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Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism – a visual study of Jobbik’s gatherings during Hungarian national day...
Article in Visual Studies · September 2017 DOI: 10.1080/1472586X.2017.1358104
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Journal acronym: RVST Author(s): Anniina Hyttinen and Lena Näre Article title: Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism – a visual study of Jobbik’s gatherings during Hungarian national day commemorations Article no: 1358104 Enclosures: 1) Query sheet 2) Article proofs
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Visual Studies, 2017 Vol. 00, No. 00, 1–15, https://doi.org/10.1080/1472586X.2017.1358104
Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism – a visual study of Jobbik’s gatherings during Hungarian national day commemorations
ANNIINA HYTTINEN and LENA NA¨RE
5 This article analyses the symbolic and ritualistic While national days can be understood as a form of enactments of contemporary Hungarian nationalism national temporality (Edensor 2006) through which during national day commemorations organised by the nation-states govern the ceremonial time in a calendar extreme right-wing party Jobbik. Drawing on three year, the practices and ritual enactments through which 50 ethnographic field trips to Budapest, Hungary, during national days are celebrated vary. Since Billig (1995) 10 national day celebrations in 2013–2014 illustrated by published his influential work on ‘banal nationalism’ in nine photos taken by the first author, the article analyses which he critiqued research on nationalism for the manifestations of nationalism through the use of emphasising the extraordinary or ‘hot’ nationalism and various visual symbols, slogans and ritualistic elements argued for an understanding of national identities that 55 such as marching and singing. Jobbik’s gatherings have a become a ‘form of life which is daily lived in a world of 15 rich repertoire of symbolic and ritualistic elements, which nation-states’ (68), a great deal has been written on the primarily communicate Hungary’s mythical heroic past implicit, unspoken, underground, taken-for-granted and and revisionism that is connected to xenophobic and anti- unselfconscious forms of everyday nationalism (for a Semitic mentality. The article argues that while these review of this literature see Fox 2017). However, we 60 modern rituals can be located somewhere between the would argue that the explicit, outspoken, demonstrative 20 ‘banal’ and ‘hot’ nationalism, they maintain the ability to and celebratory forms of nationalism are alive and well, mobilise people by evoking collective memory. Jobbik is and that analysing the visual and performative able to utilise the strong emotional potential condensed in enactment of national days is a key way to unravel the the symbols through ritual enactment, which creates continuum between ‘banal nationalism’ and the 65 Durkheimian solidarity among the participants and extraordinary, ‘hot’ forms of nationalism – as both 25 emphasises oneness. However, such a sense of solidarity is forms are present during national day celebrations. based on exclusion and on the division into ‘us’ and ‘them’, rather than inclusion. The discussion is supported We consider national day gatherings as rituals that with photographic data from the gatherings. involve the audience in the act of commemoration on different levels and senses. Symbols present in these 70 fl INTRODUCTION events, such as ags, maps, coats of arms and anthems, are used to express the connection between 30 Past years have been characterised by the rise of the participants and a certain nation or group. Rituals nationalism and populism across Europe and globally, make possible the realisation of these symbolic especially so in Eastern Europe. National days are key attachments with visual means. In Jobbik’sgatherings, 75 events through which national identities and it is not only the party elite that is responsible for the nationalism are performed. They offer important production side of the events, the audience is also 35 insights into understanding the current political climate actively creating these contents. This can be seen as an in Eastern Europe. In this article, we focus on echo from Jobbik’spastasasocialmovement. contemporary Hungary, a ‘small’ East-Central European Politicians who permit a more active role for the 80 nation with a population of just under 10 million participants, and as argued by Giesen (2006,355),act (World Bank 2017). In Hungary, there is not just one as authentic representatives of the people, blur the 40 collective way to celebrate national days; rather limits between party elites and supporters, or ‘leaders’ celebrations take place in different communities and ‘followers’.Inwhatfollows,wefirst discuss the organised around political parties (Nyyssönen 2008; rise of nationalism in Hungary and then the 85 Palonen 2009). We analyse national day celebrations theoretical concepts that have guided our analysis. organised by the radical right-wing party Jobbik, This is followed by the presentation of the methods 45 drawing on ethnographic data collected during three and the empirical analysis. We end with concluding field trips to Budapest in 2013–-2014. remarks.
© 2017 International Visual Sociology Association 2 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
90 HUNGARIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY AND THE RISE emphasised by the rise of the radical nationalist right- OF NATIONALISM wing party Jobbik. Although in 2009 Jobbik had been able to gain three seats in the European Parliament, their In order to understand the construction of Hungarian success in 2010 parliamentary elections was a surprise 145 national identity, one needs to go back to 1920 and to for many. This success was enhanced in the elections of the Treaty of Trianon. In the aftermath of World War I April 2014 when Jobbik managed to increase its support 95 Hungary, which as part of Austria-Hungary was one of from 17 to 20 per cent. the losers of the war, were given strict terms according to which Hungary lost two thirds of its territory and its Jobbik was originally founded as a Right-Wing Youth population dropped from 18 to 8 million. Around 3 Association (Jobboldali Ifjúsági Közösség)in1999bya 150 million ethnic Hungarians remained outside the group of university students. In 2003, the association 100 Hungarian borders in neighbouring countries, mainly transformed into a political party which changed its Romania and Czechoslovakia. In the Treaty, Hungary official name to Jobbik, The Movement for a Better lost Transylvania (Erdély), an ethnically and Hungary (Jobbik Magyarországért Mozgalom) (Jobbik linguistically diverse territory currently located in 2010a).1Since 2006, it has been led by Gábor Vona, who 155 western Romania. In the national narrative, the treaty according to Pytlas (2013,170)is‘espousing an ideology fi 105 signi ed the end of the Hungarian empire and the end that is mixture of Hungarian political and economic of unity of Hungarian people (Pytlas 2016, 156). The nativism, (with a particularly overt and extreme anti- Treaty of Trianon caused overwhelming embitterment Roma element), conspiracy-like anti-Semitic, anti- in Hungarians and revision became the main aim of the 160 Communist and anti- globalisation rhetoric, and historical politics in the coming decades (Vehviläinen 2004, 204). revisionism’.The‘Roma issue’ has been seen by many 110 The inter-war years, the era of the national conservative scholars as the single most important factor behind the Regent Miklós Horthy, was characterised by racist right- success of Jobbik (e.g. Karácsony and Róna 2010;Kovács wing radicalism, anti-modernism, anti-liberalism and 2013). Nevertheless, it seems that the common anti-Roma anti-Semitism (Kovács 2016, 526). Even if none of the attitudes among Hungarians, together with the 165 current parties make openly revisionist claims, the disappointment towards the political elite, could not alone 115 Treaty of Trianon remains central to the Hungarian explain the success of radical right. What was needed in national identity, especially among conservative and addition to these negative sentiments was a political actor right-wing parties and their supporters. that could meet the needs of the public, in other words, a ‘ ’ The establishment of the socialist state, the Hungarian party that brought the Roma issue to the political agenda 170 ‘ ’ People’s Republic in 1949 began a period during which and appeared as an order bringing organisation with the 120 nationalism was downplayed in the socialist ideology. help of its paramilitary wing the Hungarian Guard The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in a (Magyar Gárda). Jobbik was able to present the party as ‘ ’ renewed emergence of nationalist ideology that most competent to deal with the Roma issue and continues to this day. The national re-awakening meant therefore gained issue-ownership over the matter 175 – rehabilitating the old national traditions and (Karácsony and Róna 2010,54 55). 125 celebrations as well as abandoning the socialist ones. There are other explanations to Jobbik’srisetoo.According In the beginning of the new millennium, Hungary was to Grajczjár and Tóth (2010),themostsignificant factor AQ1 considered a model example of a state which had behind Jobbik’ssuccessandthehardenedattitudeswasthe completed a successful transition from socialism to economic crisis that hit Hungary badly in 2008. Together 180 parliamentary democracy and from a planned to a with the scandals that led to thecollapseofsupportforthe 130 market economy. This development was followed by left-wing government, the impact of the crisis was Hungary’s accession to NATO in 1999 and to the EU in devastating. This caused feelings of insecurity, disorder and 2004. However, in 2006 the Prime Minister of the fear that made attractive a party that offered radical governing socialist party Ferenc Gyurcsány was caught solutions and change (87). Jeskó, Bakó, and Tóth (2012) 185 in a scandal over lying about the country’s economic offer yet another perspective to the success of Jobbik. They 135 situation. The scandal combined with the effects of the argue that the expansion of the Internet is a key explanatory 2008 economic crisis led to increasing distrust among factor behind Jobbik’ssuccess.Beforetheelectionsof2009 the electorate and street protests (Korkut 2012). and 2010 Jobbik was largely ignored by mainstream mass Consequently, and for lack of alternatives on the left, media and was therefore driven towards alternative 190 parliamentary elections held in Hungary in April 2010 solutions of communication on the Internet. The sudden 140 signalled a landslide victory for the conservative right- growth of Jobbik’spopularitycanbetemporallylocatedwith wing party Fidesz. The decline of the left was further the general growth of Internet usage in Hungary. The age Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 3
structure of active Internet users is also similar to Jobbik’s that rituals create solidarity. Neo-Durkheimian scholars 195 supporters’ age structure. (83). For the first time the Internet of nationalism, in applying this idea to modern societies, 245 was used in Hungary by a political party as the main channel argue that nationalism is not something that exists, or is for reaching potential voters, but as Jeskó, Bakó, and Tóth achieved, but evolves through repetition, rituals and (2012) emphasised,thevastnetworkofJobbik-relatedpages articulation (Tsang and Woods 2014). Following this is much wider than the number of clearly politics-related line of thought, it can be argued that national days are 200 pages. Therefore, we can talk about the emergence of an key moments and events that enable the repetitive, 250 entire online subculture, which covers all fields of life from ritualistic and collective articulation of the nationhood. online shops of clothes, food and handcrafts to band During national days, collective memory is produced, homepages and news portals. reproduced, and rearticulated in the present through ritualistic enactment (Connerton 1989; Giesen 2006). Finally, the eastward expansion of the EU was expected to 205 weaken nationalism in the new member states, but the Thus, in this article we depart from the classical 255 development in Hungary has been quite the opposite (Fox definition of nationalism as a theory of political and Vermeersch 2010). For the ruling right wing party legitimacy requiring unity between ethnic and political Fidesz, EU has offered an agenda for its national interests. boundaries of state, as defined by Gellner (1983, 1) and fi ‘ Fidesz de ned itself as a representative of the Hungarian approach nationalism as a constructed frame of vision, 210 nation defending all ethnic Hungarians irrespective where (. . .) cultural idiom, and a political claim’ (Brubaker 260 they live. Hungary’sjoiningtheEUdidnotforFideszmean et al. 2008, 358). Accordingly, nationalism appears in abandoning its nationalist ambitions, but on the contrary, multiple forms and is expressed through various offered it a new agenda (Fox and Vermeersch 2010) ‘ethnopolitical claims, objectified in symbols, embedded Nationalism is central for both Fidesz and Jobbik and in institutional structures and organisational routines, 215 growing the national pride of the Hungarian people has been encoded in elite and popular discourses, embodied in 265 regularly on their agenda. On the other hand, EU has been schemas and common-sense knowledge, and enacted in seen as an institution that interferes with sovereign state public ceremonies and private interactions (358). business and is not able to understand the situation in Following Brubaker et al. (2008) and Fox and Miller- Hungary. Idriss (2008), we are not interested in trying to define what nationalism means or is in Hungary, rather how it 270 220 Publicly Fidesz condemns most of the proposals of Jobbik, is constructed and enacted through ritual performances. but has later on implemented some of them. For instance, Moreover, we take cue from Hobsbawm (1991, 10), who fi the rst law amendment of Fidesz in 2010 was to provide has argued that nationalism needs to be understood and Hungarian citizenship to all ethnic Hungarians living in analysed ‘from below, that is in terms of the neighbouring countries, sparking considerable debate. In assumptions, hopes, needs, longings and interests of 275 225 addition, Fidesz passed a law stating that the 4th of June, the ordinary people, which are not necessarily national and day when Treaty of Trianon was signed, is to be still less nationalist’. commemorated as the Day of National Unity (Nemzeti összetartozás napja)(Feischmidt2014;Pytlas2016). Both In discussing everyday constructions of nationalism, Fox amendments had been initiated by Jobbik, but Fidesz and Miller-Idriss (2008)offered different ways to analyse 230 implemented them according to its own agenda. Jobbik everyday nationalism: talking the nation, choosing the 280 considers the name of Trianon memorial day, ‘The Day of nation, performing the nation, and consuming the ’ ‘ ’ National Unity ,anoutrage,becauseit emphasises unity nation. Talking the nation refers to the discursive acts instead of trauma and revision. According to Jobbik, the day through which nationhood and nation are constructed should be commemorated as ‘The National Day of in everyday interactions. Fox and Miller-Idriss 235 Mourning’ (Nemzeti gyász napja)(Jobbik2014a). Thus, distinguish between talking about the nation and talking 285 national days are a central but contested terrain on which with nation referring to the taken for granted framework nationalism is manifested in contemporary Hungary. Before that nation offers for everyday talk. They are also analysing the national day celebrations organised by Jobbik, interested in the moments when this talk occurs, in we outline the theoretical notions that have guided our other words, when the nation is. They claim such 240 approach. moments to be, for example, national catastrophes and 290 international sporting events (Fox and Miller-Idriss VISUAL AND EMBODIED NATIONALISM 2008). National day commemorations are clearly events during which talking nation occurs. By choosing the In The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life nation, Fox and Miller-Idriss (2008) refer to the often (Durkheim [1912] 1964), Durkheim famously claimed unconscious choices and institutions, such as the 295 4 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
education system and media, that are structured and enacted ritually as well as consumed in according to a national logic. An example of ‘choosing contemporary Hungary. 350 the nation’ in the Hungarian context could be a private – taxi company which calls itself Nemzeti taxi the ANALYSING NATIONAL DAY CELEBRATIONS 300 National taxi. Related to this, Fox and Miller-Idriss FROM A VISUAL PERSPECTIVE (2008) also discuss ‘consuming the nation’, i.e., that citizens have an active role as producers of nationhood Nationhood and national symbols have a strong visual through the everyday choices of consumption. dimension in themselves (Jenkins 2008, 2011; Spencer Consumption and commodification of the nation is a 2011), as visual representations are indispensable in 355 305 central aspect in Jobbik’s national day gatherings and in expressing the unspeakable and unquantifiable (Pauwels the subculture that surrounds the party. 2010). What is characteristic for our visual material is that the photos contain two visual levels: firstly, they For this research ‘performing the nation’ is the most depict visual symbols that were present in the events and relevant dimension of constructing nationalism from secondly, they are visual representations of the 360 the below. According to Fox and Miller-Idriss (2008), surroundings, i.e., the immediate context in which the 310 nationalistic ritual performances are part of everyday symbol appears and how it is used. These visual levels life – not because of the banality of the events, but are then linked to the wider societal context, which because of the ordinary people that participate in brings yet another level to the analysis. Visual symbols them. They also highlight the ways in which the elite are difficult to analyse since they are inherently 365 designed events’ intended symbolic messages are often multivocal, multivalent and their production and 315 mixed or even missed. They argue further, that the perception inherently a multisensory process (Pink venue of such performances has changed from 2011). In the analysis, we do not even aim to uncover all national commemorations to sporting events (Fox and the private meanings, but instead approach symbols and Miller-Idriss 2008). The Hungarian case as well as their use through their current and historical contexts. 370 examples from Finland (Paasi 2016)pointtothe 320 contrary, national day or Independence Day In recent years, visual methods have become celebrations continue to be a significant way through increasingly popular, but the methodological basis which nationalism is done from below. When the first supporting such research has remained rather weak author attended the commemorations in years (Pauwels 2010). In order to remedy the situation – Pauwels has developed a framework for visual social 375 2013 2014, the events organised by the ruling party 325 Fidesz, such as the ‘Peace march’ (Békemenet)onthe research which we have found useful. Firstly, the visuals 23rd of October had hundreds of thousands of we use are researcher-produced as opposed to using pre- participants (according to some sources one million). existing artefacts. The benefits of this approach are that Even in Jobbik’sgatheringsinOctoberandMarch, the researcher has more knowledge of the context and AQ2 there were thousands of people (Origo 2013). more control over the data gathering and, therefore, 380 330 Commemorating three different days in events divided better insights into their production (Pauwels 2010). by the political lines tells that history is far from being Secondly, the subject of the research is national day ‘over’ in Hungary (see McCrone and McPherson 2009, gatherings, i.e., human social behaviour with a clear 3). Moreover, national day celebrations demonstrate visual dimension. These gatherings can be seen as that performing nationalism does not only relate to consisting of rituals that according to Pauwels (2010) 385 335 the banal, mundane and everyday – although these benefit from a visual approach since it has the capacity might also be elements of the performances as we to catch the richness and complexity inherent to such later discuss- but that national day celebrations can events. Thirdly, the material has been collected with a include spectacular and extraordinary elements. It can smart phone and consists of photographs. The collection 390 be argued that national days have become a part of method is close to what Pauwels (2010) called 340 the everyday, national order of things (Malkki 1995) explorative research and ‘opportunistic sampling’ where and as part of the ‘national temporalities’ of the things that attract a researcher’s attention are recorded. calendar year (Edensor 2006), operate similarly to the This process is guided by the thematic focus that draws flags that hang in front of office buildings, yet have from the initial research questions and theoretical 395 the potential and elements of being activated towards starting points. Lastly, Pauwels (2010) elaborated on the 345 the spectacular and ‘hot’.Asourresearchconcerns degree of involvement, which can vary from zero-state national day celebrations that already are spectacular involvement to collaboration and joint-production with events, our analysis focuses on the ways in which the research participants. In this research, there was very nationalism – rather than nation – is being performed little involvement, although the camera use was fully Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 5
400 overt. It could be said that due to the nature of the event can be used to convey attitudes and sentiments with (a mass gathering) the audience was probably mainly simple acts such as waving, they have emotional unaware of the camera use, but generally aware of the potential that allows flags to be used as rallying points presence of cameras, since such events are recorded by for political action (Firth 1973, 77). It is therefore not 430 the press and audience to similar extents. surprising that flags play such a central role in the national celebrations organised by Jobbik (see Figure 1). 405 The empirical data consist of photos, videos and field notes collected during the following national day In Figure 1, at least five different kinds of flags are fl gatherings organised by Jobbik: 20 August 2013 (Saint visible: the current ag of Hungary with three stripes Stephen’s Day, Foundation of the Hungarian State), 23 (red, white, green); Jobbik party flags with text and cross 435 October 2013 (Memorial Day of the 1956 Revolution), as symbols; the red and white Árpád flag and the blue 410 and 15 March 2014 (Memorial Day of the 1848 and golden flag of the Székely land. The red and white Revolution). These were the last three national day Árpád flag consists of eight stripes used originally in the fl commemorations organised before the April 2014 ag of the Árpád dynasty that ruled Hungary from the parliamentary elections. The total field material consists 9th until the 13th century. Today the Árpád stripes are 440 of 125 photos and 24 short videos, from which nine used widely by the radical right and can be seen 415 photos were chosen for the purposes of this article. everywhere in Jobbik’s gatherings in flags, coat of arms, maps, scarfs, clothes and all kinds of accessories. The PERFORMING NATIONALISM: VISUAL SYMBOLS flag of the Székely land is a newly invented flag IN JOBBIK’S GATHERINGS representing a region in Romania with many ethnic 445 Hungarians. The flag has a light blue background, one fl Visual symbols represented in various kinds of ags are golden line in the middle and a golden star and a silver fi probably the rst thing an observer notices in Jobbik’s moon. 420 national day gatherings. Flags and symbols are everywhere, carried by the audience and more The three flags are all connected to different nationalist democratic than the speaker’s podium that gives voice to projects. The official flag of Hungary represents the 450 only a selected few. Flags and other ritual symbols can current Hungarian state, whereas the Árpád stripes are be understood as condensed symbols (Turner 1967). often linked to the historical Hungarian state and 425 This means that flags are able to contain various revisionist thinking. The Székely flag, on the other hand, meanings and emotions attached to them. While flags can be seen also outside the scope of revisionism, as a
FIGURE 1. Flags held by the audience represent various nationalist and party-specific symbols. 6 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
455 quest for the recognition of a minority culture and could be seen as demonstrating particular autonomy. When it comes to the origins of these flags, interpretations of history. As an illustrative example of they date back to different eras and flag traditions: the this mixing is the self-made flag carried by a man at the Árpád flag is part of the pre-modern monarchical March 15th event (Figure 3). imagery, the Hungarian tricolour originates from 460 modern age and the republican movement, whereas the Figure 3 portrays a man carrying a self-made, invented 490 fl newly invented Székely flag can be placed in the more ag formed by a unique combination of the current fl fl recent flag tradition that, nevertheless, draws its Hungarian ag and the Árpád ag. In the middle of the fl inspiration from the ancient past (see Elgenius 2011). ag is a self-drawn map of Greater Hungary with a small text stating the names of the 64 historical pre-Trianon By carrying symbols such as the flags, the audience is Hungarian counties. The map is circled with triangles 495 465 able to take part in the ritual of performing probably representing sun rays. The text reads: ‘It is the nationhood through non-verbal means. While the holy right and duty of every Hungarian to take back the power of a symbol derives from the ritual usage of the stolen ancient Carpathian home’,(Minden magyar szent symbol over time (Jenkins 2011;Turner1967), joga, kötelessége visszavenni az elrabolt ősi Kárpáti hont). symbols are also (re)invented. The flag of the Székely On the sides of the flag, names of two old religions are 500 470 land is an example of a symbol that, albeit new, written (mani–keizmus and bud–hizmus). Standing to utilises old symbols (see Figure 2). The sun and the the right of the man, another man is wearing a moon are traditional Székely symbols that can be Hungarian flag around his shoulders and a similarly traced back to the Middle Ages and the blue themed scarf around his neck. background with a stripe in the middle can be found 475 in old flags of the region (Takács 2013). During the national day gatherings, symbolism 505 connected to Greater Hungary seemed to be a However, meanings related to symbols are not fixed, but reoccurring theme. The Map of Greater Hungary (Nagy- dynamic and flexible. As argued by Guibernau (1996, Magyarország), showing the borders before the 1920 81) ‘symbols not only stand for or represent something Trianon peace treaty is a revisionist national symbol that else, they also allow those who employ them to supply was used commonly during the inter-war years (Zeidler 510 480 ’ part of their meaning . It is in the active use and re- 2002). This symbol has been reinvented in the past 10 to interpretations of the symbols that the participants enact 15 years by Jobbik and other related extreme right-wing ’ and perform the nation at Jobbik s national day organisations (see Feischmidt 2014). The situation of celebrations. A common way to actively use and ethnic Hungarians living in the neighbouring countries reinterpret symbols at the National Day gatherings was is central to Jobbik’s policies. In their 2010 Election 515 485 the mixing and tuning of symbols. These symbolic mixes Manifesto, Jobbik declares that ‘our political horizons are not defined by the borders of our country, but by the borders of our nation’ (Jobbik 2010b, 15). The party emphasises that they do not think in terms of 10 million Hungarian citizens, but 15 million ethnic Hungarians 520 (15). The 2014 Election Programme expresses the same line of thinking with the words ‘we are from the same blood’ and declares that the party feels responsible for every Hungarian (Jobbik 2014b, 77).
The revival of the inter-war revisionist symbols at 525 Jobbik’sgatheringsgoeshandinhandwithanti- Semitism and prejudices against ethnic minorities (cf. Kovács 2016). Restoring old symbols also revives the connected worldviews and therefore revisionist symbolism cannot be seen only as a ‘toolbox’ as 530 Feischmidt (2014,57)seemstosuggest.Weagreewith Feischmidt (2014)thatthereasonsforthere- emergence of these symbols have to be searched located within the present context, but her approach overlooks the process through which a certain ideological 535 ‘package’ is symbolically condensed during its use in AQ3 FIGURE 2. People holding a pale blue flag of Székely land. the past. Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 7
FIGURE 3. Man holding a self-made flag and people wearing national symbols.
CONSUMING NATIONALISM – JOBBIK’S ACTIVE supporters, a truer and better Hungarian identity, or SUBCULTURE alternatively their connections to Transylvania or other lost territories. Brubaker and his colleagues (2008) 540 Unlike the rigidly ordered national ceremonies stressed that in addition to just emphasising or organised ‘from above’ in which the public has only the downplaying one’s membership, one can also make an 570 role of audience, ceremonies discussed, for instance, in already known category membership relevant in a the edited volumes by Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983) certain context. This membership can be used, for and Gillis (1994), the national day celebrations example, to justify certain opinions or actions, to claim 545 organised by Jobbik are much more driven ‘from below’. ‘insider’ or membership status, or to control the borders The public takes part in the collective ritual enactments of a certain category (Brubaker et al. 2008, 224–225). 575 during Jobbik’s national day celebrations. The diversity and nuances of the symbolic world that is being created The subculture formed by Jobbik supporters is tightly during the national day celebrations are created also by linked to distinct consumption choices. It is capable of 550 Jobbik’s active supporters, who clearly put a lot of effort maintaining a separate network of shops and services in their appearance. It is apparent that for the which profile their products as characteristically supporters, these gatherings and all the clothes and ‘national’ (nemzeti) (see Jeskó, Bakó, and Tóth 2012). 580 accessories they bring along them, are important. They Figure 4 shows well how consumption has penetrated form a distinct subculture. These symbols are not just the sphere of radical right nationalism and is clearly 555 given from above but the supporters use them actively visible also in national day gatherings. and creatively to convey different kinds of messages. Old and new visual symbols, as well as verbal symbols, are This commercial production of symbols for used to communicate with fellow participants and to the nationalistically aware consumers seems to play a central 585 audience. Thus, while national day celebrations can be role in involving the supporters in Jobbik’s nationalist 560 perceived as manifestations of ‘hot’ nationalism they also project. The accessories that were on sale during the fl have a mundane, banal dimension. gatherings included ags and T-shirts decorated with various combination of nationalistic elements Many Jobbik supporters are consciously putting introduced as well as products made of leather such as 590 emphasis on communicating their Hungarianness. Since belts and bracelets. In addition, nationalist rock music that is anyway assumed in Hungary, one can ask are and related products such as CDs and DVDs were on 565 they actually communicating their identities as Jobbik sale. Jobbik, together with the sellers of nationalist 8 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
FIGURE 4. Stand selling nationalist merchandise during the celebrations.
products, as well as nationalist rock and folk-rock bands, be deeply aware of the origins of the symbols and the 595 seem to all benefit from this alliance. By bringing the meanings attached to them, they still carry a certain popular nationalist rock bands to perform at their ‘historical weight’ which is an essential part of the nature 625 events, Jobbik can mobilise potential supporters who of the events. would otherwise not be interested in listening to political speeches whereas the bands and sellers are provided THE ELEMENTARY FORMS OF NATIONALISM: A 600 several occasions to perform or sell merchandise. CONTINUUM OF ‘HOT’ AND BANAL Another example of how political preferences can lead to divisions in the level of consumption is the taxi company In his study of the most elementary forms of the called ‘National taxi’ (Nemzeti taxi) which directs its religious life, Durkheim ([1912] (1964)) researched 630 services specifically for nationalistically-minded totemism among the Australian Aboriginals. His famous 605 customers. revelation was that by worshipping a totem the community actually worships itself, the totem then being Jobbik has been particularly skilful in creating and a symbol of the community. Neo-Durkheimian nourishing a subculture to support its political goals (see 635 researchers such as Marvin and Ingle (1999) drew Jeskó, Bakó, and Tóth 2012). These products which vary analogies between national flags and totems and argued from music to merchandise related to expressing one’s that flags can be seen as totems for the community of a 610 true Hungarian identity as well as individuality, appear nation. Thus rituals connected to nationalism can be as a successful fusion of political and nationalistic perceived as performances creating solidarity. Moreover, ideology with modern mass consumerism and Breuilly (1994) argued that, while in other ideologies 640 individualism. Such expressions of Jobbik’s consumerist such as religion or socialism, the object of worship is fi nationalism can be observed rst hand in all their external to the community (a transcendent God or a 615 diversity during national day gatherings, where the true future utopia), nationalism has a self-referential quality believers meet each other and ‘show their colours’. The in that nationalists worship themselves (Breuilly 1994, fi ff events are lled with nationalistic symbols which o er 64). We can ask whether the strong self-referential 645 the supporters the possibility to express simultaneously character of nationalism is the reason behind its their individuality, such as membership in a motorbike continuous success. 620 club, combined with nationalism. These consumption practices emphasise a shared sense of belonging and Besides the flags, examples of totemic visual symbols solidarity. Although all Jobbik supporters are unlikely to present in Jobbik’s national day celebrations are the Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 9
managed to present the party’s ideology as 675 Hungarianness and something more: a better and a prouder version of Hungarianness, a national identity free of the often negative self-image common to Hungarians whose history is characterised by failed revolutions and lost wars (cf. Feischmidt 2014). 680 According to Jobbik’s nationalist ideology, the current situation is something shameful and national pride is sought through references to a nostalgic past.
The visual symbols through which Jobbik’s nationalist ideology is expressed, such as the Árpád flag and the 685 Turul bird, can be understood as political tools that can be used to harness the heroic past symbolically condensed in them. The importance of these symbols and rituals becomes apparent when one tries to imagine the events without the symbols. The gatherings create 690 Durkheimian solidarity among the participants and emphasise oneness. This unity, however does not indicate inclusion and consensus, but is based on exclusionary mechanisms and strict divisions between ‘us’ and ‘them’ (cf. Elgenius 2011; Mouffe 2005). 695 Symbols are used in the gatherings to draw these boundaries.
FIGURE 5. A flag with a Turul bird carrying a sword. Modern performances during national day gatherings often aim at reaching the audience emotionally through different ritual elements such as music, singing and 700 650 mythical Turul bird and the mythical warrior Árpád (see marching. These ‘moral dramas’ seek to provide the Figure 5). Turul is considered a national totem animal audience with an illusion of authenticity (see Giesen for Hungarians. According to legend, Turul impregnated 2006). However, they rarely succeed in creating what Emese, the Hungarian foremother, who then gave birth could be called in Durkheimian terms a ‘collective to Álmos, who was Árpád’s father. The symbol first effervescence’ among modern audiences (cf. Fox and 705 655 appeared in the Transylvanian warrior group’s flag in Miller-Idriss 2008; Skey 2006). But does this mean that 1321. It became again more popular at the end of the the rituals do not work? In Jobbik’s gatherings it 19th century as part of the rise of nationalism and becomes apparent that the dichotomy between ‘banal’ interest towards the Hungarian origin myth. and ‘hot’ nationalism is in reality a continuum. Modern After the Treaty of Trianon, Turul became an almost rituals are best understood somewhere between the 710 660 inseparable element of Trianon memorials and thereafter it mundane, everyday nationalism and moments of truly has been closely linked to the ideology of the extreme right heated nationalism (see Billig 1995; Collins 2014; Skey (Ungváry 2005). Turul and the Hungarian myth of origin 2006). As seen in Figures 3 and 4, Jobbik’s gatherings, are closely linked to the historical Árpád dynasty, which is performing the nation did not consist of merely active sometimes even called ‘the Turul dynasty’.Árpád,despite flag-waving, but also wearing the national symbols and 715 665 being a historical figure, is also a mythical national symbol dressing into the flags. Wearing the national symbols surrounded by legends. In the gatherings, Árpád is often emphasises the ‘banality’ of nationalism (Billig 1995) depicted on horse back and carrying the red and white flag over sacredness. of the dynasty (Figure 5). Sometimes the riding figures, However, heated expressions of nationalism remain a appearing mainly on T-shirts, are more anonymous, possibility during national day celebrations. Extreme 720 670 representing an unidentifiable mythical warrior from the right-wing parties maintain the ability to mobilise era of conquest of Hungary. people if needed, and in this mobilisation references to Jobbik has been successful in mobilising and the historical past are central. This was seen in Hungary monopolising various old symbols (flags and coats of in 2006 during the October 23 commemorations which arms) to justify its own version of nationalism. It has escalated into street riots drawing their power from the 725 10 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
legacy of the Revolution of 1956. The mobilisation of During the national day gatherings, the guard marched people would not have been possible if the meanings in an intentionally slightly disorganised way, and its related to this specific day had not been available for the members wore uniforms, which were not unified. For audience. This potential is something that can be example, the black jackets were not all exactly the same; 750 730 maintained through repetition. some wore bomber or leather jackets, some wore a regular black cap instead of the ‘Bocskai cap’.In ‘ ’ Another example of an expression of hot nationalism is addition, marching together with the rest of Jobbik the Hungarian Guard (see Figure 6). The original supporters was done in semi- organised lines and the Hungarian Guard movement and the related association guard seemed to occasionally merge with the rest of the 755 ’ was founded by Jobbik s leader Gábor Vona in June marchers. This all appeared as an intentional move to fi 735 2007 (Balogh 2012, 246). The guard was pro led as an defy the court order, but at the same to give some leeway order bringing organisation in rural areas, which against possible accusations. according to Jobbik’s propaganda were suffering from high crime rates caused by Roma. This was identified as The behaviour of the members of the New Hungarian a central problem of Hungary in Jobbik’s 2010 Election Guard reveals the power that symbols carry. While the 760 740 Manifesto. The functioning of the guard was banned in court order perceived the uniform as threating to others, 2009, because according to the court decision, their for the guard members it signified pride and superiority. activities increased ethnic tensions and violated others’ Symbols are thus more ambiguous than words. The rights and freedom (Index 2009a). Banning the guard message sent by boots, white shirts and black vests meant also banning the uniform.2 However, only nine depends on the context, and therefore it is easy to feign 765 745 days later ‘The New Hungarian Guard’ was founded by innocence. Jobbik’s leader Gábor Vona, who was also the acclamation in Budapest. leader of the original Hungarian guard wrote in the party magazine Bar!kád (2013) that the situation has gone so far that it appears to be a crime to wear a white shirt and a black vest, but the observations at the 770 National Day celebrations reveal that this is not the case. On 23 October, the police were observing at close range the marching of guard members dressed in guard uniform in a clearly defined unit without any interruption (see Figure 7). Although symbolism related 775 to the Guard is distinctive compared to the other visual symbols present at the gatherings, it too draws inspiration from inter-war years. As a living symbol, the guard members embody and re-enact the idea of revisionist paramilitary movements such as the Levente 780 movement (see Connerton 1989).
Apart from the marching of the Guard, processions by the supporters formed a central ritual element during national day celebrations (see Figure 8). The procession of party supporters marked the end of the smaller warm- 785 up events and made moving together to the main event more meaningful. The March 15 procession emphasised the role of Jobbik politicians who were marching in the front line carrying a big banner. Many people who participated in this procession were wearing a white 790 campaign jacket and almost everyone had in their hands either a red, white or green balloon with the message ‘May Jobbik win!’ (Győzzön a Jobbik!), or, since the party’s name is a pun ‘May the better win!’. The idea was to have all in all 1848 balloons to commemorate the year 795 of the March 15 revolution. Huge flags at the front of the crowd dominated the visual outlook of the procession FIGURE 6. T-shirt with an image of Árpád on a horse carrying AQ4 the red and white flag of the dynasty. (Figure 8). Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 11
FIGURE 7. Hungarian Guard marching at the October 23 celebration.
FIGURE 8. Procession at the March 15 commemoration.
After the procession had reached its destination at Deák balloons, and if it depends on us, and if on April 6 we 800 square, one of the most visually impressive rituals, will get the trust of the people, the nation and the 805 releasing the balloons, was enacted (see Figure 9). People Hungariannes will rise like this, fly free, freed from the were told to let the balloons free with the words: ‘We 24 and the earlier 44 year of colonialism. May Jobbik will send on their way these national coloured air win! May Hungary win!’ The balloons were freed with 12 A. Hyttinen and L. Näre
FIGURE 9. The balloon release on 15 March .
dramatic uplifting music rising with the balloons with a creating solidarity among Jobbik supporters. The 810 clear aim to offer the people a strong collective symbols are used to communicate to other participants a experience to which everyone could participate equally. Jobbikian version of ‘true Hungarianness’. This symbolic act combined nationalistically framed visual and auditory dimensions with a clear party- In Hungary, national days are moments of political political message. In the message Jobbik’s success as a contestations and therefore contestations of different 845 815 party was linked to the faith of the nation: Jobbik’s understandings of Hungarian nationhood. The fact that victory is Hungary’s victory. Balloon release is an national days are commemorated and celebrated in illustrative example of a ritual, which creates solidarity politically fragmented units makes the processes through through shared participation (see Kertzer 1988; which past meanings are fought in the political arena AQ5 Durkheim 1964). It also involves the participants visible. Jobbik, which has become internationally known 850 820 without bringing to the surface possible ideological for its paramilitary guard, is now trying to present itself disagreements. as a people’s party (néppárt) and is constantly playing with blurred interpretations and meanings. It is simultaneously trying to attract the interest of a larger CONCLUSIONS public and meet the needs of its core supporters. The 855 We have analysed the diverse, multisensory but highly actions and rhetoric of Jobbik’s politicians have, since visual universe of symbols and rituals through which the beginning of the party’s existence, been a complex 825 Jobbik and its supporters construct, articulate, enact, and game of what is accepted and what is not. It has been perform nationalism during Hungarian national day argued that the rise of Jobbik has led to a significant gatherings. The symbols present in the events draw their change in what is considered to be polite and 860 power and meanings from inter-war revisionism and permissible in Hungary (see Stewart 2012). nostalgic dreams of Greater Hungary. They form a The visual symbolic expressions in Jobbik’s gatherings 830 distinct dimension open for varied expressions of appear more radical than the speeches of the party nationhood. leaders. Based on the observations, it seems that the The symbols, such as the Árpád flag and the Map of visual sphere in general is more open to ambiguous 865 Greater Hungary, are by their nature dividing, since not radical expressions: what cannot be said can still be all Hungarians can identify with them. This division is shown. Using clearly revisionist symbols in the present 835 partly lessened by the use of generally accepted national context as well as supporting various paramilitary symbols such as the Flag of Hungary and the singing activities can be seen as flirting with revisionism and together of the national anthem Himnusz. However, it is expressing xenophobia and outright racism. These 870 the dividing symbols that make Jobbik’s gatherings stand connections can then be verbally denied if someone out from the more ‘mainstream’ usage of nationalist from the outside questions them. This playing with two 840 symbols. They also seem to function as means for cards (towards media and the supporters), allows Jobbik Symbolic and ritual enactments of nationalism 13
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