Day 9 of the Israilov Trial –Questioning of the Widow and Father of the Victim, 3 December 2010
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Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya
Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Egor Lazarev All rights reserved ABSTRACT Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya Egor Lazarev This dissertation explores how the social and political consequences of armed conflict affect legal pluralism; specifically, the coexistence of Russian state law, Sharia, and customary law in Chechnya. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative data gathered during seven months of fieldwork in Chechnya. The data include over one hundred semistructured interviews with legal authorities and religious and traditional leaders; an original survey of the population; and a novel dataset of all civil and criminal cases heard in state courts. First, the dissertation argues that armed conflict disrupted traditional social hierarchies in Chechnya, which paved the way for state penetration into Chechen society. The conflict particularly disrupted gender hierarchies. As a result of the highly gendered nature of the conflict, women in Chechnya became breadwinners in their families and gained experience in serving important social roles, most notably as interlocutors between communities and different armed groups. This change in women’s bargaining power within households and increase in their social status came into conflict with the patriarchal social order, which was based on men’s rigid interpretations of religious and customary norms. In response, women started utilizing the state legal system, a system that at least formally acknowledges gender equality, in contrast to customary law and Sharia. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Widespread Torture in the Chechen Republic
November 2006 Number 2 Widespread Torture in the Chechen Republic Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper for the 37th Session UN Committee against Torture November 13, 2006 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 Torture by personnel of the Second Operational Investigative Bureau (ORB-2).................... 3 Illegal arrest and torture of two brothers, Sulim S. and Salambek S. ................................5 Torture by units under the effective command of Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov 7 Background note on the structure of forces under Kadyrov’s effective command .............7 Torture in secret detention.............................................................................................. 9 Illegal detention and torture of Magomed M. and four of his fellow villagers...........10 Illegal detention and torture of Khamid Kh............................................................... 11 Continuing “disappearances”........................................................................................... 12 Enforced disappearance of Balaudi Melkaev .................................................................12 Lack of Accountability .......................................................................................................14 Introduction In 2006 Human Rights Watch conducted two investigative missions to Chechnya, focusing specifically on the issues of torture and unlawful detention. Based on interviews with victims -
The Main Idea of the Article Is That Even Though Many Have Claimed
Souleimanov, E. A. and Aliyev, H. (2015) Asymmetry of values, indigenous forces, and incumbent success in counterinsurgency: evidence from Chechnya. Journal of Strategic Studies, 38(5), pp. 678-703. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/153385/ Deposited on: 11 December 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya Abstract This article fills the gap in existing scholarship on asymmetric conflict, indigenous forces, and how socio-cultural codes shape the dynamics and outcomes of conflict transformation. Specifically, it identifies three key socio-cultural values commonplace in honorific societies: retaliation, hospitality, and silence. As sources of effective pro-insurgent violent mobilisation and support from among the local population, these values provide insurgents with an asymmetric advantage over much stronger incumbents. Using the case studies of the two Russian counterinsurgencies in Chechnya, the article shows the mechanisms on the ground through which Moscow’s deployment of indigenous forces against insurgents helped to stem the tide of conflict, reversing the insurgents’ initial advantage in terms of asymmetry of values. Keywords: asymmetry of values, asymmetric conflict, indigenous forces, counterinsurgency, Chechnya, North Caucasus Introduction Throughout history, indigenous forces (IF) have frequently been deployed by the incumbent powers to assist in fighting insurgencies. Over the past thirty years, a large and rapidly growing literature on IF in counterinsurgencies (COIN) has sought to demonstrate that the use of IF contributes to the incumbent’s success in local conflicts. -
Islamists and Nationalists Online Appendix
Islamists and Nationalists Online Appendix Online Appendix: “Islamists and Nationalists” October 30, 2014 Contents 1 North Caucasus Violent Events Data 2 1.1 Automated event coding . .2 1.2 Actors . .3 1.3 Tactics . .9 1.4 Targets . .9 1.5 A four-tiered typology of Islamist violence........................9 1.6 A two-tiered typology of government violence...................... 15 1.7 Reliability of automated event coding . 16 2 Variable descriptions for aggregated data 18 2.1 Geographic locations and dates . 18 2.2 Conflict dynamics . 19 2.3 Control variables . 21 3 Summary statistics 22 4 Regression tables, robustness checks and matching balance 27 4.1 Autologistic regressions (all four definitions) . 27 4.2 Matched Analysis . 36 4.3 Sensitivity Analysis: Alternative Model Specifications . 42 4.4 Sensitivity Analysis: Time Effects . 47 4.5 Sensitivity Analysis: Local and Federal Forces . 56 4.6 Sensitivity Analysis: Alternative Definitions of Selective Tactics . 58 1 Islamists and Nationalists Online Appendix 1 North Caucasus Violent Events Data We use a new dataset of violent incidents in the Russian North Caucasus. The panel dataset is based on monthly observations across 7,584 municipalities in 200 districts (rayons) of the seven autonomous republics of the North Caucasus, and two adjacent regions (oblasts).1 The sample of villages and towns is universal, encompassing all populated places within these regions, as listed in the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency’s GEOnet Names Server (GNS). For each week between July 2000 and December 2011, we measured the incidence and number of violent events in each village through automated text mining of the independent Memorial Group’s “Hronika nasiliya [Chronicle of Violence]” event summaries (Memorial, 2009). -
A Hard Bargain Foreign Policy and the Dynamics of the Putin-Kadyrov Relationship
Kafkasya Calışmaları - Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi / Journal of Caucasian Studies Kasım 2020 / November 2020, Yıl / Vol. 6, № 11 ISSN 2149–9527 E-ISSN 2149-9101 A Hard Bargain Foreign Policy and the Dynamics of the Putin-Kadyrov Relationship Lilla Heins* Abstract This article examines the Governor of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov’s unique relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin. This research first provides context on the evolution of radical Islamism in Russia’s North Caucasus and Kadyrov’s role in suppressing insurgency and unrest in the republic. The paper then discusses the three pillars of the relationship between Kadyrov and Putin: Kadyrov’s integral role in keeping the peace in Chechnya, the persistence of the relationship despite pressure on Putin to strengthen control over Kadyrov by members of the federal security establishment, and Kadyrov’s exceptional involvement in foreign policy outside the official Russian channels. The paper ultimately argues that Kadyrov is allowed to conduct foreign policy actions apart from the Kremlin because of his role in keeping the peace in Chechnya, and that he has leveraged this opportunity to become even more vital to Russian domestic and international interests, and thus more powerful. Keywords: Kadyrov, North Caucasus, Islamic State, Foreign Fighters, Caucasus Emirate, Chechnya Zor Pazarlık. Dış Politika ve Putin-Kadırov İlişkisinin Dinamikleri Bu makale Çeçenistan yöneticisi Ramzan Kadırov’un Rusya Devlet Başkanı Vladimir Putin ile olan eşsiz ilişkisini inceliyor. Bu araştırma ilk olarak Rusya’nın Kuzey Kafkasya’ndaki radikal İslamcılığın evrimi ve Kadırov’un cumhuriyetteki isyan ve huzursuzluğu bastırmadaki rolü hakkında bir bağlam sunuyor. Makale daha sonra Kadırov ile Putin arasındaki ilişkinin üç ayağını tartışıyor: Kadırov'un Çeçenistan'da barışı korumadaki rolü, Putin'e Federal Güvenlik Servisi tarafından Kadırov üzerindeki kontrolün artırılması yönündeki baskıya rağmen ilişkinin sürmesi ve Kadırov'un resmi kanallar dışında dış politikaya katılımı. -
The North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union
Building Stability in the North Caucasus Ways Forward for Russia and the European Union SIPRI Policy Paper No. 16 Neil J. Melvin Stockholm International Peace Research Institute May 2007 © SIPRI, 2007 ISSN 1652-0432 (print) ISSN 1653-7548 (online) Printed in Sweden by CM Gruppen, Bromma Contents Preface iv Map of the North Caucasus vi Table A.1. Data on the North Caucasus and the Russian Federation vii 1. Introduction: instability in the North Caucasus 1 The structure of this Policy Paper 6 2. The roots of instability in the North Caucasus 7 Incorporation and pacification 7 The North Caucasus in the Soviet Union 9 World War II and Stalin 11 The post-Stalin era and perestroika 12 The North Caucasus in the Russian Federation 15 Nationalist mobilization 15 The failure of state building in the North Caucasus 17 Religious revival 18 The first Chechen war 21 3. The North Caucasus in the Putin era 24 Putin’s new course 24 Replacing local elites 26 The second Chechen war 28 Russia’s ‘war on terrorism’ 31 The role of the international community 35 4. Prospects for the North Caucasus 37 National–territorial issues 37 Islam and Islamism 40 Governance in the North Caucasus 43 Socio-economic issues 44 Russia’s security policies 45 The North Caucasus and the European Union 46 5. Recommendations 48 Recommendations for the Russian Federation 48 Recommendations for the European Union 54 About the author 59 Preface For most people, the notion of conflict in the North Caucasus—a region within the Russian Federation, as distinct from the independent states of the South Cau- casus—is synonymous with Chechnya. -
Amnestied People As Targets for Persecution in Chechnya
HONORARY CHAIRMAN ADVISORY BOARD (CHAIR) PRESIDENT Yuri Orlov Karl von Schwarzenberg Ulrich Fischer EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE VICE PRESIDENT Aaron Rhodes Holly Cartner Srdjan Dizdarević DEPUTY EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR Bjørn Engesland TREASURER Brigitte Dufour Vasilika Hysi Stein-Ivar Aarsæther Krassimir Kanev Jos Kösters Wickenburgg. 14/7, A-1080 Vienna, Austria; Tel +43-1-408 88 22; Fax 408 88 22-50 e-mail: [email protected]– internet: http://www.ihf-hr.org Bank account: Bank Austria Creditanstalt, 0221-00283/00, BLZ 12 000 Amnestied People as Targets for Persecution in Chechnya International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF) 16 May 2007 MEMBER AND COOPERATING* COMMITTEES IN: Albania – Armenia* - Austria – Azerbaijan - Belarus – Bosnia-Herzegovina – Bulgaria – Canada – Croatia – Czech Republic – Denmark – Finland – France – Georgia* - Germany – Greece – Hungary – Italy – Kazakhstan – Kosovo – Kyrgyzstan – Latvia – Lithuania – Macedonia – Moldova – Montenegro – Netherlands - Norway – Poland – Romania – Russia – Serbia – Slovakia – Slovenia – Sweden – Switzerland – Tajikistan* – Turkmenistan* - Ukraine – United Kingdom – United States – Uzbekistan* COOPERATING ORGANIZATIONS: THE EUROPEAN ROMA RIGHTS CENTER – HUMAN RIGHTS WITHOUT FRONTIERS – MENTAL DISABILITY ADVOCACY CENTER The International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHF) is an international, nongovernmental organization constituted by national Helsinki committees and Cooperating Organizations in the participating States of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The IHF seeks to promote compliance with the human rights provisions of the Helsinki Final Act and its Follow-up Documents, with international legal obligations undertaken in the Council of Europe and the United Nations, and with human rights norms promoted by the European Union. The IHF mandate is to protect and strengthen civil society groups that monitor and report on human rights issues from a non-partisan perspective, and to bring them together on a common international platform. -
The Case of Chechnya Hanna Zimnitskaya Macalester College, [email protected]
Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College International Studies Honors Projects International Studies Department Spring 2012 A State within a State: the Case of Chechnya Hanna Zimnitskaya Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/intlstudies_honors Part of the International Relations Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Zimnitskaya, Hanna, "A State within a State: the Case of Chechnya" (2012). International Studies Honors Projects. Paper 16. http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/intlstudies_honors/16 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the International Studies Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Honors Project Macalester College Spring 2012 A State within a State: the Case of Chechnya Author: Hanna Zimnitskaya A State within a State: the Case of Chechnya Hanna Zimnitskaya Adviser: James von Geldern Department of International Studies 1 ABSTRACT After the USSR's dissolution, Russia struggled to reassert its Great Power status by enhancing its internal might and territorial cohesion. Futile military campaigns against the rebellious Chechen people pushed the Kremlin to strike a bargain with an unorthodox warlord: Ramzan Kadyrov, who was to become a faithful ally, while in return Chechnya received an unprecedented level of autonomy. This thesis examines the dynamics of Kadyrov's ascent to power, specifically the Islamization of public space and the monopolization of Chechen security forces, and concludes that, in the long run, the unwavering consolidation of his rule menaces Russia's re-emerging 'greatness'. -
The Changing Context of Russian Federal Policy in the North Caucasus
The Changing Context of Russian Federal Policy in the North Caucasus PONARS Policy Memo No. 416 Mark Kramer Harvard University December 2006 A year ago, the prospects for stability in the North Caucasus appeared dim at best. Violent clashes, bombings, and terrorist attacks in Chechnya remained common and continued to produce bloodshed, misery, and destruction. Even more troubling was the accelerated spread of extremist violence and sociopolitical instability from Chechnya into neighboring Dagestan and Ingushetia, where bombings, assassinations, and other terrorist attacks became a daily occurrence. Coordinated attacks by young rebels on police stations and other official sites in Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria, in October 2005 – attacks that left more than 140 people dead – caused many observers to fear that a growing wave of instability in the North Caucasus would spin out of control. Some even worried that violence in the North Caucasus would ignite upheavals elsewhere in the Russian Federation. Bleak as the situation may have seemed in late 2005, the outlook for the North Caucasus since early 2006 has improved considerably. To be sure, the North Caucasus remains a highly volatile area where violence and extremism are still exceedingly common. Nonetheless, most trends in the North Caucasus – political, economic, and social – are distinctly more favorable now than a year ago. The continued potential for instability has been at least partly offset by a number of stabilizing factors that could take firmer root over time. Some of these changes have occurred mainly through luck or through unforeseen events, but others have been the direct result of steps taken by federal government officials, particularly by Vladimir Putin’s chief representative in the North Caucasus, Dmitri Kozak. -
Vladimir Putin's Political Decisions Regarding the "Secession" of Chechnya and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009)
University of New Orleans ScholarWorks@UNO University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations Dissertations and Theses Summer 8-6-2013 A Necessary Monster? Vladimir Putin's Political Decisions Regarding the "Secession" of Chechnya and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009) Kimberly G. Edwards [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td Part of the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Edwards, Kimberly G., "A Necessary Monster? Vladimir Putin's Political Decisions Regarding the "Secession" of Chechnya and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009)" (2013). University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 1690. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1690 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by ScholarWorks@UNO with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Necessary Monster? Vladimir Putin's Political Decisions Regarding the "Secession" of Chechnya and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009) A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of New Orleans in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Kimberly G.