Culture of Solidarity
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1 Signature Page Past and Present Populism
Signature Page Past and Present Populism and Protest in the Labour Party and New Democratic Party: Comparisons and Contrasts By Sydney Ann Hull A Thesis Submitted to Department of Political Science Saint Mary’s University, Halifax NS In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Honours Political Science April 2017, Halifax, Nova Scotia Copyright Sydney Hull 2017 Approved: Dr. Alexandra Dobrowolsky. Professor, Department of Political Science Saint Mary’s University Date: 21 April 2017 1 Past and Present Populism and Protest in the Labour Party and New Democratic Party: Comparisons and Contrasts By Sydney Ann Hull A Thesis Submitted to Department of Political Science Saint Mary’s University, Halifax NS In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Honours Political Science April 2017, Halifax, Nova Scotia Copyright Sydney Hull 2017 Approved: Dr. Alexandra Dobrowolsky. Professor, Department of Political Science Saint Mary’s University Date: 21 April 2017 2 Past and Present Populism and Protest in the Labour Party and New Democratic Party: Comparisons and Contrasts By Sydney Ann Hull Abstract: Recent election campaigns in several prominent liberal democracies have seen the rise to prominence of both right and left-wing populist candidates. While significant media and scholarly attention has focused on the former, this thesis examines the less studied but equally prevalent resurgence of left-wing populism through a comparative analysis of two populist movements in Britain and Canada, Momentum and Leap, that -
University of Copenhagen Associate Professor in Political Science
Declining Danish EU skepticism Kosiara-Pedersen, Karina Published in: Euroflections. Leading academics on the European elections 2019 Publication date: 2019 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Kosiara-Pedersen, K. (2019). Declining Danish EU skepticism. In N. Bolin, K. Falasca, M. Grusell, & L. Nord (Eds.), Euroflections. Leading academics on the European elections 2019 (pp. 75). Mittuniversitetet. Download date: 25. sep.. 2021 Editors: Niklas Bolin Kajsa Falasca Marie Grusell Lars Nord Leading academics on the European elections 2019 1 DEMICOM-report nr 40 Read the electronic version of Euroflections at www.euroflections.se Editors Niklas Bolin Kajsa Falasca Marie Grusell Lars Nord Publisher Mittuniversitetet, Demicom, Sundsvall, Sverige Holmgatan 10 851 70 Sundsvall Contact 010-142 80 00 [email protected] www.facebook.com/mittuniversitetet www.twitter.com/mittuni www.instagram.com/mittuniversitetet Design and layout Accidens Kommunikation ISBN: 978-91-88527-70-7 This is Euroflections Euroflections is an academic report on the European elections 2019. With Euroflections we want to provide the public with interesting reflections on the election campaigns and their main actors, namely the voters, the parties and the media. In total, more than 70 experts in political science and political communication representing almost every EU country offer insightful analyses of campaign developments and electoral outcomes. Some contributions are one-country studies, while others are written from comparative or thematic perspectives. Euroflections is intended to fill a gap in European elections reporting and research. The report is not as fast as news media analyses and social media comments published immediately when the electoral outcome is known. -
RF177.Pdf (Redflag.Org.Au)
A WORLD TO WIN REDFLAG.ORG.AU ISSUE #177 19 JANUARY 2021 $3 / $5 (SOLIDARITY) Still here Still fi ghting REDFLAG | 19 JANUARY 2021 PUBLICATION OF SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVE REDFLAG.ORG.AU 2 Red Flag Issue # 177 19 January 2021 ISSN: 2202-2228 Published by Red Flag Support the Press Inc. Trades Hall 54 Victoria St Carlton South Vic 3053 [email protected] Christmas Island (03) 9650 3541 Editorial committee Ben Hillier Louise O’Shea Daniel Taylor Corey Oakley rioters James Plested Simone White fail nonetheless. Some are forced to complete rehabil- Visual editor itation programs and told that when they do so their James Plested appeals will be strengthened. They do it. They fail. These are men with families in Australia. They Production are workers who were raising children. They are men Tess Lee Ack n the first week of 2021, detainees at the Christ- who were sending money to impoverished family Allen Myers mas Island Immigration Detention Centre be- members in other countries. Now, with their visas can- Oscar Sterner gan setting it alight. A peaceful protest, which celled, they have no incomes at all. This has rendered Subscriptions started on the afternoon of 5 January, had by partners and children homeless. and publicity evening escalated into a riot over the treatment Before their transportation from immigration fa- Jess Lenehan Iof hundreds of men there by Home Affairs Minister cilities and prisons on the Australian mainland, some Peter Dutton and his Australian Border Force. Four of these men could receive visits from loved ones. Now What is days later, facing down reinforced numbers of masked, they can barely, if at all, get internet access to speak to armed Serco security thugs and Australian Federal them. -
Commonwealth Responsibility and Cold War Solidarity Australia in Asia, 1944–74
COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 COMMONWEALTH RESPONSIBILITY AND COLD WAR SOLIDARITY AUSTRALIA IN ASIA, 1944–74 DAN HALVORSON Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463236 ISBN (online): 9781760463243 WorldCat (print): 1126581099 WorldCat (online): 1126581312 DOI: 10.22459/CRCWS.2019 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover image courtesy of the National Archives of Australia. NAA: A1775, RGM107. This edition © 2019 ANU Press Contents Acknowledgements . vii Abbreviations . ix 1 . Introduction . 1 2 . Region and regionalism in the immediate postwar period . 13 3 . Decolonisation and Commonwealth responsibility . 43 4 . The Cold War and non‑communist solidarity in East Asia . 71 5 . The winds of change . 103 6 . Outside the margins . 131 7 . Conclusion . 159 References . 167 Index . 185 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Cathy Moloney, Anja Mustafic, Jennifer Roberts and Lucy West for research assistance on this project. Thanks also to my colleagues Michael Heazle, Andrew O’Neil, Wes Widmaier, Ian Hall, Jason Sharman and Lucy West for reading and commenting on parts of the work. Additionally, I would like to express my gratitude to participants at the 15th International Conference of Australian Studies in China, held at Peking University, Beijing, 8–10 July 2016, and participants at the Seventh Annual Australia–Japan Dialogue, hosted by the Griffith Asia Institute and Japan Institute for International Affairs, held in Brisbane, 9 November 2017, for useful comments on earlier papers contributing to the manuscript. -
Digital Microtargeting Political Party Innovation Primer 1 Digital Microtargeting
Digital Microtargeting Political Party Innovation Primer 1 Digital Microtargeting Political Party Innovation Primer 1 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance © 2018 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute- NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the publication as well as to remix and adapt it, provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information visit the Creative Commons website: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA Strömsborg SE–103 34 Stockholm Sweden Telephone: +46 8 698 37 00 Email: [email protected] Website: <http://www.idea.int> Design and layout: International IDEA Cover illustration: © 123RF, <http://www.123rf.com> ISBN: 978-91-7671-176-7 Created with Booktype: <https://www.booktype.pro> International IDEA Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................ 6 2. What is the issue? The rationale of digital microtargeting ................................ 7 3. Perspectives on digital -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
For Immediate Release October 30, 2019 BREAKING
For Immediate Release October 30, 2019 BREAKING: HUNGARIAN TAX AUTHORITY RAIDS MOMENTUM OFFICES BUDAPEST — This morning, agents of the Criminal Branch of the Hungarian National Tax and Customs Administration (NAV) raided the offices of the opposition party Momentum Movement. Authorities also searched the offices of Momentum’s bookkeeping and auditing company, seizing several documents. NAV officials informed Momentum staff that their warrant authorised search and seizure on the party’s premises, with "the purpose of seeking and securing material, documentary evidence and evidence of criminal activity in a pending criminal case for suspected fiscal fraud." The search was authorised to investigate Momentum’s finances during the 2018 national electoral campaign, ostensibly related to an earlier suspension of state aid and investigation by the State Audit Office. In regards to the earlier investigation, the Audit Office stated in February 2019 that “the party has put in place the framework for financial operations in compliance with legal standards,” and unfroze the party’s state funding. While NAV and the State Audit Office are supposed to be independent public institutions, they are managed by Fidesz loyalists and answer to the government. These institutions have been used to harass and intimidate opposition parties before, like in the case of Jobbik in 2018. “Momentum is the strongest opposition party in Hungary based on recent polling and election results, and Fidesz has now decided to use institutions under its control as a political weapon against us. We have nothing to hide, so we will cooperate with the authorities as prescribed by Hungarian law, but we will also take all necessary steps to resist abuses of power,” said Daniel Berg, Momentum’s Executive Board Member. -
He Words of MEP Anna Donath
!"#! Anna Donáth ANNA JÚLIA DONÁTH is a Hungarian politician. She was elected as a Momentum Movement ORBÁN DOES NOT SPEAK having a majority of Fidesz loyalists to the Attorney Gen- (part of the Renew Europe group) Member of the European Parliament (MEP) in the 2019 Europe- eral’s o%ce ignoring corruption cases related to the gov- an parliamentary elections. Donáth is also the vice president of Momentum. FOR ALL HUNGARIANS erning party, all essential checks and balances have been undermined. In 2010, Fidesz regained the democratic authority to This is ampli$ed by the governmental control govern the country with a two-thirds majority. Voters put on public media that became a mouthpiece of govern- their trust into them and into the institution they hoped ment propaganda and the capture of an overwhelming would represent them. But they have abused this trust share of the country’s private media. As a result, a big and altered the rules of the game, making sure to remain share of the country’s population, especially in rural Not in power even though their support has dropped during areas, has only access to media which are owned by the last years. Abusing this trust and the potential of a Fidesz oligarchs, therefore even if they would like to be two-third majority is particularly painful, as after the informed from di'erent sources, those are the easiest regime change in 1989 these laws were passed with the and sometimes the only ones available. intention that decision-making, in any case, should be Last important piece of the puzzle: using its based on political consensus. -
Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution
Class, Race and Corporate Power Volume 9 Issue 1 Article 2 2021 Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Chris Wright [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Wright, Chris (2021) "Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution," Class, Race and Corporate Power: Vol. 9 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. DOI: 10.25148/CRCP.9.1.009647 Available at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/classracecorporatepower/vol9/iss1/2 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts, Sciences & Education at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Class, Race and Corporate Power by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution Abstract In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. -
Solidarity: Reflections on an Emerging Concept in Bioethics
Solidarity: reflections on an emerging concept in bioethics Barbara Prainsack and Alena Buyx This report was commissioned by the Nuffield Council on Bioethics (NCoB) and was jointly funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) and the Nuffield Foundation. The award was managed by the Economic and Social Research Council on behalf of the partner organisations, and some additional funding was made available by NCoB. For the duration of six months in 2011, Professor Barbara Prainsack was the NCoB Solidarity Fellow, working closely with fellow author Dr Alena Buyx, Assistant Director of NCoB. Disclaimer The report, whilst funded jointly by the AHRC, the Nuffield Foundation and NCoB, does not necessarily express the views and opinions of these organisations; all views expressed are those of the authors, Professor Barbara Prainsack and Dr Alena Buyx. The Nuffield Council on Bioethics is an independent body that examines and reports on ethical issues in biology and medicine. It is funded jointly by the Nuffield Foundation, the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council, and has gained an international reputation for advising policy makers and stimulating debate in bioethics. www.nuffieldbioethics.org The Nuffield Foundation is an endowed charitable trust that aims to improve social wellbeing in the widest sense. It funds research and innovation in education and social policy and also works to build capacity in education, science and social science research. www.nuffieldfoundation.org Established in April 2005, the AHRC is a non-Departmental public body. It supports world-class research that furthers our understanding of human culture and creativity. www.ahrc.ac.uk © Barbara Prainsack and Alena Buyx ISBN: 978-1-904384-25-0 November 2011 Printed in the UK by ESP Colour Ltd. -
GRA 19502 Master Thesis
BI Norwegian Business School - campus Oslo GRA 19502 Master Thesis Component of continuous assessment: Thesis Master of Science Final master thesis – Counts 80% of total grade The effect of internet usage on voter turnout in the European Union Navn: Andreas Boug Start: 02.03.2018 09.00 Finish: 03.09.2018 12.00 GRA 19502 0940769 Abstract This master thesis investigates the effect of internet usage on voter turnout in the European Union over the sample period from 1990 to 2016. The methodology applies is both ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation and the fixed effect model approach, in which the dependent variable is voter turnout and the independent variable is the internet usage. Both socioeconomic variables such as population, gender (female) and age, in addition to macroeconomic variables such as GDP per capita and the unemployment rate are used as a control variable in the regressions. The main findings suggest a positive and statistically significant effect of internet usage on voter turnout in the European Union. Moreover, the findings from the OLS estimation and the fixed effects models only differ slightly, which makes the simultaneity problem less likely in the empirical analysis. The sensitivity analysis conducted in this thesis examine the robustness of the main findings by firstly excluding the female variable as a control variable and secondly by excluding Belgium and Luxembourg from the data set due to compulsory voting in these countries. In both cases, the estimated effect of internet usage on the voter turnout remains positive and huge in magnitude and statistically significant at conventional levels. That said, all findings reported in this thesis should be considered with some caution, as more comprehensive sensitivity analysis with respect to control variables not used in the empirical analysis may be conducted.