Widespread Torture in the Chechen Republic
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Russia Chechnya
Russia Chechnya Population: 1,200,000 (Source: United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in the Russian Federation, 2007, Inter-Agency Transitional Workplan for the North Caucasus. The population of Chechnya according to the 2002 Russian census was approximately 1,100,000.) Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Overview: Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov was promoted to the Chechen premiership in March 2006 and continued to strengthen his hold on power in the republic. Critics like investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya, who was murdered in October, have claimed that Kadyrov and his security forces torture suspected rebels, many of whom disappear without a trace. Rebel violence declined as Kadyrov consolidated his position, and two important rebel leaders were killed during the year, but the larger region remained unstable. Chechnya, a small, partly mountainous North Caucasus republic, has a history of armed resistance to Russian rule dating to the czarist period. In February 1944, the Chechens were deported en masse to Kazakhstan after Soviet leader Joseph Stalin accused them of collaborating with Nazi German forces. Officially rehabilitated in 1957 and allowed to return to their homeland, they remained politically suspect and were excluded from the region’s administration. After winning election as Chechnya’s president in October 1991, former Soviet air force Major General Dzhokhar Dudayev proclaimed Chechnya’s independence. Moscow responded with an economic blockade. In 1994, Russia began assisting Chechens opposed to Dudayev, whose rule was marked by growing corruption and the rise of powerful clans and criminal gangs. Russian President Boris Yeltsin sent 40,000 troops into Chechnya by mid-December of that year and attacked the capital, Grozny. -
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PRESS RELEASE News Flash AI Index: EUR 46/001/2005 (Public) News Service No: 017 20 January 2005 Russian Federation: Human rights group threatened by security forces Amnesty International is extremely concerned that eight activists working for the human rights group the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society are in danger of being arbitrarily arrested, tortured and "disappeared". This follows the seizure today of their contact information by Russian security forces. Officers from the Federal Security Service (FSB) raided the organisation's offices in Nizhny Novgorod at about 5pm local time and seized documents containing the contact details of all the staff of the group's newspaper. The contact details of eight staff members living in Chechnya were among those seized. The security forces also took away the newspaper's registration documents and some editions of the newspaper. Earlier in the day, the regional branch of the FSB in Nizhny Novgorod summoned Stanislav Dmitrievskii, the head of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society for questioning. The FSB reportedly considers Stanislav Dmitrievskii a witness in a criminal case relating to materials published by the organization’s newspaper Pravozashchita. Details of the case are unclear but seem to relate to statements by Chechen opposition figures including Aslan Maskhadov and his UK-based envoy Akhmed Zakayev published by the organization’s newspaper. Amnesty International has reported on a worrying trend of Russian authorities targeting human rights defenders, activists and independent journalists, and in some cases subjecting them to extreme levels of harassment, "disappearances" and killings. Public Document **************************************** For more information please call Amnesty International's press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London WC1X 0DW. -
The Future of the Caucasus After the Second Chechen War
CEPS Working Document No. 148 The Future of the Caucasus after the Second Chechen War Papers from a Brainstorming Conference held at CEPS 27-28 January 2000 Edited by Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci July 2000 A Short Introduction to the Chechen Problem Alexandru Liono1 Abstract The problems surrounding the Chechen conflict are indeed many and difficult to tackle. This paper aims at unveiling some of the mysteries covering the issue of so-called “Islamic fundamentalism” in Chechnya. A comparison of the native Sufi branch of Islam and the imported Wahhaby ideology is made, in order to discover the contradictions and the conflicts that the spreading of the latter inflicted in the Chechen society. Furthermore, the paper investigates the main challenges President Aslan Maskhadov was facing at the beginning of his mandate, and the way he managed to cope with them. The paper does not attempt to cover all the aspects of the Chechen problem; nevertheless, a quick enumeration of other factors influencing the developments in Chechnya in the past three years is made. 1 Research assistant Danish Institute of International Affairs (DUPI) 1 1. Introduction To address the issues of stability in North Caucasus in general and in Chechnya in particular is a difficult task. The factors that have contributed to the start of the first and of the second armed conflicts in Chechnya are indeed many. History, politics, economy, traditions, religion, all of them contributed to a certain extent to the launch of what began as an anti-terrorist operation and became a full scale armed conflict. The narrow framework of this presentation does not allow for an exhaustive analysis of the Russian- Chechen relations and of the permanent tensions that existed there during the known history of that part of North Caucasus. -
Working Document for CITES Cop16
Original language: English CoP17 Inf. 16 CONVENTION ON INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN ENDANGERED SPECIES OF WILD FAUNA AND FLORA ____________________ Seventeenth meeting of the Conference of the Parties Johannesburg (South Africa), 24 September - 5 October 2016 INFORMATION SUPPORTING THE PROPOSAL TO LIST CAPRA CAUCASICA IN APPENDIX II, WITH A ZERO EXPORT QUOTA FOR WILD-TAKEN CAPRA CAUCASICA CAUCASICA EXPORTED FOR COMMERCIAL PURPOSES OR AS HUNTING TROPHIES, AS SUBMITTED BY THE EUROPEAN UNION AND GEORGIA This document has been submitted by the European Union and Georgia.* * The geographical designations employed in this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the CITES Secretariat (or the United Nations Environment Programme) concerning the legal status of any country, territory, or area, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The responsibility for the contents of the document rests exclusively with its author. CoP17 Inf. 16 – p. 1 Information supporting the proposal to list Capra caucasica in Appendix II, with a zero export quota for wild-taken Capra caucasica caucasica exported for commercial purposes or as hunting trophies, as submitted by the European union and Georgia Introduction This document has been compiled to supplement the information provided in amendment proposal CoP17 Prop. 2, to include Capra caucasica in Appendix II, with a zero export quota for wild-taken Capra caucasica caucasica exported for commercial purposes or as hunting trophies, as submitted by the European Union and Georgia. The document highlights a number of key points: Capra caucasica is traded internationally; Trade is considered to be impacting the species, and the subspecies C. -
Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya
Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Egor Lazarev All rights reserved ABSTRACT Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev This dissertation explores how the social and political consequences of armed conflict affect legal pluralism; specifically, the coexistence of Russian state law, Sharia, and customary law in Chechnya. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative data gathered during seven months of fieldwork in Chechnya. The data include over one hundred semistructured interviews with legal authorities and religious and traditional leaders; an original survey of the population; and a novel dataset of all civil and criminal cases heard in state courts. First, the dissertation argues that armed conflict disrupted traditional social hierarchies in Chechnya, which paved the way for state penetration into Chechen society. The conflict particularly disrupted gender hierarchies. As a result of the highly gendered nature of the conflict, women in Chechnya became breadwinners in their families and gained experience in serving important social roles, most notably as interlocutors between communities and different armed groups. This change in women’s bargaining power within households and increase in their social status came into conflict with the patriarchal social order, which was based on men’s rigid interpretations of religious and customary norms. In response, women started utilizing the state legal system, a system that at least formally acknowledges gender equality, in contrast to customary law and Sharia. -
Ammonites and Stratigraphy of the Upper Bajocian Garantiana Garantiana Zone in the Interfluve Between the Kuban and Urup Rivers (Northern Caucasus) V
ISSN 0031-0301, Paleontological Journal, 2019, Vol. 53, No. 11, pp. 1188–1202. © Pleiades Publishing, Ltd., 2019. Ammonites and Stratigraphy of the Upper Bajocian Garantiana garantiana Zone in the Interfluve between the Kuban and Urup Rivers (Northern Caucasus) V. V. Mittaa, b, * aBorissiak Paleontological Institute, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, 117647 Russia bCherepovets State University, Cherepovets, 162600 Russia *e-mail: [email protected] Received March 12, 2019; revised March 29, 2019; accepted April 1, 2019 Abstract—This paper presents the results of the study of the Upper Bajocian Garantiana garantiana Zone (Middle Jurassic) and characteristic ammonites in sections of the basin of the Kuban River (Karachay-Cher- kessia). The assemblage contains species of the genera Garantiana, Pseudogarantiana, Paragarantiana, Djanaliparkinsonia (all family Stephanoceratidae) and Vermisphinctes (family Perisphinctidae). A section of the Garantiana Zone on the Kyafar River contains (from bottom to top) Beds with Djanaliparkinsonia alanica (also recognized on the Kuban River), Beds with Garantiana subgaranti and Beds with Paragarantiana, approximately corresponding to the Dichotoma, Garantiana, and Tetragona subzones of the standard scale. Garantiana subgaranti Wetzel and Vermisphinctes martiusii (d’Orbigny) are described. Prorsisphinctes Buck- man, 1921 is proposed as a junior subjective synonym of Vermisphinctes Buckman, 1920. Keywords: Upper Bajocian, ammonites, Garantiana, Paragarantiana, Djanaliparkinsonia, Vermisphinctes, biostratigraphy, Northern Caucasus DOI: 10.1134/S0031030119110066 INTRODUCTION lished records of representatives of Garantianinae in the Garantiana Zone in the Northern Caucasus The Garantiana garantiana Zone is located (Ob”yasnitelnaya…, 1973; Yura…, 1992) are not sup- between the Upper Bajocian Strenoceras niortense and ported by figures or collections, and are mostly based Parkinsonia parkinsoni zones of the standard scale and on field identifications. -
The Second Chechen War: the Information Component
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Second Chechen War: The Information Component by Emil Pain, Former Russian Ethno-national Relations Advisor Translated by Mr. Robert R. Love Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in The linked image cannot be displayed. The file may have been moved, renamed, or deleted. Verify that the link points to the correct file a Military Review July-August 2000 In December 1994 Russian authorities made their first attempt to crush Chechen separatism militarily. However, after two years of bloody combat the Russian army was forced to withdraw from the Chechen Republic. The obstinacy of the Russian authorities who had decided on a policy of victory in Chechnya resulted in the deaths of at least 30,000 Chechens and 5,000 Russian soldiers.1 This war, which caused an estimated $5.5 billion in economic damage, was largely the cause of Russia's national economic crisis in 1998, when the Russian government proved unable to service its huge debts.2 It seemed that after the 1994-1996 war Russian society and the federal government realized the ineffectiveness of using colonial approaches to resolve ethnopolitical issues.3 They also understood, it seemed, the impossibility of forcibly imposing their will upon even a small ethnoterritorial community if a significant portion of that community is prepared to take up arms to defend its interests. -
Ukrainians in Russia: a Bibliographic and Statistical Guide
Research Report No. 55 Ukrainians in Russia: A Bibliographic and Statistical Guide Compiled by Serge Cipko Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press University of Alberta Edmonton 1994 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press Occasional Research Reports The Institute publishes research reports periodically. Copies may be ordered from the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press, 352 Athabasca Hall, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G 2E8. The name of the publication series and the substantive material in each issue (unless otherwise noted) are copyrighted by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press. PRINTED IN CANADA Occasional Research Reports Ukrainians in Russia: A Bibliographic and Statistical Guide Compiled by Serge Cipko Research Report No. 55 Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press University of Alberta Edmonton 1994 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/ukrainiansinruss55cipk Table of Contents Introduction 1 A Select Bibliography 3 Newspaper Articles 9 Ukrainian Periodicals and Journals Published in Russia 15 Periodicals Published Abroad by Ukrainians from Russia 18 Biographies of Ukrainians in Russia 21 Biographies of Ukrainians from Russia Resettled Abroad 31 Statistical Compendium of Ukrainians in Russia 33 Addresses of Ukrainian Organizations in Russia 39 Periodicals and Journals Consulted 42 INTRODUCTION Ukrainians who live in countries bordering on Ukraine constitute perhaps the second largest ethnic minority in Europe after the Russians. Despite their significant numbers, however, these Ukrainians remain largely unknown to the international community, receiving none of the attention that has been accorded, for example, to Russian minorities in the successor states to the former Soviet Union. According to the last Soviet census of 1989, approximately 4.3 million Ukrainians live in the Russian Federation; unofficial estimates of the size of this group run considerably higher. -
Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications
Order Code RL32272 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Updated February 11, 2005 Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Bringing Peace to Chechnya? Assessments and Implications Summary Russia’s then-Premier (and current President) Vladimir Putin ordered military, police, and security forces to enter the breakaway Chechnya region in September 1999, and these forces occupied most of the region by early 2000. The conflict has resulted in thousands of military and civilian casualties and the massive destruction of housing and infrastructure. Putin’s rise to power and continuing popularity have been tied at least partly to his perceived ability to prosecute this conflict successfully. In the run-up to Russian legislative elections in December 2003 and a presidential election in March 2004, Putin endeavored to demonstrate that peace had returned to the region. Since Chechen terrorists held hundreds of Moscow theater-goers hostage in late 2002, the Putin administration has appeared unequivocally opposed to talks with the rebels and more dedicated to establishing a pro-Moscow government in Chechnya. Such a government will use its own forces to battle the remaining rebels, ostensibly permitting the disengagement and withdrawal of most Russian troops from the region. This “Chechenization” of the conflict, along with related pacification efforts, constitute the main elements of the Russian government’s campaign to wind down the fighting. Pacification efforts aim to gain the support or acquiescence of the population to federal control and include rebuilding assistance and elections. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Putin's Colonial
reviews Anna Politkovskaya, A Dirty War: A Russian Reporter in Chechnya Harvill Press: London 2001, £12, paperback xxxiii, 336 pp, 1 86046 897 7 Tony Wood PUTIN’S COLONIAL WAR On 6 August 1996, three days before Yeltsin was to stumble through the espe- cially shortened ceremony inaugurating his second term as Russian President, Chechen forces suddenly attacked and recaptured a string of major towns, including the battle-blasted capital, Grozny. It was the success of this assault— coupled with the unending and increasingly unpopular stream of Russian casualties—that persuaded Yeltsin to sue for peace, and within a month General Aleksandr Lebed and the Chechens’ military commander Aslan Maskhadov had signed the Khasavyurt accords, seemingly bringing to an end the brutal conflict that has been dubbed ‘Yeltsin’s Vietnam’. Five years later, Russia is once again involved in a murderous war in Chechnya, waged as before largely on a civilian population living beneath ruins or in ‘filtration centres’ that echo unapologetically Nazi concentration camps or the Soviet Gulag. But where the first Chechen war was widely unpopular, seen as a needless waste of lives and an unwarranted use of force, Putin’s war has until now commanded widespread support, as an ‘anti-terrorist operation’— the action of a strong state that means to rein in lawlessness on its periphery, no matter how daunting the task, and in so doing regain some measure of its former greatness. Yeltsin’s Vietnam has become Putin’s Falklands. Still more sombre analogies can be found: as Anna Politkovskaya writes in A Dirty War, ‘the tragic terrorist bombings in Moscow, Volgodonsk and Buinaksk [in September 1999] are far too rapidly coming to resemble another distant event: the burning of the Reichstag.’ Anna Politkovskaya has written on Chechnya for the Moscow-based news- paper Novaia gazeta since July 1999, and the present volume gathers her dispatches from the North Caucasus up to January of this year. -
Day 9 of the Israilov Trial –Questioning of the Widow and Father of the Victim, 3 December 2010
Day 9 of the Israilov Trial –Questioning of the widow and father of the victim, 3 December 2010 On day 9 of the trial there were two witness statements, the one of Malizha Sagieva, widow of the killed Umar Israilov and the one of Sjarpuddi Israilov, the father of Umar. During both questionings the three accused persons remained in the courtroom. But during Sagieva's questioning they took place in a bench behind the seat for the witness in order to prevent eye contact (and possible provocations and/or emotional outbursts) Witness Malizha Sagieva, widow of Umar Israilov Malizha Sagieva told the court that she and her husband married in July 2002, that they fled together from Chechnya in November 2004, and that her husband fled further to Austria in August 2005, and she herself joined him in November 2005. In Poland and Austria four kids were born, the last one after the killing. Asked about the position of Israilov within the Kadyrovtsy and why he had accepted to work for Kadyrov, she answered that Israilov was still on the federal wanted list despite working for Kadyrov and then being sent as the militia commander to Mesker-Yurt, his home village. „He would have had to stain his hands with blood, and to kill people, the boyeviki. The he would have been taken off this list.“ She also confirmed that he had been tortured for three months before accepting to become a member of the security guard. They wanted to flee, but needed time in order to prepare forged (internal and external) passports for Israilov Then, when Israilov had a car accident, the pretext that he had to recover in Kislovodsk was used to flee the country.