience a reduction in the amount or value of federal funds it receives; b) Assesses, for each identified risk, the probability that the risk will actually occur; c) Assesses the direct and indirect impacts to the state of Utah, given the occurrence of each identified risk, including the amount or value of the reduction in the federal funds to the state; and d) Identifies and recommends methods that state can employ to avoid, minimize, and monitor the impacts of each identified risk. Please note that we have categorized risks by type and provided a subjective estimate of probability. The list is compiled based on judgment rather than modeling or other methods. This effort is not intended to be predictive as none of the risks identified may come to fruition. The purpose is, however, to identify potentially catastrophic risks and describe potential impacts with a cursory review of possible mitigation opportunities.
    [Show full text]
  • Cyber War, Netwar, and the Future of Cyberdefense
    Cyber War, Netwar, and the Future of Cyberdefense Robert Brose Office of the Director of National Intelligence1 Washington D.C., United States of America Abstract: Over twenty years ago, Arquilla and Ronfeldt warned that both "Netwar" and "Cyberwar" were coming, and could impact the 21st Century security landscape as significantly as combined arms maneuver warfare had impacted the security landscape of the 20th. Since that time, the concept of “Cyberwar” has received great attention, while the parallel concept of “Netwar” has languished, even as its salience to global security has continued to grow. This paper suggests that just as Cyber defense organizations have been required to confront Cyberwar, Netwar organizations, or Netwar-savvy Cyberdefense organizations, are increasingly needed to counter Netwar. Revisiting the Netwar concepts of the 1990s, it offers a 21st century Netwar definition; examines Netwar from a non-western perspective, exploring intersections between Netwar and Russian concepts of ‘Information- Psychological,’ Chinese United Front Theory, and Chinese Legal Warfare, and concludes with thoughts on unique roles that today’s Cyber defence organizations may play in future Netwar conflict. Keywords: Cyberwar, Netwar, Information-Psychological, United Front Theory 1 The author of this paper is the Lead for Futures and Capability Development at the U.S. Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI). The author prepared this work as a conceptual thought piece as part of his official U.S. Government duties. However, this paper should not be interpreted as an official policy, policy statement, or endorsement, either expressed or implied, of ODNI or the U.S. Government. This paper is a U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Offset
    SEPTEMBER 2020 NATALIYA BUGAYOVA PUTIN’S OFFSET THE KREMLIN’S GEOPOLITICAL ADAPTATIONS SINCE 2014 MILITARY LEARNING AND THE FUTURE OF WAR SERIES Nataliya Bugayova, Institute for the Study of War PUTIN’S OFFSET THE KREMLIN’S GEOPOLITICAL ADAPTATIONS SINCE 2014 MILITARY LEARNING AND THE FUTURE OF WAR SERIES Cover: Russia's President Vladimir Putin, Kazakhstan's President Nursultan Nazarbayev and Belarus' President Alexander Lukashenko stand before posing for a group photo during the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) summit at the Kremlin in Moscow May 15, 2012. REUTERS/ Denis Sinyakov All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2020 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2020 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org ABOUT THE AUTHOR Nataliya Bugayova is a non-resident National Security Research Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War’s (ISW). She led ISW's Russia and Ukraine research team from 2019-2020 and has been ISW’s Russia Research Fellow since 2018. Her work focuses on the Kremlin’s foreign policy decision-making, information opera- tions, and ongoing global campaigns - including in the former Soviet Union and Africa. She is the author of “How We Got Here with Russia: The Kremlin’s Worldview.” Her written work and inter- views have been featured in media outlets including The Hill, BBC, VOA, and others.
    [Show full text]
  • Eurasianism and the Concept of Central Caucaso-Asia
    Eurasianism and the Concept of Central Caucaso-Asia The Current State of the Eurasianist Trend of the Russian Geopolitical School Eurasianism as a geopolitical theory developed back in the 1920s, but it has even deeper historical roots in Russia.1 The Eurasianist trend of the Russian geopolitical school helps to justify Russia’s historically developed imperial ambitions2 of dominating the center of the geographical continent, Eurasia. For the Eurasianists, Russia should either be a “Eurasian nation,”3 a “great nation,” that is, “an empire,” or nothing at all.4 For them “Russia is inconceivable without an empire.”5 It comes as no surprise that despite their disparagement of Marxist dogmas, atheism, and materialism, Eurasianists welcomed the establishment of the Soviet system. The Soviet system significantly augmented Russia’s power and territory,6 which made possible for them to propose ways for the Soviet Union to evolve7 into a Eurasian 1 For example, G. Gloveli, “Geopoliticheskaia ekonomia v Rossii” [Geopolitical Economy in Russia], Voprosy ekonomiki [Economic Affairs], No. 11 (2000), pp. 46-63; Igor’ Panarin, Informatsionnaia voyna, pp. 34-64. 2 For example, Philip Longworth, Russia’s Empires. Their Rise and Fall: From Prehistory to Putin (London: John Murray, 2005). 3 L.N. Gumilev, “Skazhu vam po sekretu, chto esli Rossiia budet spasena, to tol’ko kak evraziyskaia derzhava” [To Tell You a Secret, Russia Can Only Be Saved As a Eurasian Nation], in А. Dugin, ed., Osnovy Evraziystva, p. 482; Gumilev, Ritmy Evrazii, p. 30. 4 A.G. Dugin, “Rossiia mozhet byt’ ili velikoy ili nikakoy” [Russia Can Either Be Great or Nothing At All], in А.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anatomy of Russian Information Warfare the Crimean Operation, a Case Study
    42 THE ANATOMY OF RUSSIAN INFORMATION WARFARE THE CRIMEAN OPERATION, A CASE STUDY Jolanta Darczewska NUMBER 42 WARSAW MAY 2014 THE ANATOMY OF RUSSIAN INFORMATION WARFARE THE CRImean OPeraTION, A case STUDY Jolanta Darczewska © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Editor Anna Łabuszewska Co-operation Halina Kowalczyk, Katarzyna Kazimierska Translation Ilona Duchnowicz Co-operation Nicholas Furnival Graphic design PARA-BUCH DTP GroupMedia Photograph on cover Shutterstock PubLISHer Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-45-8 Contents InTRODUCTION /5 MAIN POINTS /7 I. RussIAN InfOrmaTION warfare THEOry /9 1. The revival of the topic /9 2. Building the ‘information front’ base /10 3. General characteristics of information warfare theory /11 4. Information warfare in Russian geopolitical doctrine /13 5. The Panarin school /14 6. The Dugin school /17 7. The ideological ‘engine’ of information struggle /18 8. The Eurasian project vs. the Ukrainian issue /20 II. InfOrmaTION warfare IN GEOPOLITIcaL PracTIce /23 1. ‘The technology of victory’ /23 2. Propaganda as the basic instrument of information operations /25 3. Network propaganda operations /26 4. ‘The Dugin network’ /28 5. Network institutionalisation /29 6. Innovations in real life /31 COncLusION /33 INTRODUCTION The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media), psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian IW Trend Analysis
    Joel Harding’s blog https://toinformistoinfluence.com Joel Harding Russian Information Warfare Trend Analysis IW at the Three Levels of Warfare Strategic (national resources) • Strategic information warfare waged independently could cause an adversary to lose faith in his own data management systems, greatly increasing confusion and difficulty of controlling assets Operational (campaigns) • On an operational level, interference with enemy data management systems could create damaging time delays in the enemy's ability to make and implement decisions Tactical (battles) • On the tactical level, IW would be able to compliment the use of other systems to reduce danger to friendly forces and increase chances for success Lexicon Excerpt • Disinformation • Misinformation • Fake News • Propaganda Russian Information Warfare - Tools • Propaganda, Disinformation, Fake News • State Media – RT, Sputnik, RIA Novosti • Russian Troll Farm • Russian Proxy Sites • Useful Idiots, Faux Experts • GRU units 26165 and 74455 • Information Spetsnaz Russian Information Warfare is usually unethical, immoral, and only sometimes illegal. Russian IW vs The West News Media US Citizens US Propaganda, Disinformation, Fake News Danger State Media – RT, Sputnik, RIA Novosti Broken GEC, USAGM (fmr BBG) Russian Troll Farm Danger Russian Proxy Sites Danger Useful Idiots, Faux Experts Diplomats, Politicians GRU units 26165 and 74455 Cyber Command, NSA Information Spetsnaz Cyber Command Not a One on One Conflict. This is asymmetric warfare on a grand scale using common tools
    [Show full text]
  • Active Measures As the Russian Hybrid Aggression in a Retrospect
    244 INTERNAL SECURITY REVIEW 18/18 Jolanta Darczewska Active measures as the Russian hybrid aggression in a retrospect. Chosen aspects Outline of the subject Political and military pressure by Russia on its closer or further international neighborhood, and its readiness to escalate tensions have become one of the subjects in security discussions for the last years. High level of Russian hybrid threats1 has been a subject of numerous analyses and articles. But still the reflection on the subject is fragmentary, because it does not embrace all its aspects and symptoms. Most authors tend to concentrate on disinformation and propaganda, i.e. activities in an informative sphere (media and cyberspace). Meanwhile, information pressure is admittedly a dominant but only one instrument of crisis-prone impact of Russia. Very often deliberately provoked intelligence incidents as well as border incidents, migration, events both abroad and domestically (for example conferences, festivals, peaceful camps), parliamentary and presidential elections interference, financial and political support for radical elements and centrifugal trends within the European Union, decision making interference, discrediting politicians unfriendly to Kremlin are pretexts for overt and covert media operations. Such activities during the Cold War were called active measures.2 If we put them into a hybrid threats paradigm, it makes it possible to look at them from a broader perspective, to diagnose them and counteract them. Counteracting hybrid threats makes it a challenge for counterintelligence services. It is determined by the complex of resources used by Russia. The threat is both external and internal, domestic and transnational, military and intelligence, which you cannot respond symmetrically.
    [Show full text]
  • The Eurasianism of Russian Anti-Westernism and the Concept of “Central Caucaso-Asia”
    Russian Politics and Law, vol. 51, no. 6, November–December 2013, pp. 45–86. © 2014 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved. Permissions: www.copyright.com ISSN 1061–1940 (print)/ISSN 1558–0962 (online) DOI: 10.2753/RUP1061-1940510602 VLADIMER PA P A V A The Eurasianism of Russian Anti-Westernism and the Concept of “Central Caucaso-Asia” The disintegration of the Soviet Union raised the question of how to reinterpret post-Soviet geography, including that of Central Eurasia. Russian Eurasianism, which equates Russia with Eurasia, became one popular approach in the post-Soviet space. This approach uses Eurasianism as theoretical justification of contemporary Russian anti- Westernism. An alternative view of the latest regional divisions of the post-Soviet space links the states of the Central Caucasus (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) to form a new region—Central Caucaso-Asia. Unlike contemporary Russian Eurasianism, the concept of Central Caucaso-Asia favors strengthening the state sovereignty of countries in this region. The ideas of anti-Westernism, one of whose theoretical founda- tions is the geopolitical doctrine of Eurasianism, especially in its current right-radical interpretation, are by no means alien to contemporary Russia. —Andreas Umland1 English translation © 2014 M.E. Sharpe, Inc., from the Russian text © 2013 “Ideologiia i politika.” “Evraziistvo rossiiskogo antivesternizma i kontseptsiia ‘Tsentral’noi Kavkazii,’ ” Ideologiia i politika, 2013, no. 1 (3), pp. 68–98. Trans- lated by Stephen D. Shenfield. Notes renumbered for this edition.—Ed. 45 46 russiaN POLITICS AND law The doctrine of Eurasianism got its “second wind” after the collapse of the Soviet Union, because Russia needed to define itself in the evolving new geopolitical situation.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Military Strategy and Doctrine
    HOWARD AND CZEKAJ RUSSIA’S RUSSIA’S MILITARY STRATEGY MILITARY AND DOCTRINE STRATEGY Russia’s Military Strategy and Doctrine is designed to educate Russia watchers, AND DOCTRINE STRATEGY RUSSIA’S MILITARY policymakers, military leaders, and the broader foreign policy community about the Russian AND DOCTRINE Armed Forces and security apparatus across the full spectrum of geographic, doctrinal and domain areas. Each chapter addresses a different strategic-level issue related to the Russian military, ranging from “hybrid” warfare doctrine, to the role nuclear weapons play in its strategy, to cyber and electromagnetic warfare, to Moscow’s posture in the Arctic or the Black Sea, to the lessons its Armed Forces have learned from their ongoing operations in Syria and eastern Ukraine. And each section of the book is written by one of the world’s foremost experts on that theme of Russia’s military development. ­■­■­■ The key questions emphasized by this book include “how Russia fights wars” and “how its experiences with modern conflicts are shaping the evolution of Russia’s military strategy, capabilities and doctrine.” The book’s value comes not only from a piecemeal look at granular Russian strategies in each of the theaters and domains where its Armed Forces may act, but more importantly this study seeks to present a unifying description of Russia’s military strategy as a declining but still formidable global power. Russia’s Military Strategy and Doctrine will be an essential reference for US national security thinkers, NATO defense planners and policymakers the world over who must deal with the potential military and security challenges posed by Moscow.
    [Show full text]
  • The Law Enforcement Agencies: Russian Domestic Security and International Implications by Mark Galeotti
    The Law Enforcement Agencies: Russian Domestic Security and International Implications By Mark Galeotti Executive Summary • Russia’s law enforcement agencies operate within a system that puts primacy on the interests of the state rather than the execution of the laws. Although there are many personnel in the various agencies who may regret this, and might even support change, there is currently no sign of any serious internal resistance to the status quo. • A central tenet of Russian policy is that domestic unrest is fomented, or at the very least supported, by hostile foreign powers—especially the United States. As a result, the connections between Russia’s domestic law enforcement and external security are especially strong. • A dominant generation of securocrats—whose ideological belief is that Russia is under attack, which predisposes them to securitizing everything from street protest to investigative reporting—are beginning to be challenged by a rising cohort of technocrats. Ambitious and morally flexible, these technocrats are not interested in challenging existing policy, but their essentially nonideological nature means that they could more easily adapt to a less authoritarian and isolationist policy in the future In Russia, the foreign and domestic dimensions of security are viewed essentially as two sides of the same coin. This is especially the case in the age of so-called gibridnaya voina, in the Kremlin apparently believes that it faces a real, serious, and sustained Western attempt to undermine Russia’s geopolitical status
    [Show full text]