CHECHEN SUICIDE BOMBERS in Early 2006, Taliban Spokesman
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Russia Chechnya
Russia Chechnya Population: 1,200,000 (Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the Russian Federation, 2007, Inter-Agency Transitional Workplan for the North Caucasus. The population of Chechnya according to the 2002 Russian census was approximately 1,100,000.) Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Overview: Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov was promoted to the Chechen premiership in March 2006 and continued to strengthen his hold on power in the republic. Critics like investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was murdered in October, have claimed that Kadyrov and his security forces torture suspected rebels, many of whom disappear without a trace. Rebel violence declined as Kadyrov consolidated his position, and two important rebel leaders were killed during the year, but the larger region remained unstable. Chechnya, a small, partly mountainous North Caucasus republic, has a history of armed resistance to Russian rule dating to the czarist period. In February 1944, the Chechens were deported en masse to Kazakhstan after Soviet leader Joseph Stalin accused them of collaborating with Nazi German forces. Officially rehabilitated in 1957 and allowed to return to their homeland, they remained politically suspect and were excluded from the region’s administration. After winning election as Chechnya’s president in October 1991, former Soviet air force Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev proclaimed Chechnya’s independence. Moscow responded with an economic blockade. In 1994, Russia began assisting Chechens opposed to Dudayev, whose rule was marked by growing corruption and the rise of powerful clans and criminal gangs. Russian President Boris Yeltsin sent 40,000 troops into Chechnya by mid-December of that year and attacked the capital, Grozny. -
Females in a Circle of Violence in Northeastern Nigeria
Journal of Information and Computational Science ISSN: 1548-7741 FEMALES IN A CIRCLE OF VIOLENCE IN NORTHEASTERN NIGERIA Sule Isah Kazaure1and P. Durga Rao2 1Research Scholar Department of Sociology, School of Humanities Lovely Professional University, Phagwara-144411, Punjab, India. Email: [email protected] 2Associate Professor Department of Sociology, School of Humanities Lovely Professional University, Phagwara-144411, Punjab, India. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Women and girls experienced human right violation both at the hands of the sect and the security agents since the emergence of Boko Haram terrorist group of Nigeria in northeastern region.Violation of human rights among the security personals has been a common phenomenon. It is on this background, this paper intends to explore how Boko Haram abducted females and their deployment as suicide bombers. The paper deployed secondary data and content analysis to arrive at this junction.The present paper further discusses on the mode of recruitment and cases of sexual harassment particularly among the security agents in the Internally Displaced Persons camps. It also addresses the consequences faced by the survivors in their respective communities. Keywords: Girls, Kidnapping, Rape, Suicide Attack, Women, 1. Introduction Females in the Northeastern region of Nigeria found themselves in a circle of violence as a result of the Boko Haram (BH) terrorist group activities. According to United Nations Human Rights (UNHR, 2019), females in the Northeastern region of Nigeria are increasingly becoming vulnerable to rape, kidnapping, suicide bombers and other violence. Findings reveal that two third of females in the region have experienced gender-based violence since the emergence of BH terrorists. -
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash AI Index: EUR 46/001/2005 (Public) News Service No: 017 20 January 2005 Russian Federation: Human rights group threatened by security forces Amnesty International is extremely concerned that eight activists working for the human rights group the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society are in danger of being arbitrarily arrested, tortured and "disappeared". This follows the seizure today of their contact information by Russian security forces. Officers from the Federal Security Service (FSB) raided the organisation's offices in Nizhny Novgorod at about 5pm local time and seized documents containing the contact details of all the staff of the group's newspaper. The contact details of eight staff members living in Chechnya were among those seized. The security forces also took away the newspaper's registration documents and some editions of the newspaper. Earlier in the day, the regional branch of the FSB in Nizhny Novgorod summoned Stanislav Dmitrievskii, the head of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society for questioning. The FSB reportedly considers Stanislav Dmitrievskii a witness in a criminal case relating to materials published by the organization’s newspaper Pravozashchita. Details of the case are unclear but seem to relate to statements by Chechen opposition figures including Aslan Maskhadov and his UK-based envoy Akhmed Zakayev published by the organization’s newspaper. Amnesty International has reported on a worrying trend of Russian authorities targeting human rights defenders, activists and independent journalists, and in some cases subjecting them to extreme levels of harassment, "disappearances" and killings. Public Document **************************************** For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW. -
The Future of the Caucasus After the Second Chechen War
CEPS Working Document No. 148 The Future of the Caucasus after the Second Chechen War Papers from a Brainstorming Conference held at CEPS 27-28 January 2000 Edited by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci July 2000 A Short Introduction to the Chechen Problem Alexandru Liono1 Abstract The problems surrounding the Chechen conflict are indeed many and difficult to tackle. This paper aims at unveiling some of the mysteries covering the issue of so-called “Islamic fundamentalism” in Chechnya. A comparison of the native Sufi branch of Islam and the imported Wahhaby ideology is made, in order to discover the contradictions and the conflicts that the spreading of the latter inflicted in the Chechen society. Furthermore, the paper investigates the main challenges President Aslan Maskhadov was facing at the beginning of his mandate, and the way he managed to cope with them. The paper does not attempt to cover all the aspects of the Chechen problem; nevertheless, a quick enumeration of other factors influencing the developments in Chechnya in the past three years is made. 1 Research assistant Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) 1 1. Introduction To address the issues of stability in North Caucasus in general and in Chechnya in particular is a difficult task. The factors that have contributed to the start of the first and of the second armed conflicts in Chechnya are indeed many. History, politics, economy, traditions, religion, all of them contributed to a certain extent to the launch of what began as an anti-terrorist operation and became a full scale armed conflict. The narrow framework of this presentation does not allow for an exhaustive analysis of the Russian- Chechen relations and of the permanent tensions that existed there during the known history of that part of North Caucasus. -
Nigeria: the Bolstering of Boko Haram Versus the State's Response
Conflict Studies Quarterly Nigeria: The Bolstering of Boko Haram versus the State’s Response Charles NYUYKONGE and Osai OJIGHO Abstract. As asymmetric warfare perpetuates in Nigeria, the resultant loss of life and destruction of public and private infrastructure attributed to Boko Haram has put Nigeria in the international spotlight. Although international support is being deployed to bolster Nigeria’s efforts to repress Boko Haram’s insurgency, mostly in the Northern part, attacks in other cities in Central Nigeria compel the need for more in-depth analyses to understand what fuels Boko Haram’s growth, and determine the best approach to ensure Nigerians’ safety in curbing the insurgency. This paper is premised on the assumption that factors sustaining Boko Haram have yet to be fully understood by policymakers and until that is done, restoring order in Northern Nigeria will remain elusive. The paper further argues that should Boko Haram be responsible for all attacks outside of their key areas in core North of Nigeria then their capability to destabilize Nigeria is yet to be contained. Lastly, that these attacks are, possibly, the emergence of unknown insurgent groups capitalizing on the fragile security situation to showcase the weaknesses of the Nigerian security forces and government as a whole. What needs to be done by the government is in part what this paper posits in its recommendations. Keywords: Boko Haram, Nigeria, insurgency, Charles NYUYKONGE security. Senior Researcher, Knowledge Production Department, ACCORD, Mount Edgecombe, South Africa Emergence and bolstering of Boko Haram Osai OJIGHO Deputy Executive Director, With much critical ink being spilt on civil- Alliances for Africa (AfA), Ikeja, ian-targeted attacks in Nigeria and little or Lagos State, Nigeria nothing on the genesis, evolution and mul- E-mail: [email protected] tiple factions within the extremist Jama’atu Ahlus Sunnah lidda’awati wal Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Issue 15, April 2016, pp. -
Russian-Speaking
NOVEMBER 2017 ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ FIGHTERS IN SYRIA, IRAQ AND AT HOME: CONSEQUENCES AND CONTEXT FULL REPORT Mark Youngman and Dr Cerwyn Moore Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham This report was produced out of the Actors and Narratives programme, funded by CREST. To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/actors-and-narratives/ About the authors: Mark Youngman is an ESRC-funded doctoral student and Cerwyn Moore a Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies at the University of Birmingham. Disclaimer: This report has been part funded by an ESRC IAA award and part funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). It draws on the existing work of the authors, and supplements their work with original research and ongoing data collection of Russian-speaking foreign fighters.www.crestresearch.co.uk The cover image, Caucasus Emirate, is a remixed derivative ofProposed divisions of the Caucasus Emirate by ArnoldPlaton, under CC BY-SA 3.0. Caucasus Emirate is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. by R. Stevens, CREST. ©2017 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................4 PART I: ASSESSING THE ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ -
The Second Chechen War: the Information Component
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Second Chechen War: The Information Component by Emil Pain, Former Russian Ethno-national Relations Advisor Translated by Mr. Robert R. Love Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file a Military Review July-August 2000 In December 1994 Russian authorities made their first attempt to crush Chechen separatism militarily. However, after two years of bloody combat the Russian army was forced to withdraw from the Chechen Republic. The obstinacy of the Russian authorities who had decided on a policy of victory in Chechnya resulted in the deaths of at least 30,000 Chechens and 5,000 Russian soldiers.1 This war, which caused an estimated $5.5 billion in economic damage, was largely the cause of Russia's national economic crisis in 1998, when the Russian government proved unable to service its huge debts.2 It seemed that after the 1994-1996 war Russian society and the federal government realized the ineffectiveness of using colonial approaches to resolve ethnopolitical issues.3 They also understood, it seemed, the impossibility of forcibly imposing their will upon even a small ethnoterritorial community if a significant portion of that community is prepared to take up arms to defend its interests. -
Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications
Order Code RL32272 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Updated February 11, 2005 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Summary Russia’s then-Premier (and current President) Vladimir Putin ordered military, police, and security forces to enter the breakaway Chechnya region in September 1999, and these forces occupied most of the region by early 2000. The conflict has resulted in thousands of military and civilian casualties and the massive destruction of housing and infrastructure. Putin’s rise to power and continuing popularity have been tied at least partly to his perceived ability to prosecute this conflict successfully. In the run-up to Russian legislative elections in December 2003 and a presidential election in March 2004, Putin endeavored to demonstrate that peace had returned to the region. Since Chechen terrorists held hundreds of Moscow theater-goers hostage in late 2002, the Putin administration has appeared unequivocally opposed to talks with the rebels and more dedicated to establishing a pro-Moscow government in Chechnya. Such a government will use its own forces to battle the remaining rebels, ostensibly permitting the disengagement and withdrawal of most Russian troops from the region. This “Chechenization” of the conflict, along with related pacification efforts, constitute the main elements of the Russian government’s campaign to wind down the fighting. Pacification efforts aim to gain the support or acquiescence of the population to federal control and include rebuilding assistance and elections. -
Black Widows
The Media's Gender Stereotype Framing of Chechen ‘Black Widows’ and Female Afghan Self-Immolators By Genevieve Pierce Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Paul Roe Word Count: 16,811 Budapest, Hungary CEU eTD Collection 2011 CEU eTD Collection ABSTRACT Traditional gender roles derive from the beginning of mankind when men were hunters and women were gatherers. These roles remain widely accepted in the Western world today. This article stems from the terrorism scholar Brigitte Nacos’ argument that society resorts to gender stereotypes when trying to understand women acting in inherently masculine roles. The expansion of Nacos’ argument has led to the question of how Western media uses gender stereotype framing in the reporting of two illegitimate female actors. Empirically, Chechen Black Widows and female Afghan self-immolators are the case studies represented in the article. The argument set forth here claims that these women are voiceless actors who commit extremely violent acts to gain political agency. However, the media is misrepresenting these actors by resorting to gender stereotypes in order to report comprehendible news on an incomprehensible topic—female violence. The empirical evidence is based on content analysis of media from North America and the United Kingdom. Five gender stereotype frames have been identified to support the claims made here. These frames are: Feminized Imagery, Violence Breeds Violence, Islamic Honor, Manipulation and Male Control, and Irrational Women. CEU eTD Collection i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my wonderful parents who encouraged me four years ago to move to Hungary and start the adventure that led me to Central European University. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Putin's Colonial
reviews Anna Politkovskaya, A Dirty War: A Russian Reporter in Chechnya Harvill Press: London 2001, £12, paperback xxxiii, 336 pp, 1 86046 897 7 Tony Wood PUTIN’S COLONIAL WAR On 6 August 1996, three days before Yeltsin was to stumble through the espe- cially shortened ceremony inaugurating his second term as Russian President, Chechen forces suddenly attacked and recaptured a string of major towns, including the battle-blasted capital, Grozny. It was the success of this assault— coupled with the unending and increasingly unpopular stream of Russian casualties—that persuaded Yeltsin to sue for peace, and within a month General Aleksandr Lebed and the Chechens’ military commander Aslan Maskhadov had signed the Khasavyurt accords, seemingly bringing to an end the brutal conflict that has been dubbed ‘Yeltsin’s Vietnam’. Five years later, Russia is once again involved in a murderous war in Chechnya, waged as before largely on a civilian population living beneath ruins or in ‘filtration centres’ that echo unapologetically Nazi concentration camps or the Soviet Gulag. But where the first Chechen war was widely unpopular, seen as a needless waste of lives and an unwarranted use of force, Putin’s war has until now commanded widespread support, as an ‘anti-terrorist operation’— the action of a strong state that means to rein in lawlessness on its periphery, no matter how daunting the task, and in so doing regain some measure of its former greatness. Yeltsin’s Vietnam has become Putin’s Falklands. Still more sombre analogies can be found: as Anna Politkovskaya writes in A Dirty War, ‘the tragic terrorist bombings in Moscow, Volgodonsk and Buinaksk [in September 1999] are far too rapidly coming to resemble another distant event: the burning of the Reichstag.’ Anna Politkovskaya has written on Chechnya for the Moscow-based news- paper Novaia gazeta since July 1999, and the present volume gathers her dispatches from the North Caucasus up to January of this year. -
Russia's Islamic Diplom
Russia's Islamic Diplom Russia's Islamic Diplomacy ed. Marlene Laruelle CAP paper no. 220, June 2019 "Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World" Initiative Russia’s Islamic Diplomacy Ed. Marlene Laruelle The Initiative “Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World” is generously funded by the Henry Luce Foundation Cover photo: Talgat Tadjuddin, Chief Mufti of Russia and head of the Central Muslim Spiritual Board of Russia, meeting with the Armenian Catholicos Karekin II and Mufti Ismail Berdiyev, President of the Karachay-Cherkessia Spiritual Board, Moscow, December 1, 2016. Credit : Artyom Korotayev, TASS/Alamy Live News HAGFW9. Table of Contents Chapter 1. Russia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Conflicting Interactions Grigory Kosach………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2. Always Looming: The Russian Muslim Factor in Moscow's Relations with Gulf Arab States Mark N. Katz………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1 Chapter 3. Russia and the Islamic Worlds: The Case of Shia Islam Clément Therme ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... 25 Chapter 4. A Kadyrovization of Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Autocrats in Track II Diplomacy and Other Humanitarian Activities Jean-Francois Ratelle……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 1 Chapter 5. Tatarstan's Paradiplomacy with the Islamic World Guzel Yusupova……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 7 Chapter 6. Russian Islamic Religious Authorities and Their Activities at the Regional, National, and International Levels Denis Sokolov………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter 7. The Economics of the Hajj: The Case of Tatarstan Azat Akhunov…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 7 Chapter 8. The Effect of the Pilgrimage to Mecca on the Socio-Political Views of Muslims in Russia’s North Caucasus Mikhail Alexseev…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 3 Authors’ Biographies……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 9 @ 2019 Central Asia Program Chapter 1.