Download PDF Version of Article
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bismya; Or the Lost City of Adab : a Story of Adventure, of Exploration
The Lost City of Adab 1 ' i %|,| / ";'M^"|('1j*)'| | Edgar James Banks l (Stanttll Wttfrmttg |fitag BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME FROM THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF Hcm-ij W. Sage 1891 fjjRmf... Lifoi/jL 3777 Cornell University Library DS 70.S.B5B21 Bismya: or The lost city of Adab 3 1924 028 551 913 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028551913 The Author as an Arab. Bismya or The Lost City of Adab A Story of Adventure, of Exploration, and of Excavation among the Ruins of the Oldest of the Buried Cities of Babylonia By Edgar James Banks, Ph.D. Field Director of the Expedition of the Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago to Babylonia With 174 Illustrations G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London Gbe IRnfcfeerbocfter press 1912 t.v. Copyright, 1912 BY EDGAR JAMES BANKS Ube TKniefeerbocftei: ipresg, mew ffiorft The University of Chicago office of the president Chicago, June 12, 1912. On the recommendation of the Director of the Baby- lonian Section of the Oriental Exploration Fund of the University of Chicago, permission has been granted to Dr. Edgar J. Banks, Field Director of the Fund at Bismya, to publish this account of his work in Mesopotamia. Dr. Banks was granted full authority in the field. He is entitled therefore to the credit for successes therein, as of course he will receive whatever criticism scholars may see fit to make. -
Republic of Iraq
Republic of Iraq Babylon Nomination Dossier for Inscription of the Property on the World Heritage List January 2018 stnel oC fobalbaT Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 State Party .......................................................................................................................................................... 1 Province ............................................................................................................................................................. 1 Name of property ............................................................................................................................................... 1 Geographical coordinates to the nearest second ................................................................................................. 1 Center ................................................................................................................................................................ 1 N 32° 32’ 31.09”, E 44° 25’ 15.00” ..................................................................................................................... 1 Textural description of the boundary .................................................................................................................. 1 Criteria under which the property is nominated .................................................................................................. 4 Draft statement -
SUMERIAN LITERATURE and SUMERIAN IDENTITY My Title Puts
CNI Publicati ons 43 SUMERIAN LITERATURE AND SUMERIAN IDENTITY JERROLD S. COOPER PROBLEMS OF C..\NONlCl'TY AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN A NCIENT EGYPT AND MESOPOTAMIA There is evidence of a regional identity in early Babylonia, but it does not seem to be of the Sumerian ethno-lingusitic sort. Sumerian Edited by identity as such appears only as an artifact of the scribal literary KIM RYHOLT curriculum once the Sumerian language had to be acquired through GOJKO B AR .I AMOVIC educati on rather than as a mother tongue. By the late second millennium, it appears there was no notion that a separate Sumerian ethno-lingui stic population had ever existed. My title puts Sumerian literature before Sumerian identity, and in so doing anticipates my conclusion, which will be that there was little or no Sumerian identity as such - in the sense of "We are all Sumerians!" outside of Sumerian literature and the scribal milieu that composed and transmitted it. By "Sumerian literature," I mean the corpus of compositions in Sumerian known from manuscripts that date primarily 1 to the first half of the 18 h century BC. With a few notable exceptions, the compositions themselves originated in the preceding three centuries, that is, in what Assyriologists call the Ur III and Isin-Larsa (or Early Old Babylonian) periods. I purposely eschew the too fraught and contested term "canon," preferring the very neutral "corpus" instead, while recognizing that because nearly all of our manuscripts were produced by students, the term "curriculum" is apt as well. 1 The geographic designation "Babylonia" is used here for the region to the south of present day Baghdad, the territory the ancients would have called "Sumer and Akkad." I will argue that there is indeed evidence for a 3rd millennium pan-Babylonian regional identity, but little or no evidence that it was bound to a Sumerian mother-tongue community. -
A Review of Maiocchi, M. Classical Sargonic Tablets Chiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections (CUSAS 13)
A review of Maiocchi, M. Classical Sargonic Tablets Chiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections (CUSAS 13). Bethesda: CDL Press, 2009 (337 pp. + xxxviii pl.), with notes on Maiocchi, M.; Visicato, G. Classical Sargo- nic Tablets hiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections. Part II (CUSAS 19). Bethesda: CDL Press, 2012 (208 pp.).1 The Cornell University houses one of the most important collections of the Sargonic texts in the United States.2 This corpus is being published in the Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology (CUSAS) series; by now five CUSAS volumes with Sargonic material have come out of press.3 This is the (admittedly delayed) review of CUSAS 13 (Maiocchi 2009)4 and CUSAS 19 (Maiocchi–Visicato 2012). These volumes are treated here together because most of the texts in them share the same provenance and dating. In total the books under review provide the edition of 432 cunei- form tablets mostly of Adab origin,5 with some minor groups attributed to other cities6 such as Umma, Umm-al-Hafriyat, Isin, Ešnuna and Girsu. 1 This article was prepared with the financial support from the Russian Foun- dation for the Humanities (project No.14-21-17004). The author wishes to ex- press her gratitude to this institution. 2 Detailed information on the tablet collections in the Jonathan and Jeannette Rosen Ancient Near Eastern Studies Seminar, Cornell University in Ithaca, N.Y. and their publication in the CUSAS series can be found at http://cuneiform.library.cornell.edu/collections. 3 These are Maiocchi 2009 (CUSAS 13), Visicato–Westenholz 2010 (CUSAS 11), Maiocchi–Visicato 2012 (CUSAS 19), Bartash 2013 (CUSAS 23) and Westenholz 2014 (CUSAS 26). -
Landscapes of Korean and Korean American Biblical Interpretation
BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMERICAN AND KOREAN LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN International Voices in Biblical Studies In this first of its kind collection of Korean and Korean American Landscapes of Korean biblical interpretation, essays by established and emerging scholars reflect a range of historical, textual, feminist, sociological, theological, and postcolonial readings. Contributors draw upon ancient contexts and Korean American and even recent events in South Korea to shed light on familiar passages such as King Manasseh read through the Sewol Ferry Tragedy, David and Bathsheba’s narrative as the backdrop to the prohibition against Biblical Interpretation adultery, rereading the virtuous women in Proverbs 31:10–31 through a Korean woman’s experience, visualizing the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and demarcations in Galatians, and introducing the extrabiblical story of Eve and Norea, her daughter, through story (re)telling. This volume of essays introduces Korean and Korean American biblical interpretation to scholars and students interested in both traditional and contemporary contextual interpretations. Exile as Forced Migration JOHN AHN is AssociateThe Prophets Professor Speak of Hebrew on Forced Bible Migration at Howard University ThusSchool Says of Divinity.the LORD: He Essays is the on author the Former of and Latter Prophets in (2010) Honor ofand Robert coeditor R. Wilson of (2015) and (2009). Ahn Electronic open access edition (ISBN 978-0-88414-379-6) available at http://ivbs.sbl-site.org/home.aspx Edited by John Ahn LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION INTERNATIONAL VOICES IN BIBLICAL STUDIES Jione Havea Jin Young Choi Musa W. Dube David Joy Nasili Vaka’uta Gerald O. West Number 10 LANDSCAPES OF KOREAN AND KOREAN AMERICAN BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION Edited by John Ahn Atlanta Copyright © 2019 by SBL Press All rights reserved. -
Republic of Iraq Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Antiquities. State Board of Antiquities and Héritage Cv Name:: AYAD KADHUM DAWOOD AL-SAADI
Republic of Iraq Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Antiquities. State Board of Antiquities and Héritage cv Name:: AYAD KADHUM DAWOOD AL-SAADI Birth:1973 Address: Baghdad Marital status Married Education: Ph.D. - 2012 Specialization: Ancient Civilizations University: Baghdad - Faculty of Letters - Department of History Date of Birth: 1973 Académie Degree: Senior Researcher Current position - Général Director of thé Department of Héritage State Board ofAntiquities and Héritage Previous position: - Director of thé Department of International Organizatjons Activities carried out in thé Directorate of Hérita e - SBAH for thé eriod 1999-2004 l - Member of thé héritage maintenance team of thé Régional Center on Mutanabi Street in 2000 2. Memberofthe national Archaeologicâl surveyteam of thé Batawin area in 2001 3- Représentative ofSBAH in thé Iraqi-ltalian Institute for Archaeological Survey and prépare a héritage study for thé AI-Batawin area for 2000-2001 4- représentative ofSBAH with thé purpose of supervising thé maintenance of thé assets ofAl-Orouba Café in 1999 5 - Participation in thé Archaeological survey / Cremat Area in 2000 6-Study and monitor thé situation of héritage buildings in thé castle ofTal Afar 7. Complète thé questionnaire for héritage buildings in thé city of Baghdad according to a spécial program 8 - Review and evaluate in a scientific way thé Encyclopedia of Héritage of Diyala prepared by thé Department ofCultural Relations in Ministry of Culture 2018 9 - Monitoring and élimination of violations of héritage buildings during thé period of my work in thé Department of Héritage / 1999-2004 OtherChar es: l. Head of thé inscription of thé southern marshes cultural team on thé World Héritage List in 2016 2- Thé représentative of Iraq in ISESCO (Islamic Organization for Education, Culture and Science) Morocco 3. -
The Limits of Middle Babylonian Archives1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenstarTs The Limits of Middle Babylonian Archives1 susanne paulus Middle Babylonian Archives Archives and archival records are one of the most important sources for the un- derstanding of the Babylonian culture.2 The definition of “archive” used for this article is the one proposed by Pedersén: «The term “archive” here, as in some other studies, refers to a collection of texts, each text documenting a message or a statement, for example, letters, legal, economic, and administrative documents. In an archive there is usually just one copy of each text, although occasionally a few copies may exist.»3 The aim of this article is to provide an overview of the archives of the Middle Babylonian Period (ca. 1500-1000 BC),4 which are often 1 All kudurrus are quoted according to Paulus 2012a. For a quick reference on the texts see the list of kudurrus in table 1. 2 For an introduction into Babylonian archives see Veenhof 1986b; for an overview of differ- ent archives of different periods see Veenhof 1986a and Brosius 2003a. 3 Pedersén 1998; problems connected to this definition are shown by Brosius 2003b, 4-13. 4 This includes the time of the Kassite dynasty (ca. 1499-1150) and the following Isin-II-pe- riod (ca. 1157-1026). All following dates are BC, the chronology follows – willingly ignoring all linked problems – Gasche et. al. 1998. the limits of middle babylonian archives 87 left out in general studies,5 highlighting changes in respect to the preceding Old Babylonian period and problems linked with the material. -
Hanigalbat and the Land Hani
Arnhem (nl) 2015 – 3 Anatolia in the bronze age. © Joost Blasweiler student Leiden University - [email protected] Hanigal9bat and the land Hana. From the annals of Hattusili I we know that in his 3rd year the Hurrian enemy attacked his kingdom. Thanks to the text of Hattusili I (“ruler of Kussara and (who) reign the city of Hattusa”) we can be certain that c. 60 years after the abandonment of the city of Kanesh, Hurrian armies extensively entered the kingdom of Hatti. Remarkable is that Hattusili mentioned that it was not a king or a kingdom who had attacked, but had used an expression “the Hurrian enemy”. Which might point that formerly attacks, raids or wars with Hurrians armies were known by Hattusili king of Kussara. And therefore the threatening expression had arisen in Hittite: “the Hurrian enemy”. Translation of Gary Beckman 2008, The Ancient Near East, editor Mark W. Chavalas, 220. The cuneiform texts of the annal are bilingual: Babylonian and Nesili (Hittite). Note: 16. Babylonian text: ‘the enemy from Ḫanikalbat entered my land’. The Babylonian text of the bilingual is more specific: “the enemy of Ḫanigal9 bat”. Therefore the scholar N.B. Jankowska1 thought that apparently the Hurrian kingdom Hanigalbat had existed probably from an earlier date before the reign of Hattusili i.e. before c. 1650 BC. Normally with the term Mittani one is pointing to the mighty Hurrian kingdom of the 15th century BC 2. Ignace J. Gelb reported 3 on “the dragomans of the Habigalbatian soldiers/workers” in an Old Babylonian tablet of Amisaduqa, who was a contemporary with Hattusili I. -
Short Report on the UNESCO Assessment Mission to Iraq (17Th To
REPORT ON THE UNESCO ASSESSMENT MISSION TO IRAQ (17TH TO 29TH NOVEMBER 2002) FOR THE EVALUATION OF THE IMPACT OF THE MAKHOOL DAM PROJECT ON THE SITE OF ASHUR AND THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE RESERVOIR AREA January 2003 Dr Arnulf HAUSLEITER Berlin The Carsten Niebuhr Institute of Near Eastern Studies University of Copenhagen Table of content 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 3 1.1 General situation ....................................................................................................... 3 1.2 The UNESCO assessment mission ........................................................................... 4 1.3 Objectives of the archaeological part of the mission .............................................. 5 1.4 Working conditions ................................................................................................... 5 2 Methods and results of the mission ............................................................................. 6 2.1 State of information and methodology of the visits ................................................ 6 The reservoir area ........................................................................................................ 6 The site of Ashur ......................................................................................................... 8 2.2 Assessment of the archaeological areas affected by the reservoir ........................ 8 History of exploration ................................................................................................ -
The Expulsion of Christians from Nineveh
Nasara The Expulsion of Christians from Nineveh Paul Kingery Introduction: Mosul is Iraq’s second largest city, the site of Biblical Nineveh where Jonah and Nahum preached, and where later, according to local tradition, Jesus’ Apostles Thomas and Judas (Thaddeus) brought the Aramaic language of Jesus and His teachings. They had many converts in the area. The church there preserved the language of Jesus into modern times. The ancient Assyrian villages near water sources in the surrounding arid lands also had many Christian converts by the second century despite the continued strong presence of Assyrian, Greek, and Zoroastrian religions. Most of the Assyrian temples were converted to Christian worship places. Early Christians there faced great persecution and many were killed for their faith, including Barbara, the daughter of the pagan governor of Karamles. One of the hills beside the city is named after her. Through the centuries priests came from various religious orders and divided Christians into several sects, some loyal to the Catholic tradition, others adhering to Eastern leadership. Mohammad began preaching Islam around 610 A.D., facing violent opposition to his teachings for twenty years from tribes in the area of Mecca, Saudi Arabia. Even so, his movement grew in numbers and strength. In December 629, he gathered an army of 10,000 Muslim converts and invaded Mecca. The attack went largely uncontested and Muhammad seized the city (Sahih-Bukhari, Book 43, #658). His followers, increasingly radicalized, went on to invade other cities throughout Iraq and all the way to Europe, Africa, and Asia, giving the option of conversion or death. -
The Evolution of Fragility: Setting the Terms
McDONALD INSTITUTE CONVERSATIONS The Evolution of Fragility: Setting the Terms Edited by Norman Yoffee The Evolution of Fragility: Setting the Terms McDONALD INSTITUTE CONVERSATIONS The Evolution of Fragility: Setting the Terms Edited by Norman Yoffee with contributions from Tom D. Dillehay, Li Min, Patricia A. McAnany, Ellen Morris, Timothy R. Pauketat, Cameron A. Petrie, Peter Robertshaw, Andrea Seri, Miriam T. Stark, Steven A. Wernke & Norman Yoffee Published by: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research University of Cambridge Downing Street Cambridge, UK CB2 3ER (0)(1223) 339327 [email protected] www.mcdonald.cam.ac.uk McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, 2019 © 2019 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. The Evolution of Fragility: Setting the Terms is made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 (International) Licence: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ISBN: 978-1-902937-88-5 Cover design by Dora Kemp and Ben Plumridge. Typesetting and layout by Ben Plumridge. Cover image: Ta Prohm temple, Angkor. Photo: Dr Charlotte Minh Ha Pham. Used by permission. Edited for the Institute by James Barrett (Series Editor). Contents Contributors vii Figures viii Tables ix Acknowledgements x Chapter 1 Introducing the Conference: There Are No Innocent Terms 1 Norman Yoffee Mapping the chapters 3 The challenges of fragility 6 Chapter 2 Fragility of Vulnerable Social Institutions in Andean States 9 Tom D. Dillehay & Steven A. Wernke Vulnerability and the fragile state -
The Calendars of Ebla. Part III. Conclusion
Andrews Unir~ersitySeminary Studies, Summer 1981, Vol. 19, No. 2, 115-126 Copyright 1981 by Andrews University Press. THE CALENDARS OF EBLA PART 111: CONCLUSION WILLIAM H. SHEA Andrews University In my two preceding studies of the Old and New Calendars of Ebla (see AUSS 18 [1980]: 127-137, and 19 [1981]: 59-69), interpreta- tions for the meanings of 22 out of 24 of their month names have been suggested. From these studies, it is evident that the month names of the two calendars can be analyzed quite readily from the standpoint of comparative Semitic linguistics. In other words, the calendars are truly Semitic, not Sumerian. Sumerian logograms were used for the names of two months of the Old Calendar and three months of the New Calendar, but it is most likely that the scribes at Ebla read these logograms with a Semitic equivalent. In the cases of the three logograms in the New Calendar these equiva- lents are reasonably clear, but the meanings of the names of the seventh and eighth months in the Old Calendar remain obscure. Not only do these month names lend themselves to a ready analysis on the basis of comparative Semitic linguistics, but, as we have also seen, almost all of them can be analyzed satisfactorily just by comparing them with the vocabulary of biblical Hebrew. Given some simple and well-known phonetic shifts, Hebrew cognates can be suggested for some 20 out of 24 of the month names in these two calendars. Some of the etymologies I have suggested may, of course, be wrong; but even so, the rather full spectrum of Hebrew cognates available for comparison probably would not be diminished greatly.