DOCSLIB.ORG

Essays on China's Political Organization And

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Essays on China's Political Organization And A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Grünberg, Nis Doctoral Thesis The Party-state Order: Essays on China’s Political Organization and Political Economic Institutions PhD Series, No. 3.2018 Provided in Cooperation with: Copenhagen Business School (CBS) Suggested Citation: Grünberg, Nis (2018) : The Party-state Order: Essays on China’s Political Organization and Political Economic Institutions, PhD Series, No. 3.2018, ISBN 9788793579538, Copenhagen Business School (CBS), Frederiksberg, http://hdl.handle.net/10398/9596 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/209052 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ www.econstor.eu COPENHAGEN BUSINESS SCHOOL AND POLITICAL ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS POLITICAL ORGANIZATION ON CHINA’S ORDER: ESSAYS THE PARTY-STATE KILEVEJ 14A, K.3.50 DK-2000 FREDERIKSBERG DANMARK WWW.CBS.DK ISSN 0906-6934 Print ISBN: 978-87-93579-52-1 Online ISBN: 978-87-93579-53-8 Nis Grünberg THE PARTY-STATE ORDER ESSAYS ON CHINA’S POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND PO- LITICAL ECONOMIC INSTITUTIONS PhD School in Economics and Management PhD Series 03.2018 PhD Series 0 3 -2018 The Party-state order: Essays on China’s political organization and political economic institutions Nis Grünberg Supervisors: Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard Sarah Eaton PhD School in Economics and Management Copenhagen Business School and Sino-Danish-Center THE PARTY-STATE ORDER: EssaysNis Grünberg on China’s political organization and political economic institutions 1st edition 2018 PhD Series 04.2018 © Nis Grünberg ISSN 0906-6934 Print ISBN: 978-87-93579-52-1 Online ISBN: 978-87-93579-53-8 The PhD School in Economics and Management is an interdisciplinary research environment at Copenhagen Business School for PhD students working on theoretical and empirical themes related to the organisation and management of private, public and voluntary organizations. All rights reserved. No parts of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For my grandfather, who taught me to ask questions Foreword: Needless to say, this project has been possible only because of the help, advice, and guidance of many people. It has been a real privilege to be allowed to dig into a subject for such an extended period of time, and with the support of many people and the resources offered by CBS and SDC. Many people have served as inspiration, as teachers, as guides, and many have given advice and tips without knowing. The most important ones, however, deserve credit here. First and foremost, Kjeld Erik Brødsgaard has been central for making this project possible, and his patient advice and inclusive style of guidance can hardly be over-appreciated. Jørgen Delman deserves my thanks for stirring my interest in Chinese politics, and opening my mind to the possibilities of a life in academia. Along the way, countless discussions with colleagues and friends have helped me develop my ideas. Among these, the many discussions and teaching sessions with Andreas Møller Mulvad have been a constant and inspiring source of theoretical insights, as well as one of my most important testing grounds for the development of arguments and concepts. The (too few) discussions and exchanges with Wendy Leutert and her inquisitive and well-structured mind have been a great inspiration, and a reminder to the importance of being thorough and attentive to details. I have also gained from the constructive advice from Sarah Eaton, Nis Høyrup and Ari Kokko, among many others. I thank my family for the unquestioned support of the odd and enigmatic life I chose (i.e. academia). My two brothers and sister for sharing their youth (and wine) with me. A big Cheers to my many good old friends, Müller, Janus, Christian, Iona, Elisabeth, Camilla, Jakob, Bjørn, Mau and all the others, who have put up with my coming and going for years now, always leaving the door open once “I’m back from China”. They are, after all, the reason I come back at all. Axi deserves special thanks for helping me through a dark time. I am very grateful for the support and daily collegiality at the Asia Research Centre and INT: Li Xin, Louise Lyngfeld Gorm Hansen, Kristina Kazuhara, Carsten Boyer Thøgersen, and all those who have part of the fruitful discussions, lunch table speculations on 3Chinese politics, and not least the always friendly atmosphere at ARC. SDC has been not only a financial support, but has also become a place for intellectual development and colleagues, and I am very grateful to be part of the ambitious project. Here, Lars Bo Kaspersen, has been an important source of inspiration, but also Duncan Wigan and Antje Vetterlein are to be thanked for integrating me in the SDC activities. Susanne Faurholdt, Pia Lyndgaard and Bente Ramovic need to be thanked, they have had a vital role in making this project float administratively. Finally, I am grateful for the financial support of The East Asiatic Company Foundation, Otto Mønsteds Fond, and the Sino-Danish Center. 4 Abstract: The present dissertation is a compilation of three individual papers, and an introduction chapter. While the introduction lays out the theoretic backdrop of the project as a whole, the papers represent interventions into three specific dimensions of China’s Party-state order: structural organizational issues, decision-making institutions, and political economic dynamics. These three dimensions are presented as aspects of the same political organizational order, a Party-state order assembled around the hegemony of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC), conceptualized in the introduction using a Gramsci-inspired theory of the state. Employing a historical institutional approach, the three papers engage with specific strands of literatures of China Studies in a conceptual and theoretic manner, while also contributing with empirical findings. They discuss the concept of Fragmented Authoritarianism (FA), the organization and institutionalization of Leading Small Groups, and the social embeddedness of state-owned enterprise (SOE). FA has been an influential concept to explain structural issues of China’s bureaucracy, and with China’s energy administration as example, I review its value as a theoretic notion today, 30 years after its inception. Discussing the growing importance of Leading Small Groups, the second paper addresses some of the institutional “fixes” to decision- making and policy coordination, which have evolved in response to structural fault-lines described in the FA paper. The third paper takes the dissertation into the political economic dimension of the Party-state order, providing a case study of how China National Petroleum Corporation, a central, state-owned and CPC led SOE, is organizationally rooted in its local operations, remaining institutionally embedded in local society through its legacy as a socialist work unit (danwei). Using Polanyi’s concept of embeddedness, the paper reveals how SOEs are split into two tiers each tasked with the respective objectives of economic development and political stability, and thus as Party-state organizations are used to flexibly support CPC hegemony. 5 6 Table of Contents: p. 3 Foreword p. 5 Abstract p. 7 Table of Contents p. 8 Abbreviations p. 9 Introduction: Conceptualizing China as Party-state order p. 50 Paper 1: Revisiting Fragmented Authoritarianism in China’s Central Energy Administration p. 80 Paper 2: The Rise of “Leading Small Group Governance”: Evidence of Fragmentation or Source of Resilience? p. 107 Paper 3: Learning From Daqing – Again: The Local Embeddedness of a National Champion p. 164 Concluding Remarks 7 Abbreviations: CNPC: China National Petroleum Corporation CNOOC: China National Offshore Oil Corporatino CPC: Communist Party of China DPA: Daqing Petroleum Administration FA: Fragmented Authoritarianism LSG: Leading Small Group LSGCDR: Leading Small Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reform MoE: Ministry of Energy MoF: Ministry of Finance NEA: National Energy Administration NEC: National Energy Commission NDRC: National Development and Reform Commission SASAC: State-owned Asset Supervision and Administration Commission SC: State Council SDPC: State Development and Planning Commission SERC: State Electricity Regulatory Commission SETC:
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China Data Supplement
    China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína
    SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína Souhrnná teritoriální informace Čína Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským úřadem ČR v Pekingu (Čína) ke dni 13. 8. 2020 3:17 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriální informace: 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled (s.2) 2. Zahraniční obchod a investice (s.15) 3. Vztahy země s EU (s.28) 4. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR (s.30) 5. Mapa oborových příležitostí - perspektivní položky českého exportu (s.39) 6. Základní podmínky pro uplatnění českého zboží na trhu (s.46) 7. Kontakty (s.81) 1/86 http://www.businessinfo.cz/cina © Zastupitelský úřad ČR v Pekingu (Čína) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled Podkapitoly: 1.1. Oficiální název státu, složení vlády 1.2. Demografické tendence: Počet obyvatel, průměrný roční přírůstek, demografické složení (vč. národnosti, náboženských skupin) 1.3. Základní makroekonomické ukazatele za posledních 5 let (nominální HDP/obyv., vývoj objemu HDP, míra inflace, míra nezaměstnanosti). Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu s akcentem na ekonomickou sféru. 1.4. Veřejné finance, státní rozpočet - příjmy, výdaje, saldo za posledních 5 let 1.5. Platební bilance (běžný, kapitálový, finanční účet), devizové rezervy (za posledních 5 let), veřejný dluh vůči HDP, zahraniční zadluženost, dluhová služba 1.6. Bankovní systém (hlavní banky a pojišťovny) 1.7. Daňový systém 1.1 Oficiální název státu, složení vlády Čínská lidová republika (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo; zkráceně Zhongguo) Úřední jazyk čínština (Putonghua, standardní čínština založená na pekingském dialektu), dále jsou oficiálními jazyky kantonština v provincii Guangdong, mongolština v AO Vnitřní Mongolsko, ujgurština a kyrgyzština v AO Xinjiang, tibetština v AO Xizang (Tibet). Složení vlády • Prezident: Xi Jinping (v úřadu od 14.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles the How and Why of Urban Preservation: Protecting Historic Neighborhoods in China a Disser
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The How and Why of Urban Preservation: Protecting Historic Neighborhoods in China A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Urban Planning by Jonathan Stanhope Bell 2014 © Copyright by Jonathan Stanhope Bell 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The How and Why of Preservation: Protecting Historic Neighborhoods in China by Jonathan Stanhope Bell Doctor of Philosophy in Urban Planning University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, Chair China’s urban landscape has changed rapidly since political and economic reforms were first adopted at the end of the 1970s. Redevelopment of historic city centers that characterized this change has been rampant and resulted in the loss of significant historic resources. Despite these losses, substantial historic neighborhoods survive and even thrive with some degree of integrity. This dissertation identifies the multiple social, political, and economic factors that contribute to the protection and preservation of these neighborhoods by examining neighborhoods in the cities of Beijing and Pingyao as case studies. One focus of the study is capturing the perspective of residential communities on the value of their neighborhoods and their capacity and willingness to become involved in preservation decision-making. The findings indicate the presence of a complex interplay of public and private interests overlaid by changing policy and economic limitations that are creating new opportunities for public involvement. Although the Pingyao case study represents a largely intact historic city that is also a World Heritage Site, the local ii focus on tourism has disenfranchised residents in order to focus on the perceived needs of tourists.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
    China Data Supplement March 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 31 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 38 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 54 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 58 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 65 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 69 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 March 2008 The Main National Leadership of the
    [Show full text]
  • Issue 1 2013
    ISSUE 1 · 2013 NPC《中国人大》对外版 CHAIRMAN ZHANG DEJIANG VOWS TO PROMOTE SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY, RULE OF LAW ISSUE 4 · 2012 1 Chairman of the NPC Standing Committee Zhang Dejiang (7th, L) has a group photo with vice-chairpersons Zhang Baowen, Arken Imirbaki, Zhang Ping, Shen Yueyue, Yan Junqi, Wang Shengjun, Li Jianguo, Chen Changzhi, Wang Chen, Ji Bingxuan, Qiangba Puncog, Wan Exiang, Chen Zhu (from left to right). Ma Zengke China’s new leadership takes 6 shape amid high expectations Contents Special Report Speech In–depth 6 18 24 China’s new leadership takes shape President Xi Jinping vows to bring China capable of sustaining economic amid high expectations benefits to people in realizing growth: Premier ‘Chinese dream’ 8 25 Chinese top legislature has younger 19 China rolls out plan to transform leaders Chairman Zhang Dejiang vows government functions to promote socialist democracy, 12 rule of law 27 China unveils new cabinet amid China’s anti-graft efforts to get function reform People institutional impetus 15 20 28 Report on the work of the Standing Chairman Zhang Dejiang: ‘Power China defense budget to grow 10.7 Committee of the National People’s should not be aloof from public percent in 2013 Congress (excerpt) supervision’ 20 Chairman Zhang Dejiang: ‘Power should not be aloof from public supervision’ Doubling income is easy, narrowing 30 regional gap is anything but 34 New age for China’s women deputies ISSUE 1 · 2013 29 37 Rural reform helps China ensure grain Style changes take center stage at security Beijing’s political season 30 Doubling
    [Show full text]
  • China's New Finance Minister Faces a Juggling
    ChinaŇs New Finance Minister Faces a Juggling Act - Bloomberg 161212 Ӥ܌1:46 China’s New Finance Minister Faces a Juggling Act Bloomberg News November 7, 2016 — 11:01 AM EST ➞ Reallocation of revenue underway as local governments curbed ➞ Loss of reformer Lou a ‘big deal,’ says China watcher Naughton China’s new finance minister Xiao Jie inherits from his reformist predecessor a plan to rein in local authorities’ profligate ways without derailing growth in the world’s No. 2 economy. Xiao, 59, previously a senior aide to Premier Li Keqiang, will replace 65- year-old Lou Jiwei, who held the job for a little more than three years, according to an official Xinhua News Agency report Monday. There was no news on what post, if any, Lou will go on to take. The change probably won’t have much impact on fiscal policy, according to Citigroup Inc. Lou restructured local-government finances to reduce the cost of a record amount of debt run up by provinces after the global financial crisis. But his plans to clamp down on spending ran into opposition as they collided with ᶭ҂ 4 وhttps:www.bloomberg.comnewsarticles2016-11-07china-s-new-finance-minister-faces-fiscal-fix-in-juggling-act ᒫ 1 ᶭҁ ChinaŇs New Finance Minister Faces a Juggling Act - Bloomberg 161212 Ӥ܌1:46 the weakest growth in a quarter of a century. Xiao now takes up the baton at a time monetary policy has switched to neutral, leaving the economy more reliant on fiscal support. "Xiao comes in at a critical moment for China’s fiscal reform," said Jin Dongsheng, a former researcher at an institute under the State Administration of Taxation.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • FICHA PAÍS China República Popular (De) China
    OFICINA DE INFORMACIÓN DIPLOMÁTICA FICHA PAÍS China República Popular (de) China La Oficina de Información Diplomática del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación pone a disposición de los profesionales de los medios de comunicación y del público en general la presente ficha país. La información contenida en esta ficha país es pública y se ha extraído de diversos medios, no defendiendo posición política alguna ni de este Ministerio ni del Gobierno de España respecto del país sobre el que versa. OCTUBRE 2020 los grupos étnicos de usar sus propias lenguas; hay seis lenguas principales China en China, además del Mandarín. Moneda: La moneda oficial de la República Popular China es el Renminbi (RMB), que se traduce como “moneda del pueblo, o Yuan (CNY). Cotización media del euro en 2019, 1 euro/ 7,73. Religión: Las religiones tradicionales de China son el Taoísmo y Budismo; RUSIA el Confucianismo es un sistema de conducta con enorme influencia en la KAZAJISTÁN historia del país. Estimaciones de los practicantes de las distintas creen- cias son difíciles de realizar. No obstante algunos cálculos señalan: Taoísmo MONGOLIA Heilongjlang (aprox. 20 millones); Budismo (aprox. 100 millones); Cristianismo: Católicos Urumchi Mongolia Interior Jilin (aprox. 5 millones), Protestantes, (aprox. 15 millones); Musulmanes: (aprox. KIRGUISTÁN 20 millones). Gansu PEKÍN COREA DEL NORTE Ningxia Hebel Forma de Estado: República. COREA DEL SUR PAKISTÁN Qinghai Presidente: Xi Jinping (desde marzo de 2013). Tibet Henan (Xizang) Vicepresidente: Wang Qishan (desde marzo de 2018). Anhui Sichuan Shanghai Primer Ministro: Li Keqiang (desde marzo de 2013). Zhejiang NEPAL Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores: Wang Yi (desde marzo 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • China's 17Th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership And
    Order Code RS22767 December 5, 2007 China’s 17th Communist Party Congress, 2007: Leadership and Policy Implications Kerry Dumbaugh Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 17th Congress, held from October 15 - 21, 2007, demonstrated the Party’s efforts to try to adapt and redefine itself in the face of emerging economic and social challenges while still trying to maintain its authoritarian one-Party rule. The Congress validated and re-emphasized the priority on continued economic development; expanded that concept to include more balanced and sustainable development; announced that the Party would seek to broaden political participation by expanding intra-Party democracy; and selected two potential rival candidates, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, with differing philosophies (rather than one designated successor-in- waiting) as possibilities to succeed to the top Party position in five years. More will be known about the Party’s future prospects and the relative influence of its two potential successors once the National People’s Congress meets in early 2008 to select key government ministers. This report will not be updated. Periodically (approximately every five years) the Chinese Communist Party holds a Congress, attended by some 2,000 senior Party members, to authorize important policy and leadership decisions within the Party for the coming five years. In addition to authorizing substantive policies, the Party at its Congress selects a new Central Committee, comprised of the most important figures in the Party, government, and military.1 The Central Committee in turn technically selects a new Politburo and a new Politburo Standing Committee, comprised of China’s most powerful and important leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • New Foreign Policy Actors in China
    Stockholm InternatIonal Peace reSearch InStItute SIPrI Policy Paper new ForeIgn PolIcy new Foreign Policy actors in china 26 actorS In chIna September 2010 The dynamic transformation of Chinese society that has paralleled linda jakobson and dean knox changes in the international environment has had a direct impact on both the making and shaping of Chinese foreign policy. To understand the complex nature of these changes is of utmost importance to the international community in seeking China’s engagement and cooperation. Although much about China’s foreign policy decision making remains obscure, this Policy Paper make clear that it is possible to identify the interest groups vying for a voice in policy formulation and to explore their policy preferences. Uniquely informed by the authors’ access to individuals across the full range of Chinese foreign policy actors, this Policy Paper reveals a number of emergent trends, chief among them the changing face of China’s official decision-making apparatus and the direction that actors on the margins would like to see Chinese foreign policy take. linda Jakobson (Finland) is Director of the SIPRI China and Global Security Programme. She has lived and worked in China for over 15 years and is fluent in Chinese. She has written six books about China and has published extensively on China’s foreign policy, the Taiwan Strait, China’s energy security, and China’s policies on climate change and science and technology. Prior to joining SIPRI in 2009, Jakobson worked for 10 years for the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA), most recently as director of its China Programme.
    [Show full text]
  • Hu's Groundwork for the 17Th Party Congress
    Li, China Leadership Monitor, No.13 New Provincial Chiefs: Hu’s Groundwork for the 17th Party Congress Cheng Li Understanding the kinds of leaders Hu Jintao currently promotes also reveals the political and socioeconomic objectives he will most likely pursue in the future. Throughout 2004, especially after Hu consolidated his power at the Fourth Plenum of the 16th Central Committee in September, China’s provincial leadership underwent a major reshuffling. Most of the newly appointed provincial chiefs (party secretaries and governors) advanced their political careers primarily through the Chinese Communist Youth League (CCYL), received postgraduate education (usually in economics and management), and were leaders in less developed inland provinces. Their recent promotions are attributable not only to their political ties with Hu, but also to the fact that they share Hu’s populist vision for China’s development. Some of these provincial chiefs will be Hu’s nominees for Politburo seats at the next party congress. They will likely become part of Hu’s team to carry out political reform and socioeconomic policies in line with Hu’s perceived mandate. Deciphering Hu’s Leadership Ever since becoming general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the 16th Party Congress, Hu Jintao has demonstrated his political wisdom and skill by making major policy moves while deliberately confusing potential critics both at home and abroad.1 Examples abound: • While he presents himself as a populist leader who represents the interests of the Chinese people, Hu’s main political agenda is to consolidate what the Chinese call inner-party democracy, which is “democracy” enjoyed only by party elites and not the general public.
    [Show full text]
  • FU Chengyu Professor of Management Practice of Governance and Innovations at Large Corporations, CKGSB
    FU Chengyu Professor of Management Practice of Governance and Innovations at Large Corporations, CKGSB Mr. Fu was born in 1951 in Heilongjiang Province, China. He graduated from China’s Northeast Petroleum Institute majoring in geology, and later received a master's degree in petroleum engineering from the University of Southern California USA.. Mr. Fu has over 40 years of experience in the oil & gas industry. He had been Chairman and CEO of CNOOC, Chairman of SINOPEC, member of the 17th the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and member of the 12th Standing Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), a political advisory body in China. He was the member of the board of the UN Global Compact (UNGC) and is Honorary Chairman of UNGC Network China. He is currently the Board Member of Trustees of the University of Southern California and the member of the Advisory Board of Center for Global Energy Policy (CGEP), Columbia University, member of the board of directors of the school of international strategy of Peking University, vice chairman of the industrial transformation advisory committee of the Internet industry research institute of Tsinghua University and the member of the University council of Shanghai Tech University. Over last 40 years in the oil industry Mr. Fu had almost 20 years experience working with international Oil & Gas companies in Joint Venture and he was one of the first Chinese executive appointed by foreign company in China in 1995. Mr. Fu has been well recognized in the global oil & gas industry and the capital markets.
    [Show full text]