The Spread of Al Shabaab

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Spread of Al Shabaab The spread of Al Shabaab from Somalia to Kenya and beyond The NSD-S HUB was established at Allied Joint Force Command Naples in order to improve NATO awareness and understanding of the opportunities and challenges from the South, while contributing to the overall coordination of NATO activities and efforts. NSD-S HUB products are developed with a direct engagement of regional experts, open-source information from governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, international organizations, academic institutions, media sources and military organizations. By design, NSD-S HUB products or links to open-sourced and independently produced articles do not necessarily represent the opinions, views or official positions of any other organization. The spread of Al Shabaab from Somalia to Kenya and beyond 3 NATO Strategic Direction South Hub EXECUTIVE SUMMARY arakat Al-Shabaab Al Mujahidin, known throughout the world as Al-Shabaab (AS), is a H powerful and resilient armed group based in Somalia but has also demonstrated its capability to carry out deadly attacks in neighbouring countries in East Africa. AS’s long-standing links with Al Qaeda (AQ) also mean that ongoing AS activities and presence could extend AQ’s power projection into East Africa and beyond. Key actors in international security and the Global War on Terror have challenged AS directly and indirectly through support to the Somali federal government on the recognition that AS represents a threat to international security and the assumption that it has expansionist intentions beyond Somalia into the region and possibly beyond. This assumption is analysed herein based on a full review of the academic and policy literature on AS, of AS statements, a series of interviews carried out with senior Somali and international officials, AS high-level and low-level defectors, followed by an online workshop involving Hub analysts and Subject Matter Experts (SMEs). The group’s intentions, capabilities and opportunities are investigated in detail and the primary findings are: AS has the intention to control Somalia and indeed ‘Greater Somalia’ – an idealized nation which relates to the geographical area where Somali people live and includes parts of Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti. Its attacks on foreign interests in Greater Somalia might be in retaliation for what is often a predominantly military presence in Somalia or to expand beyond Somalia/Greater Somalia. AS is a resilient organization which has demonstrated its ability to transform itself and its activities when necessary. Its financial capabilities are growing and diversifying and it retains strong communications and messaging capabilities. There is little indication that they have the capability of carrying out attacks beyond East Africa, but this cannot be discounted. The actions of AMISOM (African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia), upcoming federal elections, and other conflicts in and near the region could all have significant impact on AS’ intentions and capabilities. Constant and coherent monitoring of the development of a variety of potential opportunities, which could drastically impede or indeed pave the way for an AS expansion, is essential in the short to medium-terms. 4 The spread of Al-Shabaab from Somalia to Kenya and beyond NATO Strategic Direction South Hub TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .........................................................................................................................3 TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................................................................................4 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................................5 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................6 Local, Global or ‘Glocal’ ....................................................................................................................7 INTENTIONS .........................................................................................................................................9 CAPABILITIES ......................................................................................................................................13 Number of Members ......................................................................................................................13 Recruitment ....................................................................................................................................14 Training ...........................................................................................................................................15 Weapons and Explosives ................................................................................................................15 Leadership, Command and Control ...............................................................................................15 Governance ....................................................................................................................................16 Intelligence .....................................................................................................................................16 Communication and Propaganda ...................................................................................................16 Finance ...........................................................................................................................................17 OPPORTUNITIES .................................................................................................................................20 The Withdrawal of AMISOM ..........................................................................................................20 Armed Conflicts in the region beyond Greater Somalia ................................................................21 The Fractured Nature of Somali Politics ........................................................................................22 CONCLUSIONS ....................................................................................................................................23 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................................................................25 The spread of Al Shabaab from Somalia to Kenya and beyond 5 NATO Strategic Direction South Hub INTRODUCTION arakat Al-Shabaab Al Mujahidin, better known as Al-Shabaab (AS), meaning “The Youth” in H Arabic, is the largest militant organisation based in Somalia and is also active in neighbouring countries, most notably Kenya. It is one of the most enduring non-state armed groups (NSAGs) in sub-Saharan Africa. It grew and emerged as an independent organisation and leading member of the Somali insurgency in connection with the invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia at the time of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). Since its founding, AS has had ties to Al Qaeda (AQ). The group has engaged in bombings, suicide attacks and armed assaults, especially against Somali government targets, foreign troops, diplomats, and civilians. In 2010, Al Shabaab was in control of a considerable portion of central-southern Somalia, building a complex structure of governance in territories under its control. The group physically dominates less territory than it has done in the past. AMISOM assessments estimate the group to have physical control of somewhere between 20-30% of rural south-central Somalia, down from a peak of 80% between 2007 and 2014. The group no longer controls any major cities nor, importantly, seaports. The international community has identified AS as a major threat to international security, particularly focusing on its established links to AQ and the expansion of its area of activities beyond Somalia into Kenya, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Uganda and beyond. The widespread assumption within the international community has long been that, if left unchecked, AS would expand across the region and as such extend the global reach of its ally, AQ. The primary aim of this research project is to interrogate this widespread assumption and examine whether AS is an expansionist NSAG with regional or global intentions. Is it primarily a nationalist group focused on controlling Somalia or is it a complex mix of both nationalist and global agendas? It is fundamental to clarify the concept of ‘expansion.’ This is particularly relevant considering the documented reduction in geographical area controlled by AS and its membership over the past decade. Traditionally, the concept of expansion is quite straight-forward. In the case of AS the issue is more complex. This is primarily because the national borders in the region, which would normally assist in deciding whether an organisation might expand locally or globally, are not of great significance here. AS, indeed, has made it clear that it considers “Greater Somalia”, roughly equated to all of the geographical areas in which Somalis live, to be their area of responsibility. For this reason, this paper assesses the issue of expansion from two distinct perspectives. The first is the question of whether AS is likely to expand within the confines of Greater Somalia, regardless of the national territory in question – to AS this is a form of local expansion. The second is whether or not AS is likely to expand beyond the confines of Greater Somalia,
Recommended publications
  • The Case of Somalia (1960-2001)
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) State collapse and post-conflict development in Africa : the case of Somalia (1960-2001) Mohamoud, A. Publication date 2002 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Mohamoud, A. (2002). State collapse and post-conflict development in Africa : the case of Somalia (1960-2001). Thela Thesis. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:28 Sep 2021 Chapterr four Thee Pitfalls of Colonialism and Public Pursuit 4.1.. Introduction Thiss chapter traces how the change brought about by the colonial imposition led to the primacyy of the public pursuit in Somali politics over a century. The colonial occupation of Somaliaa not only transformed the political economy of Somali society as transformationists emphasizee but also split the Somali people and their territories.74 Therefore, as I will argue in thiss study, the multiple partitioning of the country is one of the key determinants that fundamentallyy account for the destructive turn of events in Somalia at present.
    [Show full text]
  • Federalism and Autonomy Conflicts in the Somali Region 135
    Federalism and ethnic conflict in Ethiopia. A comparative study of the Somali and Benishangul-Gumuz regions Adegehe, A.K. Citation Adegehe, A. K. (2009, June 11). Federalism and ethnic conflict in Ethiopia. A comparative study of the Somali and Benishangul-Gumuz regions. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/13839 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) Licence agreement concerning inclusion of doctoral thesis in the License: Institutional Repository of the University of Leiden Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/13839 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Federalism and Autonomy 6 Conflicts in the Somali Region 6.1 Introduction The preceding chapter gave a general background to the history and ethnic makeup of the study regions. In contrast, this chapter presents the impact of federal restructuring on intra and inter-clan relationships in the newly constituted Somali region. In fact, some of the theoretical propositions about the role of federalism in decentralising conflicts through ‘proliferation of points of power,’ outlined in chapter 2 appear to have been worked in the SNRS. In other words, federal restructuring by making resources such as political appointments, civil service jobs, regional/local budget and others available at local and regional levels impelled both intra and inter-clan contestations that often lead into violence. The division that emerged between the dominant Ogaden and the non-Ogadeni clans in the wake of ethnic regionalisation appeared to reduce possible threats from the Somali region to the political centre. However, inter-clan autonomy conflicts in the region are typically violent and localised.
    [Show full text]
  • Separatist Movements Should Nations Have 2 a Right to Self-Determination? Brian Beary
    Separatist Movements Should Nations Have 2 a Right to Self-Determination? Brian Beary ngry protesters hurling rocks at security forces; hotels, shops and restaurants torched; a city choked by teargas. AThe violent images that began flashing around the world on March 14 could have been from any number of tense places from Africa to the Balkans. But the scene took place high in the Himalayas, in the ancient Tibetan capital of Lhasa. Known for its red-robed Buddhist monks, the legendary city was the latest flashpoint in Tibetan separatists’ ongoing frustra- tion over China’s continuing occupation of their homeland.1 Weeks earlier, thousands of miles away in Belgrade, Serbia, hun- dreds of thousands of Serbs took to the streets to vent fury over Kosovo’s secession on Feb. 17, 2008. Black smoke billowed from the burning U.S. Embassy, set ablaze by Serbs angered by Washington’s acceptance of Kosovo’s action.2 “As long as we live, Kosovo is Serbia,” thundered Serbian 3 AFP/Getty Images Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica at a rally earlier in the day. The American Embassy in Belgrade is set ablaze on Kosovo had been in political limbo since a NATO-led military Feb. 21 by Serbian nationalists angered by U.S. force wrested the region from Serb hands in 1999 and turned it support for Kosovo’s recent secession from Serbia. into an international protectorate after Serbia brutally clamped About 70 separatist movements are under way down on ethnic Albanian separatists. Before the split, about 75 around the globe, but most are nonviolent.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ogaden: a Microcosm of Global Conflict
    THE CONCORD REVIEW 203 THE OGADEN: A MICROCOSM OF GLOBAL CONFLICT Ezekiel Rediker The British author Salman Rushdie once said: “To be Somali is to be a people united by one language and divided by maps.”1 Rushdie was referring to the colonization of East Africa by European powers, a process that split the Somali people and created enormous havoc in its wake. After the “Scramble for Africa,” European nations did not respect ethnic and tribal bound- aries as they created new states. They divided the region inhabited by the large and geographically dispersed Somali tribe into Italian, British, and French protectorates. After Africa won its indepen- dence from Europe, borders were redrawn again. Four nations with significant Somali populations were created: Somalia, Ethio- pia, Kenya, and later Djibouti. Yet independence did not create stability. Within a de- cade, Somalia’s dictator, Siad Barre, an advocate of Somali pan- nationalism, attempted to unify the five regions that comprised “Greater Somalia.” These included the two former British and Italian protectorates that formed the country of Somalia, the Northern Frontier Districts of Kenya, the former French Somaliland, which became the Republic of Djibouti, and the Ogaden and Haud regions of Ethiopia. Barre’s idea of Somali pan- Ezekiel Rediker is a Senior at Taylor Allderdice High School in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, where he wrote this paper for Mr. Paul Schaltenbrand’s U.S. History course in the 2003-2004 academic year. 204 Ezekiel Rediker nationalism eventually led to a major war over the Ogaden region with Ethiopia, intense Cold War rivalry between the Soviet Union and the United States, and finally the collapse of Somalia.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethiopia: Prospects for Peace in Ogaden
    Ethiopia: Prospects for Peace in Ogaden Africa Report N°207 | 6 August 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Ogaden: Ethiopia’s Most Contested Territory ................................................................. 2 III. The ONLF and Federal Ethiopia ...................................................................................... 5 A. The ONLF and the EPRDF ........................................................................................ 5 B. Article 39 .................................................................................................................... 7 C. Amateur Insurgents ................................................................................................... 7 D. Local Governance Issues ............................................................................................ 9 IV. Externalisation of the Conflict ......................................................................................... 10 A. The Eritrean Factor .................................................................................................... 10 B. The Somali Factor .....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Intervention in the Yugoslav Civil War: the United Nations' Right to Create an International Criminal Tribunal
    Penn State International Law Review Volume 12 Article 4 Number 3 Dickinson Journal of International Law 5-1-1994 Intervention in the Yugoslav Civil War: The nitU ed Nations' Right to Create an International Criminal Tribunal Barbara M. Tocker Follow this and additional works at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Tocker, Barbara M. (1994) "Intervention in the Yugoslav Civil War: The nitU ed Nations' Right to Create an International Criminal Tribunal," Penn State International Law Review: Vol. 12: No. 3, Article 4. Available at: http://elibrary.law.psu.edu/psilr/vol12/iss3/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by Penn State Law eLibrary. It has been accepted for inclusion in Penn State International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Penn State Law eLibrary. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intervention in the Yugoslav Civil War: The United Nations' Right to Create an International Criminal Tribunal I. Introduction The ongoing and seemingly endless civil war in the territory of the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia officially began on June 25, 1991, when two republics, Slovenia and Croatia, declared their independence and provoked the collapse of the nation.' The fighting republics committed and are still committing countless atrocities, including murder, rape, torture, and "ethnic cleansing. "2 In response, the United Nations Security Council (Council) established an international tribunal to prosecute war crimes perpetrated during the Yugoslav war.' The tribunal is the first internationally mandated forum established by the United Nations (UN) to prosecute crimes against humanity since the Nuremberg trials of top Nazi leaders after World War II.
    [Show full text]
  • Declich on Weitzberg, 'We Do Not Have Borders: Greater Somalia and the Predicaments of Belonging in Kenya'
    H-IslamInAfrica Declich on Weitzberg, 'We Do Not Have Borders: Greater Somalia and the Predicaments of Belonging in Kenya' Review published on Friday, February 8, 2019 Keren Weitzberg. We Do Not Have Borders: Greater Somalia and the Predicaments of Belonging in Kenya. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2017. xiii + 274 pp. $80.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8214-2258-8; $32.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8214-2259-5. Reviewed by Francesca Declich (University of Urbino) Published on H-IslamInAfrica (February, 2019) Commissioned by Saarah Jappie (University of the Witwatersrand) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=52525 Keren Weitzberg's We Do Not Have Borders could not be more timely in a worldwide political context in which so much stress is put on the idea of “securing” all borders. The text presents the case of the vision of a nomadic people who deal with borders with great flexibility, controlling the territory and, at the same time, being able to integrate newcomers. Weitzberg writes about border conceptualization amongst Somalis who have lived for generations in contemporary northern Kenya. The book illuminates how these conceptualizations operated in a colonial context that progressively undermined the Somalis’ legitimate rights to inhabit their territory, through the enforcement of a national order in which people must settle permanently and respect the boundaries arbitrarily set by the colonizers. Following the implementation of sedentary ideologies, by the late 1960s the Somalis had been transformed into foreigners in their own land—not recognized as truly Kenyans—and their political activity was regarded as criminal revolt.
    [Show full text]
  • DHAXALREEB SERIES I/2012 May 2012 Ponte Invisibile Ed
    May, 2012 ISSN 2074-028X Dhaxalreeb - I-2012 DHAXALREEB SERIES I/2012 May 2012 Ponte Invisibile Ed. WE LOST A FRIEND, A HERO A tribute to a true patriot Dr. Abdishakur A Jowhar, [Borama, 1952 – Tulli (Borama), 2012] Jama Musse Jama www.redsea-online.com This e-book is published by Ponte Invisibile Edizioni, REDSEA-ONLINE.COM Publishing Group May 2012 – first edition – Pisa | www.redsea-online.com | [email protected] We lost a friend, a hero Jama Musse Jama Taxanaha Dhaxalreeb: [1] Jama Musse Jama, Juun 2005 Layli Robot: Makiinad iswadda oo ciyaarta Layli Goobalay [2] Cabdiraxmaan Faarax ‘Barwaaqo’ iyo Mohamoud H. Nugidoon, Noofember 2005 Qalabka iyo Suugaanta Qodaalka. [3] Cabdiraxmaan Faarax ‘Barwaaqo’, Diisember 2005 Mahadhadii Muuse Xaaji Ismaaciil Galaal. [4] Cabdiraxmaan Faarax ‘Barwaaqo’, Jeenarweri 2006 Kumaa ah Aabbaha Miisaanka Maansada Soomaaliyeed: ma Carraale mise Gaarriye? [5] Jama Musse Jama, Abriil 2007 Tirada iyo habka tirsiimo ee Afsoomaaliga. [6] Cabdiraxmaan Faarax ‘Barwaaqo’, Meey 2007 Miisaanku waa furaha kala asooridda badaha maansooyinka Soomaaliyeed [7] Ibraahin Yuusuf Axmed “Hawd”, Juun 2007 “Dhulgariir” waa digniin culus [8] Khaalid Jaamac Qodax, Oktoober 2007 Suugaan Xul ah iyo Abwaan Axmed Aw-geedi “Dheeraad” - Maansoyahan mudh baxay! [9] Xasan C. Madar, Maarj 2008 Raad ka mid ah raadadkii addoonsiga. [10] Aadam Xaaji Cali Axmed, Seebtember 2008 Bandhig-buugeedka Caalamiga ah ee Hargeysa [11] Ayaan Maxamuud Cashuur, Oktoober 2008 Toddobaadka Fanka iyo Suugaanta Soomaalida ee Landhan [12] Xasan C. Madar,
    [Show full text]
  • Crisis in a Desert 0 April 6
    INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS P.O.Box. 511 JS-5 Nirobi Kenya Crisis in a Desert 0 April 6 Mr. Richard H. Nolte Institute of Current World Affairs 66 Madigon Avenue New York 17, New York Dear Mr. Nolte- The clash between Kenya and the Somali Republic over Kenya's Northern Frontier District blackens Nairobi headlines.. What is the NFD? What history lies behind the dispute? What are the Kenya and Somali feelings? #hat might happen? ihe vast semi-desert of the Northern Frontier District stretches from Lake Rudolf in the west to the Somali border in the east Its 102,000 square miles contain little to sustain the nomadic tribes tidal cross its burning surface in a constant search for grazing an water. Oil companies once thought the District promising, but so far their explorations have been unsuccessful.No one is sure exactly how many people live in the six administrative districts ttat divide the area. Population figures vary from the 200,000 cited in te reort; of the recent Northern Frontier District Commission to 88,000 quoted in one of Nairobi's newspapers. It is easier to talk in terms of tribal distribution. ore than half of the people living in the NPD are Somalis whose amitic ancestors moved southwards from Arabia in a series of aggressive migrations that halted at the Tana River in the first decade of this century. Th.e Somalia.are Islamic and occupy the western half of the NFD. The other significant tribes in the District are the Boran, Gabbra, Orma, Rendille, Sakuye, and a group known collectively as the Riverine.
    [Show full text]
  • From Irredentism to State Disintegration: Greater Somalia During Siad Barre Regime (1969-1991)
    FROM IRREDENTISM TO STATE DISINTEGRATION: GREATER SOMALIA DURING SIAD BARRE REGIME (1969-1991) Pablo Arconada LEDESMA, PhD Researcher Universidad de Valladolid [email protected] Abstract: ‘Greater Somalia’ refers to the union of the five regions inhabited by Somali people under the same state. For decades, and especially since colonization, this idea has tried to unify the different Somali peoples in the Horn of Africa: Italian Somalia, British Somalia, the small enclave of Djibouti, the Ogaden and Haud (under Ethiopian rule) and the Northeast border of Kenya. The pansomalist objective has never been fulfilled despite Mogadishu's repeated attempts to integrate all these territories. The last attempt was the so-called war of the Ogaden (1977-1978) driven by the dictator Mohammed Siad Barre, who was defeated. Despite the disaster, the dream of Greater Somalia has remained active for several years. However, the fall of Siad Barre in 1991 and the disintegration of the state of Somalia erased at one stroke the pansomalist aspirations. Finally, the purpose of this article is to analyze the unifying aspirations of Somalia from the Ogaden War to its total disintegration and the strategies promoted by this government until its fall in 1991. The Research methods includes the analysis of historic resources, such as the Constitutions of Somalia and different previous articles and books related to this topic. Key words: Ethiopia; Somalia; Irredentism; Ogaden; Siad Barre 1. Introduction When we get into the history of Somalia we must be cautious when defining concepts and reflect on the reality that the country and the Somali people have gone through.
    [Show full text]
  • The Forced Marriage of Sovereignty and Self-Determination Nora Y.S
    \\jciprod01\productn\C\CIN\47-2\CIN204.txt unknown Seq: 1 9-OCT-14 14:11 For Better or For Worse? The Forced Marriage of Sovereignty and Self-Determination Nora Y.S. Ali† Introduction ..................................................... 417 R I. The Struggle for Independence in Somaliland ............. 420 R A. Creation of “Greater Somalia” ......................... 420 R B. Collapse of Somalia and Rise of Somaliland ............ 423 R II. Sovereignty ............................................... 424 R A. Origins of Sovereignty ................................. 424 R B. Modern Approach to Sovereignty in Globalized World . 425 R III. Right to Self-Determination ............................... 426 R A. Development of the Right to Self-Determination ........ 426 R B. Theories of Recognition ............................... 428 R C. Current Status of Self-Determination .................. 430 R IV. Tension between Sovereignty and Self-Determination ...... 433 R A. Two Jus Cogens Norms at War......................... 433 R B. The Rule of Great Powers: A New Theory of Self- Determination ........................................ 434 R C. Defining the Great Powers ............................. 435 R D. Criteria for the Great Powers Approach to Self- Determination ........................................ 436 R E. The Great Powers Influence on Somaliland............. 438 R F. Politics or International Law? .......................... 440 R V. Solution to the Tension: Earned Sovereignty .............. 440 R A. Emergence of Earned Sovereignty .....................
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Development of Somaliland and Its Conflict with Puntland
    The political development of Somaliland and its conflict with Puntland 5 INTRODUCTION a total population of about three million people in 1997. Pastoralists make up some 55 per cent of the population, The Horn of Africa is the most militarised and conflict- whereas the rest is composed of urban and rural dwell- ridden region on the African continent, with armed ers. Territorially Somaliland is divided into six regions, conflicts raging frequently within and between states. namely Northwest, Awdal, Sahil, Togdheer, Sanaag and In 1991, Somaliland emerged as an autonomous entity Sool, which are subdivided into 30 districts. The largest in this turbulent region after unilaterally declaring its city and capital of Somaliland is Hargeisa to which independence from the rest of Somalia. Over the past Britain relocated its colonial administration in 1941, eighteen years Somaliland has managed to display an en- while Boroma, Berbera, Burao, Erigavo and Las-Canood viable measure of peace and stability. Through successive are Somaliland’s major cities. Somaliland’s principal port clan conferences, Somaliland established relatively viable is the strategic port of Berbera.6 institutions which paved the path for reconstruction of an There are three major clan families, namely the entity mainly employing local resources. Somaliland has Isaaq, the Darod/Harti (including the Warsangeli thus been depicted as ‘an oasis of stability in an otherwise and Dhulbahante) and the Dir (including the Iise and chaotic Somali regional environment’.1 The accomplish- Gadabursi), representing 66 per cent, 19 per cent and 15 ments of Somaliland, however, have been overshadowed per cent respectively of the total population.7 Pertaining by the lack of international recognition of its statehood to regional distribution, the west is inhabited by the Iise and also its territorial dispute with neighbouring and Gadabursi clans.8 The Isaaq live predominantly in Puntland.
    [Show full text]