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Wonder and Devotion * Imagery and Sacred Objects in Dominican Writing, 1215-1311 *

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Wonder and Devotion * Imagery and Sacred Objects in Dominican Writing, 1215-1311 * A thesis submitted to the University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History * Julian Vesty Department of History University of Canterbury * April 2016 * Senior Supervisor: Dr. Chris Jones (University of Canterbury, History) Associate Supervisor: Dr. Richard Bullen (University of Canterbury, Art History) 1 Contents * ABSTRACT .................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................. 6 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 16 Fragmented Historiographies .................................................................................. 20 Combining Methodologies ...................................................................................... 29 I: ‘LITTERAE LAICORUM?’: THE IMAGE IN DOMINICAN SCHOLARSHIP ..................... 36 I) Imagery in the Conciliar and Early Dominican Texts ............................................... 38 II) Images and Dominican Study ........................................................................... 47 III) The Limited Discussion of the Image ................................................................. 56 II: ‘AVE, SPES UNICA’: THE IMAGE AND THE RELIC IN DOMINICAN DISCOURSE ....... 66 I) The Dominicans and the Laity........................................................................... 68 II) Similarities between Images and Relics ............................................................... 80 III) Differences between Images and Relics .............................................................. 85 III: ‘NOCTIUM PHANTASMATA’: THEMES OF IDOLATRY IN DOMINICAN DISCOURSES ON HERESY ................................................................................................. 94 I) The Dominican Approach to Idolatry .................................................................. 96 II) The Demon-Inhabited Idol ............................................................................ 104 III) Paganism and Heresy ................................................................................. 110 IV: ‘SENSUUM DEFECTUI’: THE DOMINICANS, IMAGERY AND THE EUCHARIST ..... 118 I) The Eucharist in the Thirteenth-Century Church .................................................. 120 II) The Body of Christ in the Legenda Aurea ............................................................ 126 2 III) Christ Crucified at Mass .............................................................................. 133 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................ 142 BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................... 148 3 Abstract * The Dominican friars in northern France produced an extensive programme of theological writing, notable both for its erudition, and its all-encompassing treatment of varied theological topics. Despite an abundance of Byzantine patristic material discussing the veneration of images, Thomas Aquinas produced a very slight discourse on imagery in his Summa Theologiæ. This thesis argues that the traditionalist nature of Dominican scholarship made the friars reluctant to afford religious imagery a greater space than the Latin Church Fathers had allowed. However, Dominican preaching and devotional writing discussed imagery at much greater length. The Nine Ways of Prayer describe St. Dominic’s habit of prayer before images of Christ crucified, and the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine shows several miracles involving images. In writings for novices and laity, the friars discussed imagery at far greater length. This thesis aims to trace categorisations of sacred objects in Dominican writing, seeing how the image was treated differently from relics, the idols of ‘pagans’, and the consecrated Eucharist. This methodology combines historiographies of popular piety and spirituality. Such a method allows the historian to see how scholastic methods of categorisation seeped into popular piety. The thesis argues that because images depicted human emotion, religious imagery, especially crucifixes that showed Christ dying, they were useful to promoting Dominican piety. This interior piety which focussed on interior penitence and the emotional focus on Christ’s Crucifixion was a trend promoted by the friars, and was a fundamental departure from the more practical nature of lay piety. Relics and the Eucharist could be ‘spiritualised’, evoking personal 4 devotion as well as working marvellous wonders. Images were physical matter, concrete objects which reminded the devotee that Christ had taken human form. This materiality marked the boundaries of Christian orthodoxy after the Fourth Lateran Council against various dualist heresies. In this manner, the image was vital both to Dominican piety, and to the Order’s doctrinal mission. 5 Acknowledgements * In the time since I first considered this project, the thesis here has undergone all manner of unexpected developments, departing from a general love of medieval art history for a long voyage through the seas of Dominican thought. Those waters have been sometimes turbulent and at other times calm, but I have many people to thank for their help and companionship on this journey. All thanks to my supervisor, Dr. Chris Jones, whose demand for rigour and precision helped me to find my feet in the labyrinth of possibilities posed, introducing me to the writings of Bernard Gui and the historical writings of André Vauchez, John Bossy and Barnard Hamilton. In directing me toward the world of conferences and articles, he and the university were of the utmost generosity in helping with not only the historian’s craft, but in the everyday practicalities of academic survival. The same is to be said for my secondary supervisor, Dr. Richard Bullen, whose art-historical perspective gave me unexpected directions to help layer the thesis. I should also thank Tim O’Sullivan at the University of Canterbury Library for an entertaining afternoon navigating the Patrologia Latina on microfiche. The Interloans staff at the library deserve special mention for their wizardry in satisfying even the most capricious of requests – and the most vital. I extend my gratitude to the University of Canterbury for the generous scholarships that supported this thesis. The John Connal Scholarship in 2012 helped me to fund my Honours year and first year of Masters, together with a Summer Research Scholarship that Chris directed me towards in late 2013. And in order to show as well as to tell, I would like to thank to staff at The 6 British Museum, The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and Dr. Jacqueline Jung for their kind permissions to use their photographs and drawings of various artefacts. Friends and family deserve thanks for their support and friendship. Special thanks to Alice Flett, Hannah Smith, Troy Gillan, Anna Milne-Taverndale and Michael Reid. In varying measures, they gave me advice, read parts of my work and offered their company in more trying times. Maree Shirota, Kara Kennedy, Derek Whaley and Fiona Dalzell must also be thanked for the most agreeable company, antics and Christmas drinks. A better circle of friends could not be asked for. Finally, I would like to thank my parents and sister, Melissa, for their love and support in some very trying times. And finally another one who remains nameless, who I see very little of, but was there the entire way. 7 A Note on Sources * The version of the Legenda Aurea used in this thesis is William Granger Ryan’s translation. This is an assemblage of tales from multiple versions. In manuscript tradition of the Legenda, different manuscripts of contained different selections of text. Therefore, publications of the Latin text have faced the task of deciding which tales ought to be given space. Graesse’s 1801 edition sought to assemble a selection of ‘typical’ entries, and serves as the basis for the Granger Ryan translation. Maggioni’s 1998 edition sought to offer a version based on the earliest manuscripts, attempting to trace the roots of the Legenda while ignoring the organic evolution of the various sources over time.1 In this sense, no modern edition of the Legenda Aurea is of any one Latin text or a translation of one, but a selection that favours some manuscripts over others. Any use dependant on translations must be aware of this caveat, and in doing so is especially aware of the Legenda’s textual record. 1 N. De Barros Almeida, ‘Authorial Intention in the Middle Ages: An Overview Based on the Golden Legend by Jacobus De Voragine’, Global Journal of Human-Social Science, vol. 14, no. 4, 2014, pp. 11-19 8 9 Figures * Figure 1: The St Eustace Head Reliquary, Basel, 1180-1200, maple core and a silver-gilt repoussé shell with gems. Gems composed of varieties of rock crystal, chalcedony, amethyst, carnelian, pearl, mother of pearl, obsidian, and glass. British Museum Database, “1850,1127.1”, last accessed 12/03/2016. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Figure 2: Veronica’s veil (sudarium), Psalter-Hours of Yolande of Soissons. c. 1275-85, French, illumination on parchment, MS M.729, fol. 15r. Last accessed 12/03/2016. © Pierpont Morgan Library. Figure 3: Elevation of the Host, Mass-tract, Dialogue
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