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Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen 1939 Bis 1945
1945 – Simon Lengemann (Hrsg.) Lengemann Simon / Dieter Bingen Dieter Dieter Bingen / Simon Lengemann (Hrsg.) Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen 1939 Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen 1939 – 1945 Eine Leerstelle deutscher Erinnerung? Band 10398 Dieter Bingen / Simon Lengemann (Hrsg.) Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen 1939 – 1945 Schriftenreihe Band 10398 Dieter Bingen / Simon Lengemann (Hrsg.) Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Polen 1939 – 1945 Eine Leerstelle deutscher Erinnerung? Diese Veröffentlichung stellt keine Meinungsäußerung der Bundeszentrale für politi- sche Bildung dar. Für die inhaltlichen Aussagen tragen die Autorinnen und Autoren die Verantwortung. Beachten Sie bitte auch unser weiteres Print- sowie unser On- line- und Veranstaltungsangebot. Dort finden sich weiterführende, ergänzende wie kontroverse Standpunkte zum Thema dieser Publikation. Die Inhalte der zitierten Internetlinks unterliegen der Verantwortung der jeweiligen Anbieter. Für eventuelle Schäden und Forderungen können die Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung sowie die Autorinnen und Autoren keine Haftung übernehmen. Bonn 2019 © Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung Adenauerallee 86, 53113 Bonn Projektleitung: Simon Lengemann, bpb Lektorat: Klara Fischer Umschlaggestaltung, Satzherstellung und Layout: Naumilkat – Agentur für Kommuni kation und Design, Düsseldorf Umschlagabbildung: © Muzeum Ziemi Wieluńskiej. Die Trümmer der Kleinstadt Wieluń nach der deutschen Bombardierung am frühen Morgen des 1. September 1939 Druck und Bindung: Druck- und Verlagshaus Zarbock -
Autarky and Lebensraum. the Political Agenda of Academic Plant Breeding in Nazi Germany[1]
Journal of History of Science and Technology | Vol.3 | Fall 2009 Autarky and Lebensraum. The political agenda of academic plant breeding in Nazi Germany[1] By Thomas Wieland * Introduction In a 1937 booklet entitled Die politischen Aufgaben der deutschen Pflanzenzüchtung (The Political Objectives of German Plant Breeding), academic plant breeder and director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute (hereafter KWI) for Breeding Research in Müncheberg near Berlin Wilhelm Rudorf declared: “The task is to breed new crop varieties which guarantee the supply of food and the most important raw materials, fibers, oil, cellulose and so forth from German soils and within German climate regions. Moreover, plant breeding has the particular task of creating and improving crops that allow for a denser population of the whole Nordostraum and Ostraum [i.e., northeastern and eastern territories] as well as other border regions…”[2] This quote illustrates two important elements of National Socialist ideology: the concept of agricultural autarky and the concept of Lebensraum. The quest for agricultural autarky was a response to the hunger catastrophe of World War I that painfully demonstrated Germany’s dependence on agricultural imports and was considered to have significantly contributed to the German defeat in 1918. As Herbert Backe (1896–1947), who became state secretary in 1933 and shortly after de facto head of the German Ministry for Food and Agriculture, put it: “World War 1914–18 was not lost at the front-line but at home because the foodstuff industry of the Second Reich [i.e., the German Empire] had failed.”[3] The Nazi regime accordingly wanted to make sure that such a catastrophe would not reoccur in a next war. -
Verbesserte Diplomarbeit Carina Vogt, Volksdeutsche, Stand…
DIPLOMARBEIT „Heim ins Reich!“ – Die nationalsozialistische Politik gegenüber den sogenannten „Volksdeutschen“ und ihre Folgen. Carina Vogt angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. phil.) Wien, 2011 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 190 299 313 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Lehramt PP und GSP Betreuerin / Betreuer: Univ.-Doz. Dr. Bertrand Perz Inhaltsverzeichnis EINLEITUNG ..........................................…..................................…...... 4 – 8 1. Warum gab es deutschsprachige Minderheiten in ganz Europa? ... 9 – 15 2. Minderheitenprobleme und Nationalstaatsdenken – der Erste Weltkrieg und die Zwischenkriegszeit ............................... 15 – 29 2.1. Die Begriffe „Massenzwangsmigration“ und „Umsiedlung“, sowie „Bevölkerungsaustausch“ und „Deportation“ ....……........................... 15 – 17 2.2. Die Bedeutung des Ersten Weltkrieges für die Minderheiten in Europa ………………………………....…….................................…….. 17 – 20 2.3. Die Bedeutung des Ersten Weltkrieges für die Geschichts- wissenschaft und deren Einfluss während des Zweiten Weltkrieges ... 20 – 29 3. Die Annexion, Umsiedlung und Neuordnung während des Zweiten Weltkrieges bis zur Kriegswende. Das Konzept der „Germanisierung“ ............................……........................................... 30 – 132 3.1. Der Begriff „Volksdeutsch“ ....……....................................…...……….. 30 – 33 3.2. Die Aufteilung Polens und die ideologische Rechtfertigung der Umsiedlung im Nationalsozialismus ....…….................................……. -
Guides to German Records Microfilmed at Alexandria, Va
GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA. No. 32. Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and Chief of the German Police (Part I) The National Archives National Archives and Records Service General Services Administration Washington: 1961 This finding aid has been prepared by the National Archives as part of its program of facilitating the use of records in its custody. The microfilm described in this guide may be consulted at the National Archives, where it is identified as RG 242, Microfilm Publication T175. To order microfilm, write to the Publications Sales Branch (NEPS), National Archives and Records Service (GSA), Washington, DC 20408. Some of the papers reproduced on the microfilm referred to in this and other guides of the same series may have been of private origin. The fact of their seizure is not believed to divest their original owners of any literary property rights in them. Anyone, therefore, who publishes them in whole or in part without permission of their authors may be held liable for infringement of such literary property rights. Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 58-9982 AMERICA! HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE fOR THE STUDY OP WAR DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECOBDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXAM)RIA, VA. No* 32» Records of the Reich Leader of the SS aad Chief of the German Police (HeiehsMhrer SS und Chef der Deutschen Polizei) 1) THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION (AHA) COMMITTEE FOR THE STUDY OF WAE DOCUMENTS GUIDES TO GERMAN RECORDS MICROFILMED AT ALEXANDRIA, VA* This is part of a series of Guides prepared -
Hitler's American Model
Hitler’s American Model The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law James Q. Whitman Princeton University Press Princeton and Oxford 1 Introduction This jurisprudence would suit us perfectly, with a single exception. Over there they have in mind, practically speaking, only coloreds and half-coloreds, which includes mestizos and mulattoes; but the Jews, who are also of interest to us, are not reckoned among the coloreds. —Roland Freisler, June 5, 1934 On June 5, 1934, about a year and a half after Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of the Reich, the leading lawyers of Nazi Germany gathered at a meeting to plan what would become the Nuremberg Laws, the notorious anti-Jewish legislation of the Nazi race regime. The meeting was chaired by Franz Gürtner, the Reich Minister of Justice, and attended by officials who in the coming years would play central roles in the persecution of Germany’s Jews. Among those present was Bernhard Lösener, one of the principal draftsmen of the Nuremberg Laws; and the terrifying Roland Freisler, later President of the Nazi People’s Court and a man whose name has endured as a byword for twentieth-century judicial savagery. The meeting was an important one, and a stenographer was present to record a verbatim transcript, to be preserved by the ever-diligent Nazi bureaucracy as a record of a crucial moment in the creation of the new race regime. That transcript reveals the startling fact that is my point of departure in this study: the meeting involved detailed and lengthy discussions of the law of the United States. -
The Buildup of the German War Economy: the Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 by Samantha Carl I
The Buildup of the German War Economy: The Importance of the Nazi-Soviet Economic Agreements of 1939 and 1940 By Samantha Carl INTRODUCTION German-Soviet relations in the early half of the twentieth century have been marked by periods of rapprochement followed by increasing tensions. After World War I, where the nations fought on opposite sides, Germany and the Soviet Union focused on their respective domestic problems and tensions began to ease. During the 1920s, Germany and the Soviet Union moved toward normal relations with the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.(1) Tensions were once again apparent after 1933, when Adolf Hitler gained power in Germany. Using propaganda and anti-Bolshevik rhetoric, Hitler depicted the Soviet Union as Germany's true enemy.(2) Despite the animosity between the two nations, the benefits of trade enabled them to maintain economic relations throughout the inter-war period. It was this very relationship that paved the way for the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of 1939 and the subsequent outbreak of World War II. Nazi-Soviet relations on the eve of the war were vital to the war movement of each respective nation. In essence, the conclusion of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact on August 23, 1939 allowed Germany to augment its war effort while diminishing the Soviet fear of a German invasion.(3) The betterment of relations was a carefully planned program in which Hitler sought to achieve two important goals. First, he sought to prevent a two-front war from developing upon the invasion of Poland. Second, he sought to gain valuable raw materials that were necessary for the war movement.(4) The only way to meet these goals was to pursue the completion of two pacts with the Soviet Union: an economic agreement as well as a political one. -
Genetics and Politics in the Soviet Union: Trofim Denisovich Lysenko in the 1930S, Forced Collectivization of Farms in the Soviet Union Reduced Harvests
HGSS: Genetics, Politics, and Society. © 2010, Gregory Carey 1 Genetics, Politics, and Society Eugenics Origins Francis Galton coined the word eugenics in his 1883 book Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development. The term itself derives from the Greek prefix eu (ευ) meaning good or well and the Greek word genos (γενοσ) meaning race, kind or stock. In 1904, Galton gave a presentation to the Sociological Society in London about eugenics. His presentation, along with invited public commentary, appeared in the American Journal of Sociology (Galton, 1904a) with virtually identical versions (sans commentary) appearing in Nature (Galton, 1904b) and, with commentary, in Sociological Papers (Galton, 1905). In these papers, he defined eugenics as “the science which deals with all influences that improve and develop the inborn qualities of a race.” (It is crucial to recognize that the word “race” was used at that time in an eQuivocal fashion. It could denote the term as we use it today, but it could also refer to a human ethnic group or nationality—e.g., the English race—or even a breed of horse or dog. Galton himself meant it in the generic sense of “stock.”) Galton’s view of the future combined fervor with caution: I see no impossibility in eugenics becoming a religious dogma among mankind, but its details must first be worked out sedulously in the study. Overzeal leading to hasty action would do harm, by holding out expectations of a near golden age, which will certainly be falsified and cause the science to be discredited. By “the study” Galton was referring to academic research. -
Identifying Extreme Racist Beliefs
identifying extreme racist beliefs What to look out for and what to do if you see any extreme right wing beliefs promoted in your neighbourhood. At Irwell Valley Homes, we believe that everyone has the If you see any of these in any of the neighbourhoods right to live of life free from racism and we serve, please contact us straight away on 0300 discrimination. However, whilst we work to promote 561 1111 or [email protected]. We take equality, racism still exists and we want to take action to this extremely seriously and will work with the Greater stop this. Manchester Police to deal with anyone responsible. This guide helps you to identify some of the numbers, signs and symbols used to promote extreme right wing beliefs including racism, extreme nationalism, fascism and neo nazism. 18: The first letter of the alphabet is A; the eighth letter of the alphabet is H. so, 1 plus 8, or 18, equals AH, an abbreviation for Adolf Hitler. Neo-Nazis use 18 in tat- toos and symbols. The number is also used by Combat 18, a violent British neo-Na- zi group that chose its name in honour of Adolf Hitler. 14: This numeral represents the phrase “14 words,” the number of words in an ex- pression that has become the slogan for the white supremacist movement. 28: The number stands for the name “Blood & Honour” because B is the 2nd letter of the alphabet and H is the 8th letter. Blood & Honour is an international neo-Nazi/ racist skinhead group started by British white supremacist and singer Ian Stuart. -
Archiv Im Spannungsfeld Von Politik, Wissenschaft Und Öffentlicher Meinung
DIETER KRÜGER ARCHIV IM SPANNUNGSFELD VON POLITIK, WISSENSCHAFT UND ÖFFENTLICHER MEINUNG Geschichte und Überlieferungsprofil des ehemaligen „Berlin Document Center" Am 30.Juni 1994 holten zwei amerikanische Militärpolizisten das Sternenbanner im Berlin Document Center (BDC) im Grunewald ein. Damit beendete die letzte zivile Dienststelle der Vereinigten Staaten auf deutschem Boden ihre Tätigkeit. Das seit l.Juli 1994 als Außenstelle Berlin-Zehlendorf dem Bundesarchiv angehörende BDC hat freilich nur vorübergehenden Charakter. Voraussichtlich zum Zeitpunkt des Er scheinens dieses Beitrages Anfang 1997 werden die Sammlungen und das Personal in die Abteilung Deutsches Reich des Bundesarchivs in Berlin-Lichterfelde überführt sein. Spätestens dann geht ein bisweilen bewegtes Kapitel deutscher Archivgeschichte der Nachkriegszeit zu Ende. Nicht zuletzt in der amerikanischen Öffentlichkeit hat te die Übergabe des BDC an das Bundesarchiv noch im Frühjahr 1994 eine heftige Kontroverse ausgelöst. Freilich war die bald fünfzigjährige Existenz des BDC ver gleichsweise häufig Gegenstand öffentlicher Auseinandersetzungen1. Schon im Juli 1945 richtete die amerikanische Besatzungsmacht in Berlin wie auch an anderen Orten ihrer Zone ein Document Center ein. Hier wurden die erbeuteten deutschen Akten zusammengeführt2. Den Abtransport und die Rückgabe der Beu- 1 Zur Geschichte des BDC vgl. James S. Beddie, The Berlin Document Center, in: Captured German and Related Records. A National Archives Conference, hrsg. v. Robert Wolfe, Athens, Ohio 1974 (künftig: Captured Records), S. 131-142; Robert Wolfe, A Short History of the Berlin Document Center, in: The Holdings of the Berlin Document Center. A Guide to the Collections, als Manu skript gedruckt vom Berlin Document Center (künftig: Holdings), Berlin 1994, S. XI-XXII; Heiner Meyer, Berlin Document Center. -
Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 Points Total) PLEASE DO NO
Mr. Huesken 10th Grade United States History II Unit I Spiral Exam – World War II (75 points total) PLEASE DO NO WRITE ON THIS TEST DIRECTIONS – Please answer the following multiple-choice questions with the best possible answer. No answer will be used more than once. (45 questions @ 1 point each = 45 points) 1) All of the following were leaders of totalitarian governments in the 1930’s and 1940’s except: a. Joseph Stalin b. Francisco Franco. c. Benito Mussolini d. Neville Chamberlain. 2) In what country was the Fascist party and government formed? a. Italy b. Japan c. Spain d. Germany 3) The Battle of Britain forced Germany to do what to their war plans in Europe in 1942? a. Join the Axis powers. b. Fight a three-front war. c. Put off the invasion of Britain. d. Enter into a nonaggression pact with Britain. 4) The Nazis practiced genocide toward Jews, Gypsies, and other “undesirable” peoples in Europe. What does the term “genocide” mean? a. Acting out of anti-Semitic beliefs. b. Deliberate extermination of a specific group of people. c. Terrorizing of the citizens of a nation by a government. d. Killing of people for the express purpose of creating terror. 5) The term “blitzkrieg” was a military strategy that depended on what? a. A system of fortifications. b. Out-waiting the opponent. c. Surprise and quick, overwhelming force. d. The ability to make a long, steady advance. 6) In an effort to avoid a second “world war”, when did the Britain and France adopt a policy of appeasement toward Germany? a. -
National Socialism
National Socialism (Nazism; NS), German political movement led by Adolf Hitler. The notion of combining the concepts of "national" and "social" became popular in Germany before World War I. In 1919 an antisemitic right-wing political party called the German Workers' Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei) was founded in Munich; this party adopted the combined "national-social" ideology. In 1920 the party added "National Socialist" to its name and thus became the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, NSDAP or Nazi Party). A year later Adolf Hitler, a man who started out as a public speaker for the party, became its undisputed leader, or Fuehrer. The National Socialist ideology was an outgrowth of earlier political theories that also gave birth to fascism--- a political movement that became popular in Italy some years before the Nazis took over Germany. Nazism brought together the ideas of racial anti-semitism (that Jews were inferior by virtue of their race, or genetic makeup), Social Darwinism (that certain individuals or ethnic groups are dominant because of their inherent genetic superiority), and lebensraum (the belief that Germans needed more "living space," i.e. more territory, particularly in Eastern Europe). Nazism also embraced the attitude of total anti-Bolshevism, and demanded revenge against those people--- especially Jews---who, they claimed, had "betrayed" Germany during World War I and caused it to be vanquished by the enemy (see also stab in the back myth). During its first three years of existence, the Nazi Party was mainly active in Bavaria. However, its members used emotional appeals and violence to attract many new members. -
Der Reichsgau Wartheland in Den Jahren 1939–1945
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3840 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, nr 2 Wrocław 2018 DOI: 10.19195/2300-7249.40.2.4 WOJCIECH WICHERT Oddziałowe Biuro Badań Historycznych IPN w Szczecinie ORCiD: 0000-0003-1335-592X „Exerzierplatz des Nationalsozialismus“ — der Reichsgau Wartheland in den Jahren 1939–1945 Kein anderes Land befand sich so lange unter der Besatzung des Dritten Reiches wie Polen. Polen war das erste Opfer der deutschen Aggression und hat als erstes Land unter großen Opfern zuerst bewaffneten Widerstand geleistet und später in den Jahren 1939–1945 beispiellose Personen-, Kultur- und Materialver- luste erlitten. Der deutsche Überfall auf Polen im September 1939, die Einstel- lung und die Verbrechen gegenüber Polen waren eine Form von Ausführung des antislawischen Rassismus. Die neueren Forschungen, insbesondere die, die seit den neunziger Jahren geführt wurden, offenbaren die tatsächliche Größe der ver- brecherischen Politik gegenüber den slawischen Völkern. Sie zeigen, wie sich der deutsche Nationalismus zum Rassismus entwickelt hat, das Ziel verfolgend die slawische Bevölkerung durch die nationalsozialistische Germanisierungspolitik aus ihrer Heimat zu vertreiben und sie durch die „höhere arische Rasse“ zu be- siedeln1. Diese Maßnahmen der Besatzung wurden in den schon vor dem Krieg ausgearbeiteten Generalplan Ost aufgenommen, in ein großangelegtes Kolonisie- rungs- und Germanisierungsprojekt der Gebiete in Ostmitteleuropa und in Ost- europa, das mit der Aussiedlung beziehungsweise mit der Eliminierung der hier niedergelassenen slawischen Bevölkerung verbunden war2. Vor allem aus dieser 1 A. Wolff-Powęska, Pamięć, brzemię i uwolnienie. Niemcy wobec nazistowskiej przeszłości (1945–2010) [Erinnerung — Last und Befreiung. Die Deutschen gegenüber die nationalsozialisti- schen Vergangenheit (1945–2010)], Poznań 2011, S.