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RESEARCH REPOR T

THE 1858 AND MACHINE SHOP AT HAGLEY

Joy Kaufrn.ann, Principal Researcher David Hounshell, Principal Writer Jacqueline Hinsley, Director of Research

The Hagley Museurn., 1980 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Report pp.I-20

Notes pp. 1-11

Appendix I: Visual Evidence

Appendix II: Manuscript Sources Consulted pp.I-5 The 1858 Millwright and Machine Shop at Hagley

Introduction

In any area of production, manufacturing establishments are dependent I . upon facilities for machine building, servicing, and maintenance. For e;x:-

ample, from its beginnings in the United States, the textile industry spawned

machine shops to construct and maintain textile machinery; often, the machine

shop. was one of the first structures built when a new textile mill was established.

Some of these machine shops, such as the Saco-Lowell shops eventually grew

into famous machine building es tablishments in their own right. I Although

it did not become well known for its machine-building, the "old machine shop"

at Hagley played an equally important role in providing services and mainten-

ance for the Du Pont black powder works on the Brandywine" River. This

research report documents the establishment, growth, and operations of this

facility from 1858 through the first years of the twentieth century. In addition,

the report enumerates the various machinery, , and appliances which

were acquired for us e in the machine shop.

The Building and its Growth

The "old machine shop," so-named by custom, ought more properly

to be called the "millwright and machine shop, II for that is how its creators

alluded to it. Moreover, this name also suggests the impetus for the con- 2 struction of the shop in 1858; the shop emerged out of a millwright tradition

in the powder yards. As conceived, the shop provided a new, expanded

facility in ~hich the Du Pont could fit up new powder mill machin-

ery and maintain or repair existing equipment. -2-

Surviving maps provide one indication of the millwrighting origin of the 1858 structure while at the same time suggesting the changing character of the facility's operations over the course of its forty-five-year history. An 1834 map of the Hagley Yard records a small, "miU- wright shop" located immediately on the millrace, below the and north of the sulphur house and coal mill. 3 A later map of 1874 also shows a "millwright shop" at or near the same site as that of 1834, but it is clear that the later shop is the one that survives today as the Black Powder Exhibit 4 Building. Indeed, this structure may have been an addition to an incor-

P9r.~~onof ".-!. the foundations of the earlier millwright shop; the north wing of H-32 roughly corresponds with this shop. By 1903, the maker of a map of the Hagley Yard regarded the structure as the "machine shop," and by

1904, with the opening of the new, expansive machine shop below Henry

Clay Factory (the Keg Mill), the 1858 building had become known as the 5 "old machine shop."

Yet the maps fail to document important modifications to the original millwright and machine shop. In 1865 a "back building" (whose roof measured 29 ft. by 39 ft.) was added to the rear of the original 6 building (whose dimensions were 30 ft. x 100 ft.). This addition was per- haps accompanied by a modification to the center section of the original structure! Later, in 1871, the company made another addition to the building, enlarging the original building by roughly one-third (the roof of 8 the additiorr measured 30 ft. x 34 ft.). This particular addition helps to explain the asymmetry of the building, as it exists today, and the variation in the size of building stone on its downstream wing. -3-

Other documentary evidence about the building is difficult to find.

Bishop's History of American Manufactures (1866) contained a brief description of the powder works, which noted that, "[aJttached to the 9 Powder Works are extensive Machine and Millwright Shops." E. Paul du Pont (1887-1951) noted in his recollections the "millwright shop along the front wall of which, outside, is piled the most astounding assortment of wheels and machine parts in iron and brass. JO Du Pont's memory of the shop corresponds precisely with two photographs made by Pierre Gentieu, 11 one in 1885 and the other of an unknown, but probably later, date. The undated photograph shows the millwright and machine shop with windows blown out and a damaged roof over the center section. This image matches Francis

Gurney du Pont's description of the building following the "tremendous" ex- 12 plosion of October 7, 1890.

Other evidence about the building comes mainly from a 1902 appraisal 13 of the Brandywine Yards. This appraisal suggests that the structure and its contents (appraised separately) were among the most valuable properties of the powder manufacturing complex.

Operations

As with most of the day-to-day affairs of the company in the nine- teenth century, the Du Pont owners and managers never described or out- lined the operations of the millwright and machine shop. The shop and the activities that went on there were simply taken for granted and, therefore, never duly recorded. Reconstruction of the shop's operations must be inferred from general and diffuse correspondence and related manuscripts. -4-

The millwrighting origins of the 1858 shop are, once again, funda- mental to understanding its operation. The building and its contents, ....a1ong with the nearby blacksmith shop, provided the company's millwrights with the supporting facilities necessary in the of new powder mills (of any variety) and in the maintenance of existing ones. As pointed out earlier, a "millwright" shop had exis ted as early as 1834, and there is evidence that 14 prior to the 1858 shop, there was a " shop." Perhaps the new building was a conscious attempt to consolidate machinery and work areas for the benefit of the company's millwrights and general operations. Obviously, the

"machine shop" aspect of the facility became more important as the company increasingly replaced wooden mill components with iron ones. Powder-making machinery -- the things inside the mill structures -- moved" toward all-metal construction as the century proceeded, thus placing increased demands on the machine shop. The millwright of the early part of the century gave way to or became the and mechanic of the late nineteenth century.

Yet at no time in the nineteenth century (and, indeed, not until about

1913) did the company become self-sufficient in the construction and main­ 5 tenance of mills and mill machiner/ For this reason, the shop remained a modest facility both in terms of its machinery and its work. During the period from 1858 onward, the company's correspondence with firms such as Betts

& Seal, Harlan & Hollingsworth, J. Morton Poole, and Pusey & Jones sug- gests that the company depended heavily upon outside machine shops and machine builders for the construction, and often the maintenance of mill- machinery, both for the Brandywine Mills and the new mills the company built at Wapwallopen, Pennsylvania in the mid-sixties and early seventies. -5-

Letters and bills document outside steam engine and boiler repair; , piston, and pulley fabrication; straightening and manufacture of mill

shafts; powder press manufacture and maintenance; rolling mill machinery construction of wooden keg making machiner machinery construction and maintenance; repair work and rnodificati.ons to wooden keg making machinery; repair work on machine tools; and even 16 sharpening and hardening of tools. Indeed, there is no manuscript evidence that the millwright and machine shop built or even maintained at any point in the nineteenth century all of the machinery related to powder manufacture.

The burden of evidence against the notion of the millwright and machine shop's capability of self- sufficiency must be weighed against the two, con- temporary claims that this facility was where, "all repairs are made, and 17 most of the machinery is built" and that, "[h]ere repairs and parts are made 18 for all the heavy machinery." Unquestionably both these accounts overstated the case. The first, written in 1866, certainly did so. The second, the boyhood memories of E. Paul du Pont who was born in 1887, was closer to the truth. Surviving records of machinery and purchases suggest that, as the nineteenth century progressed, the millwright and. machine shop grew in its capability to produce work of quality and in quantity. Francis Gut:ney du Pont's hand is very much in evidence in the affairs of the shop especially during the late 1870s and the 1880s when new machine tools, woodworking machines, and appliances were purchased in great numbers and when there appears to have been an emphasis on more careful and precise workmanship.

In 1883, fol' example, du Pont purchased a set of Whitworth gauges and instructed machine builders and supplying machinery parts for the 19 powder works to work to the same (thereby insuring better fits). At about - 6- the same time the company purchased a battery of machines to make all- 20 metal powder cans. The maintenance of these machines placed new demands on the millwright and machine shop, thus increasing the momentum 21 of acquiring both tools and skills.

By the turn of the century this momentum led the company to build a much bigger machine shop a short distance downstream from the Keg Mill and to equip the shop with additional and larger machine tools than those 22 brought from the old machine shop. There is little doubt that this new facility was capable of producing -- and indeed did produce -- most if not all the machinery required for the Brandywine powder works and associated 23 works, such as the Carney's Point facility for smokeless powder. Company executives in this century wanted to see the new Brandywine Shops used to their maximum potential. This desire resulted in 1913 in the machine works at the Repauno high explosives plant being moved to the Brandywine Shops.

From 1913 until World War I this combined facility supplied machinery and special appliances for both the High Explosives and Black Powder Departments 24 of the Du Pont Company.

The growing capability of the older millwright and machine shop from the late 187 Os is also reflected by the development of pattern making. This craft became an important component of the millwright and machine shop's operations during the second half of the nineteenth century. The exact date of this development is not known. Manuscripts from the l860s demons trate that the company relied upon other shops to make patterns for its powder mill machin~ry,25 but Francis Gurney du Pont's sketch-map, dating from the early -7-

1870s, ,includes a building not far from the machine shop which is labeled 6 27 "pattern shop, ,,2 and this same building appears in the map of 1874.

, Beyond these maps, there is no certain manuscript evidence that pattern making was practiced in the 1858 millwright and machine shop. The "pattern shop" of these maps may actually have been a pattern 10ft, where patterns were stored rather than made. The map of 1903, redrawn from an 1897 (?) map, includes a "pattern loft" adjacent to the wheelwright shop, which existed 28 as a "shed" in the 1874 map. Yet the records of woodworking machinery acquisitions strongly suggest that some pattern making and repairing took place on the Brandywine. Moreover, the arrangement of the new machine shop included a formally designated pattern making department which was managed by a foreman.29 Pattern making obviously became' increasingly important as the company moved toward greater self- sufficiency in the con- struction of its powder making and related machinery.

Other operations of the millwright and machine shop are equally Q- lusive. There is every indication that powder cars were made on the premises, yet it is unclear whether this particular shop was involved in their construction; powder car construction may have been the complete domain of the nearby wheelwright shop (in which the company's wagons were built). Two photographs of the new machine shop taken by Pierre Gentieu (1905 and undated) show powder cars under construction.30 This may indicate that the same was true for the earlier shop.

Fina-lly, the size and level of skill of the workforce of the millwright and machine shop is not well understood. Weekly labor reports from 1886 - 8- and 1887, which are exceptional in their detail, record the numbers of men engaged in "millwrighting," and figures vary from as low as 2 -1 /2 men to as high as 23. Average is about 18.31 Such slim evidence is hardly satisfactory since it does not even ensure that "millwrighting" included machinis ts' work.

The Gentieu photographs of the 1858 shop facade include workmen. That of 32 1885 shows nine men, while the undated one (1890?) records twelve. Whether these man belonged to the shop is another question. Oral interviews with former workmen at the new machine shop contain almost no information about the character of the workforce at the older upstream facility.

Machinery, Tools, and Appliances

There is no record, nor probably was there ever any, of the machinery, tools, and appliances used at any single time in the history.of the 1858 mill- wright and machine shop. However, manuscripts survive which document at least some of the equipment acquired for the shop. Also, blueprints of the new machine shop dating from 1911 show machines that could have been in the old shop.33 The following is, therefore, a simple chronological list of equip- ment acquired for the shop in the period from 1858 to 1903. Major machines will be listed first and then small tools and appliances.

Pre-1858: While no specific information survives on what machinery was moved into the new building, there is some general contextual evidence.

Victor and Charles du Pont & Co. I s inventory of personal property included

" , tools, machinery, etc. ," which may have become part of millwright and machine shop.34 Real estate valuations or inventories for

1834, i837, 1845, 1846, and 1849 to 1854, among others, record machinery, -9- 35 including lathes, in valuations of the millwright's shop and saw mills.

The 1849 inventory is suggestive of at least the value of the machinery in the predecessor to the millwright and machine shop. The company's owner set the value of machinery at $1450 while he established the value of the lumber on hand at the same shop at $1380.45. The following year, machinery at the millwright's shop was valued at $878, while the lumber on hand reached $1951. 14. In 1853, the values of the same were set at

$1228.40 and $803. 12 respectively. All of these figures are open to question since they also presumably included the value of sawmilling equipment.

Although it is not absolutely certain, perhaps the only new machine acquired for the opening of the new millwright and machine shop was the steam engine that powered the machinery. Even steam power at the opening date is uncertain because the first record of a steam engine is the

1874 list of waterwheels and [steam] engines, compiled by Lammot du Pont, which includes a 10 hp engine for the machine shop.35a

1859: press made by Crossley & Barr (successors to Crossley 36 & Allen), Wilmington, Delaware. $250.00

1861: One 16" Lathe, complete with countershaft and hangers 37 made by Crossley & Barr, Wilmington, Delaware. $400.00 38 1862: Cross cut saw, from Pedrick, Painter &Co.

1864: Cross cut saw, from Garrett & Son.39

1865: Radial drill, with hangers and counter shaft made by Robert

H. Barr & Co., Wilmington, Delaware. $650.00 40 -10-

Pre-1866: Lathe with 20" swing. Although details about this lathe

and its date of acquisition are unknown, it did exist before 1866, the date - . 40a when Robert H. Barr & Co. made some parts for it.

1866: Bolt. cutter with 11 taps & dies (1/2" to 2"), counstershaft, 41 and hangers, made by Robert H. Barr & Co. $625,00.

1867: Planing machine [probably a wood ]' purchased from 42 Francis Taylor. $175.00.

Rip and Cross cut saw combined with heavy table, made by Wright 43 & Smith, Newark, N. J. $145.00.

Scroll saw (Wright's patent - No.2), made by Wright & Smith, 44 Newark, N. J. $190.00.

Slide lathe, No.8 (used), purchased from a Sheriff' s·- sale, New Castle, 45 Delaware. $360.00. 46 1868: Cross cut saw, made by Wright & Smith, Newark, N. J. 47 Emerson Patent Saw, made by Wright & Smith, Newark, N. J.

48 1872: Lathe, made by E. & A. Betts, Wilmington, Delaware.

1878: No. 1 single su.dace, 4 roll planer & matcher, supplied by

Witherby, Rugg & Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $400.00.49

Daniels planer, 16 ft.x24 inches, supplied by Witherby, Rugg & 50 Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $300.00.

No.2 upright shaping machine with iron top, supplied by Witherby, 51 Rugg & Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $150.00.

Iron frame band saw, with hinged table and elevating screw, supplied 52 by Witherby, Rugg & Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $120.00.

I.. - -11-

Rod [dowel] machine, handfed, with twelve cutters, 1/4" to 3", sup- 53 plied by Witherby, Rugg & Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $83.00.

Iron frame double saw bench including 2 saws and endless , sup- 54 plied by Witherby, Rugg & Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts. $175.00.

Emery wheel frame for [sharpening] molding cutters, with three emery 55 wheels, supplied by Witherby, Rugg §,r. Richardson, Worcester, Mass. $11. 00.

Band saw setting and filing machine, supplied by Witherby, Rugg & 56 Richardson, Worcester, Massachusetts $40~ 00.

1879: [Wood] planer, supplied by Francis Taylor, South Glastonbury, 57 Connecticut. $111.00. 58 1884: Bolt heading machine, made by Pusey & Jones.

1885: Screw cutting lathe, [14" swing, 6' bed?], supplied by H. B. '. 59 Smith Machine Co., Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. $217.00 [?]

1886: Wood shavings exhaust fan (Boston Patent Exhaust Fan), 20" or

24", furnished by H. B. Smith Machine Co., Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 60 $20.80 or $28. 80.

1888: Blaisdell lathes (3?) (20 "x6'; 22" x 4'; 14" x 3!), furnished by 61 H. B. Smith Co., Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (?).

Rip and cross cut saw, made by the Cordesman Machine Company,

ClnClnna' , t' 1, Oh'10. 62

Band saw, made by Cordesman Machine Company, Cincinnati, Ohio. 63

Wood worker [surface planer and joiner?], made by Cordesman Machine 64 Company, Cincinnati,. Ohio.

1894: [Universal?] machine, made by Owen

Company, Springfield, Ohio (?), or Brainard Milling Machine Co., Boston -12-

& Hyde Park, Massachusetts (7), or Pennsylvania Machine Co., Philadelphia, 65 Pennsylvania (7) or Cincinnati Milling Machine Co., Cincinnati, Ohio (?).

1896: Screw cutting lathe(s) ?, made by Prentice Bros., Worcester, - . Massachusetts (21" swing x 10' bed) (?) and/or Flather & Co., Nashua,

New Hampshire (20" swing x 10' bed) (?). $455.00 or $425.00 respectively.66

1898: Adjustable top saw table, made by Goodell & Waters, Philadelphia, 67 Pennsylvania. 68 Pre-1903: Drill press, made by Silver Manufacturing Co., Salem, Ohio.

Appliances

Among the dozens of references to and records of purchases of small tools such as files, handles, , , grindstones, drill bits, 69 braces, saw blades, leather belting, , and chucks -- the necessary but routine things around a machine and millwright shop -- there are a few entries which record the acquisition of tools that deserve special attention.

In 1864, the millwright and machine shop purchased three pairs of callipers 70 from Field & Hardie's hardware and tool store. The maker and intended use of these callipers is unfortunately unknown. A decade later, the company asked J. Morton Poole & Co. to make some "gauges," whose purpose is not 71 clear. These could have been intended to be used to measure the thickness of sheet metal, since a letter from J. Morton Poole & Co. mentions its use of Brown & Sharpe's sheet metal gauge. Poole also enclosed a "cut" (descrip- tion and illustration) of this gauge. On the other hand, this and another letter 72 suggest that Poole made something like "feeler" gauges for Du Pont.

Lammot du Pont purchased a for $80.00 from N. H. 73 Edgerton, philosophical instrument maker in Philadelphia in early 1878. -13-

Whether this instrument was ever used in the millwright and machine shop

is unclear. It is surprising that there is no surviving record of machine

shop purchases or use of made and sold widely by Brown &

Sharpe Manufacturing Co. in the last part of the nineteenth century. Perhaps

the shop's machinists were expected to own their own instruments.

Although the absence of such purchases is surprising, the company's.

acquisition in 1883 of a set of Whitworth standard gauges, which were definitely 74 used in the machine shop, is equally surprising. It is doubtful whether the operations of the shop were such that work to those standards was necessary, but as indicated above, such an acquisition suggests a certain element of

ambition if not maturation in the shop's operations.

Finally, the evidence gleaned from the floor plans of the new machine

shop (1911, 1912, 1913) suggests that even with this expanded facility, the 75 "tool room" was small or less-than-modest. Perhaps it did not even exist in the nineteenth century shop.

Machines That Probably were in the Millwright and Machine Shop

1872: Tenon machine, made by the Atlantic WOl'ks, Philadelphia. The evidence here is admittedly thin, but the acquisition of the machine stands to reason.

The 1911 main floor plan shows a tenon machine made by the Atlantic Works

Company. While there is no record of this machine's purchase, the 1872 date comes from John Richards' Treatise on the Construction and Operation of Wood-

Working Machine, which illustrates two tenoning machines made by the Atlantic 75a Works of Philadephia (Plate LXXVII, p. 198 and Plate LXXXI, p.206).

The history of the Atlantic Works of Philadelphia, of which Richards was a -14- partner (not to be confused with the ship builder of Boston), is unknown, but the company may have gone out of business when Richards left the firm in 1878 to start the American Standard Gauge and Tool Works (Philadelphia), which merged with Betts Machine Company of Wilmington sometime before

March l880~ 75b Richards' Wilmington connection is certainly suggestive.

1886: Metal shapero A letter from F. G. Thomas of H. B. Smith Machine

Co., Philadelphia, to Francis G. du Pont of April 7, 1886, indicates that du Pont was in the market for a shapero 7 6 This letter alludes to an 8" and enclosed in the letter is a "cut" (description and illustration) of an 8" Boynton & Plummer (Worcester, Massachusetts) shapero The letter also alludes to the made by Fitchburg Machine Works (Fitchburg,

Massachusetts) and includes a description and price list of the company's shapers (which were 10" and 14" machines). Surviving records do not indi­ cate du Pont's decision. The 1911 floorplan of the new machine shop includes four shapers, two made by Gould & .Eberhardt of Newark, New Jersey (which could date this early), one made by Hilles & Jones of Wilmington (which might date this early), and one made by the H. B. Smith Machine Company (which, while having the right name, probably could not have dated this early. 77

Metal planer. The same letter cited above also suggests that du Pont wished to purchase a planer. 7 8 Thomas suggested one made by Fitchburg

Machine Company and quoted prices. The 1911 floorplan of the new machine shop shows two planers, one made by Betts Machine Company of Wilmington

(which definitely could have dated from the period) and one made by Woodward

& Powell_of Worcester, Massachusetts (which could not have been made before -15-

79 1894. The existence of a flyer on the Betts planer, dating from 1888, which

was pulled from company-related manuscripts (Ace. 504, Box 2) strongly sug­

gests that the Betts planer (48"x48"x16") was purchased about 1888. 80 Addi-

tional support for this view comes by recognizing that when the machine shop

was reorganized in 1913, this (older) planer was thrown out while the (newer)

Woodward & Powell was retained.

Radial drill. The Thomas letter to F. G. du Pont also suggests that 81 du Pont wanted to purchase a radial drill. Thomas suggested those made

by Blaisdel, and in a subsequent letter sent a Blaisdel catalogue and prices 82 for its #1 and #2 . As with the previous machines, the records do not answer the question'whether such a drill was purchased. However, the

1911 floorplan does include a radial drill made by Blaisdel, so the possibility 83 of its acquisition in 1886 is strong.

Pre-1892: Radial drill, made by Hilles & Jones of Wilmington. That du Pont purchased a radial drill from Hilles & Jones, which appears in the 1911 and

1912 drawings, is suggested by a telegram from the company to Hilles &

Jones saying that they "will send messenger for two five-eighth twist drills . 84 for [your? J drill pres s needed at once." While this is slim evidence, it

1'8 at least suggestive •..

Machines That Could Have Been in the Millwright and Machine Shop

All of these speculations are based on the 1911 and 1912 floorplans 85 of the new machine shop. Dates are obviously unknown.

Mortising machine, made by H. B. Smith Machine Company, Smithville,

New Jersey. This was a small and standard item in any woodworking shop -16- in the nineteenth century. The Smith Company made woodworking machines before the Civil War and continued manufacturing them throughout the century.

Six inch moulding machine, made by H. B. Smith Machine Company.

Same reasons apply as above.

8"x24" single surface planer, made by H. B. Smith Machine Company.

Same reasons apply as above.

Cut-off saw, made by H. B. Smith Machine Company. Same reasons apply as above.

Wood lathe, 12 "x8' no maker identified.

Metal lathe, 10 "x3', no maker identified. Dimensions are those of the

1911 drawing: the 1912 drawing records them as 11"x38".

Keyseater, made by Manning, Maxwell, & Moore. The company sent

Francis G. du Pont a letter in response to du Pont's of February 9, 1887, ap­ parently asking for a catalOgue~'It is unclear whether du Pont actually acquired a catalogue.

Metal lathe, l4"x3', made by Putnam Machine Company, Fitchburg,

Massachusetts. Dimensions are those of 1911 drawing; 1912 lists them as

17 "x40". -17 -

Grindstone, no maker indicated.

Magnetic Separator, made by Sawyer. Used to separate metal cuttings from cutting lubricants •

.. Wood lathe, 12 "x6', no maker indicated.

Wood slotter, no dimensions or maker given.

Dowel or rod machine, made by Rogers & Co. See note 53 for docu­ mentation on du Pont's purchase of a similar machine, made by Witherby,

Rugg & Richardson.

Metal lathe, l8"x4', made (suppl:i,ed) by Fairbanks Co. (see 1911 drawing). The 1912 drawing shows this lathe as American Tool Works, l8"x4!x4".

While other machines shown inthe 1911 and 1912 shop drawings might have been in the old machine shop, the above-listed are certainly the strongest candidates given diffuse contextual evidence and the general operations of the old machine shop. For exa:mple, although the 1911 and 1912 drawings show a

Gould & Eberhardt gear cutter, there is no evidence that the company cut its own in the 19th century facility. The same inferences can be made about tool s.

The Culture of Machine Shops

The history of machine shops in nineteenth-century America has yet to be written despite their fundamental importance to the development of

American industry.87 By the time du Pont built its new machine and mill­ wright shop of 1858, there were a number of large, jobbing machine shops, some of which had gained national reputations for their work. The du Pont -18-

Company itself had relied heavily upon one of these, the West Point Foundry, for its early needs in mill machinery construction. Later, as has been pointed out, the company used shops in Philadelphia, especially the Southwar~

Foundry, and in Wilmington shops including Pusey & Jones, J. Morton Poole

&Co., and Harlan & Hollingsworth.

The work of these shops probably served as standards for the machin- ists and millwrights of the small but growing Hagley shop of 1858. Cer- tainly contacts between these various shops were constant. Judging from the sparse but significant literature of machinists of the day, machinists at

Hagley must have been aware of developments in practice in at 88 least the Delaware Valley. They no doubt talked about who the great machin- ists of their day were, who built the best machine tools, who could get the most work out of them, and so on. Unfortunately, most of this culture of the machine shop is lost or at least not yet discovered.

The best study of machine shops in a nearby industrial community, providing a comparative perspective, is provided by Anthony F. C. Wallace work's in Rockdale, yet even this/section on machine shops is paltry compared with their importance in the community.89 The machine shop was largely taken for granted in this period, much as it is today.

In the Du Pont Powder Yards, one person in the company did not take the millwright and machine shop f()r granted. Francis Gurney du Pont played an immensely important role in the growth and maturation of the shop. From his entrance into the company in the early 187 Os until his retirement in 1902, du Pont personally supervised the overall operations of the shop, including -19- purchases of tools, machine tools, and woodworking machines; contracts for outside machine work and outside repairs of the shop's machine tools; and establishment of standards in the shop. By the end of the century, when the company had become more self- sufficient in its machinery needs, du Pont would note that the shop was not well adapted for sma11 scale work, implying 90 that it was we11 suited for large scale machining operations. Orders for machine tools during the last quarter of the century reinforce this view. How

Francis Gurney du Pont related to workmen in the mi11wright and machine shop is unknown, but his account of explosions at the Brandywine mi11s indicates that he at 1ea~t knew his men and their work. 9~

Fina11y, the growth in machinery and machining capabilities in the machine shop as well as the shop's relations with the larger developments in machine shop practice is indicated by apparently abortive experiments in the . 92 "art of cutting metals" which the company undertook ln 1907. It was in this same year that Frederick W. Taylor published in the Transactions of the American Society of Mechanical Engineers his seminal paper, "On the Art 3 of Cutting Meta1s.,,9 Someone in the DliPont cpmpany must have been aware of machine shop practice as discussed within the ASME, a primary agency of change in the machine building sector.

The mi11wright and machine shop is probably representative of the development of small machine shops created in association with various manufacturing operations. Initially, they provided limited service facilities for manufaeturing operations. Over time, these shops grew in size, equip- ment, and capabilities until some became virtua11y self- sufficient. For the ., -20-

now-anonymous men who worked there, the machine shop was a central

part of their work experience. These men, above all, knew the culture

and role of the machine shop in American industry,

12/3/80 NOTES

1. Eugene S. Ferguson, "The Critical Period of American Technology, 1788-1853," pp. 8-9. Unpublished paper, 1965{?). Eleutherian Mills Historical Library.

2. On the 1858 date of the shop there are two sources. The Delaware Gazette of July 13, 1858 noted that, "The Messrs. Du Pont are building a large machine shop in their powder yard, a short distance above the Henry Clay Factory. It is 100 feet long and thirty feet wide, and one story high. Mr. Conley does the mason work, and Hugh Sterling the Carpentering." The year- end inventory of real estate, dating from December 31, 1858, records the "new machine shop" in the powder mills, valued at $2,000. Ace. 500, Series I, ParfII, Box 486.

3. Hagley map, 1834, as redrawn by Robert Howard.

4. Hagley map, 1874, as redrawn by Robert Howard. Francis Gurney du Pont's sketch-map of the early l870s yards also labels the shop as the "millwright shop." Ace. 1600, item 26.

5. Maps of the Hagley Yard, 1903 and 1904, as redrawn by Robert Howard.

6. Bill to E. I. du Pont & Co. from Haughey & Ferry, May 22, 1865. Ace. 500, Box 1812. This is a bill for roofing "machine shop back building, 29x39 feet." For documentation of the dimensions of the original building see Note 2. This back building is shown on the Hagley map of 1874.

7. This inference is based on an item in the bill cited in Note 6 for roofipg 1251 sq. ft. of the "main building" of the machine shop while at the same time "repairing [the roof ofJ both wings of same building.

8. Bill to E. I. ~u Pont & Co. from Robert Atkinson, October 24, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Box 502. This bill is for the "roof on new addition to millwright shop in Hagley." See also the bill from Springer , Morley & Gause for sash supplies for the "millwright shop, " November 1, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II. Box 502.

9. As taken from an advertisement of E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , "Descriptions of the Du Pont Gunpowder Works," June, 1, 1872. Longwood MSS., Group 5, Series C, Box 49.

10. "A Walk Through the Powder Yards," in Memoirs of Francis Gurney du Pont, Vol. 2, p.279. Notes -2-

11. Photographs 70.1. 10 and 70. 1. 141, Pictorial Department, E1eutherian Mills Historical Library.

12. Francis Gurney du Pont's list of explosions, 1815-1898 at Brandywine Mills, Ace. 1566.

13. Summary of Appraisal, Brandywine Yards, September 25, 1902, Longwood MSS., Group 10, File 418.

14. Anon., "Remarks on the alterations proposed to be made at Hagley," November 1851. Longwood MSS., Group 5, Series C. Box 49. This document alludes distinctly to the saw mill, the millwright shop, the keg mill, the lathe shop, and the blacksmith shop.

15. This statement is based on a thorough examination of the company's recordc;in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century as well as oral interviews of new machine shop workers.

16. The following correspondence is representative: Pusey, Jones & Betts to Charles I. du Pont, January 1,1857. Ace. 500, Box 1806. ,. Harlan & Hollingsworth & Co. to E. 1. du Pont & Co., 1858. Ace. 500, Box 1807. Harlan & Hollingsworth & Co. to E. 1. du Pont & Co., 1859. Ace. 500, Box 1807. Edmund Hindle & Sons to E. I. du Pont & Co., June 16, 1859. Ace. 500, Box 1807. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., April-June 1860. Ace. 500, Box 1808. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 1860. Ace. 500, Box 1808. Bement & Dougherty to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., November 30, 1861. Ace. 500, Box 1809. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., June 30, 1863. Ace. 500, Box 1810. Bement & Doughe·rty to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., November 14, 1863. Ace. 500, Box 1810. Merrick & Sons to E. 1. du Pont & Co., March 19, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. J. Morton Poole & Co. to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., April 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Merrick & Sons to E. 1. du Pont & Co.,. April 21, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Merrick & Sons to E. 1. du Pont & Co., May 24, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., May 31, 1864. Ace. -500, Box 1814~ . Merrick & Sons to E. 1. du Pont & Co., June 7, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Notes - 3-

Hollingsworth, Harvey & Co. to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , July 1, 1864. Acc. 500, Box 1811. E. C. Stotsenburg & Co •. to E. I. du Pont & Co., November 11, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Harlan & Hollingsworth & Co. to E. 1. du Pont & Co., July-December, 1864. Acc. 500, Box 1811. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont & Co., November 19, 1864. Acc. 500, Box 1811. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., December 1, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , December 31, 1864. Ace. 500, Box 1811. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , March 10, 1865. Acc. 500, Box 1812 •. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , March 27, 1865. Acc. 500, Box 1812. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., September 6, 1865. Acc. 500, Box 1812. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 9, 1865. Acc. 500, Box 1812. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Jan. 1, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1812. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., February 1, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont &~Go., May 1, 1866~ Acc. 500, Box 1813. Harlan & Hollingsworth to E. 1. du Pont & Co., July 7, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont & Co., November 30, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont & Co., December 21, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., January 1, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., January 5, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1813. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., January 31, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., April 20, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. Pusey & Jones to E. 1.du Pont de Nemours & Co., June 29, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., July 31, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. James Toner to E. 1. du Pont & Co., October 2, 1868.· Acc. 500, Box 1815. Robert H. Barr & Co., to E. 1. du Pont & Co., Oct. 30, 1869. Acc. 500, Box 1816. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., November 17, 1869. Acc. 500, Box 1816. Notes - 4 -

James Toner to E. I. du Pont & Co., March 1, 1870. Ace. 500, Box 1817. James Toner to E. 1. du Pont & Co., February 1, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Box 502. Henry G. Morris to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., February 11, 1871. Ace. 500, Box 1817. James Toner to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours, April 1, 1871. Ace. 500, Box 1817. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont & Co., May 31, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Box 502. James Toner to E. I. du Pont de Nemours, July 1, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M. Box 502. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont & Co., September 30, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Box 502. Emile Geyelin to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 17, 1871, Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M. Bo·x 502. James Toner to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours, November 1, 1874. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Box 502. Pusey & Jones to E. 1. du Pont & Co., November 29, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M., Box 502. James Toner to E. I. du Pont de Nemours, December 1, 1871. Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Box 502. For the later period of the l870s and l880s, see especially the cor­ respondence of Poole & Hunt, which is contained in two folders in Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 298; correspondence of Harlan & Hollingsworth, which is contained in two folders in Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 135; correspondence of Hilles & Jones, contained in one folder in Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 148; and correspondence of Pusey and Jones, contained in three files in Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 300. See also letters to Pusey & Jones in Ace. 504, Box' 7~

17. See note 9.

18. See note 10.

19. Francis G. du Pont to Dear Sir [D. B. Carlitt (?), his secretary (?)], December 5, 1883. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 86. See also other Francis G. du Pont letters in this same box, dating from 1879 through the mid l880s, which instruct his secretary about acquisitions related to the millwright and machine shop's operations.

20. See the E. W. Bliss & Co. file in Ace. 504, Box 1, for solid docu­ mentation of the acquisition of these machines in 1885.

21. This statement is based on the keg mill's account with the machine shop as reported in its annual inventories, contained in Ace. 504, Box 17. Notes - 5

22. The accepted dates of this new facility's, construction are 1902-03. E. C. Ackart, "E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. . Some Notes and Anecdotes Concerning the Work and Men of the Engineering Department," Microfilm of typescript, 1946, E. M.H. L., p.40.

23. Ibid. Also see the correspondence related to the "Brandywine Shops II' in Ace. 500, Series II, Part 2, Box 417 and the Clarence A. Fahs Oral History Interview, p. 27.

24. See note 22.

25. Most of these manuscripts are cited in note 16.

26. Ace. 1600, Item 26.

27. Hagley map of 1874 as redrawn by Robert Howard.

28. Hagley map of 1903 as redrawn by Robert Howard and ibid.

29. See the blueprint of the shop dating from 7 /21/11 on file in the Engin~ering Curatorls office, Hagley Museum.

30. Pictorial Collections, negatives 70.1. 14 and 70. 1. 16.

31. Ace. 500, Box 1835, files 1/86-7/86; 8/86-12/86: 7/87-12/87.

32. Pictorial Collections, negatives 70. 1. 10 and 70. 1. 141.

33. These prints are on file in the Engineering Curator I s office along with prints dating fromFebruary 18, 1912 and January 30, 1913.

34. Ace. 501, Box 17.

35. These inventories are contained in Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M, Boxes 485 and 486.

35a. Ace. 384, Box 33.

36. Bill. March 4, 1859. Ace. 500, Box 1807.

37. Bill. December 13,1861. Ace. 500, Box 1809. See also Ace. 500, Box 1562.

38. Checkstub 4119. May 24, 1862. Ace. 500, Vol. 1563.

39. Check stub 5212. January 30, 1864. Ace. 500, Vol. 1567.

40. Bill. October 25, 1865. Ace. 500, Box 1812. Notes - 6 -

40a. Bill from Robt. H. Barr & Co. to E. I. du Pont & Co. , January 9, 1866. Acc. 500, Box 1812.

41. Bill. January 19, 1866. Ace. 500, Box 1812.

42. Bill. June 10, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. Taylor was probably an agent for the Du Pont Company. Certainly he furnished keg staves and kegs for it, as indicated by this bill, which includes items for 164,500 staves, 5516 4-hoop kegs, 3175 5-hoop kegs, and 10,000 screw bungs.

43. Bill. September 27, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814.

44. Ibid.

45. Receipt. Wm. Herbert., Sheriff, New Castle, October 18, 1867. Acc. 500, Box 1814. Cf. Acc. 861, Acct. Book (misc.) 1867-1869. 54: L:1, GA 79, p.86.

46. Wright & Smith to E. 1. du Pont.de Nemours, May 19, 1868. Acc. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 434. It is unclear whether this is a machine or just a saw blade since there is no value placed on the item (the attached invoice was apparently lost). Compare this MS with an earlier bill from Wright & Smith, cited in note 44, which contains an annotation for "two cross cut saws and two rip saws and one rip Emersons patent - {16 inch diameter all),·· which seems to indicate blades rather than wood­ working machines.

47. Ibid.

48. E. & A. Betts to E. I. du Pont & Co., December 2, 1872. Acc. 384, Box 5. See also a later letter, dated Dec. 16, 1872, about Betts· mistake on the steady rest of this lathe. Acc. 384, °Box 5. There is no Betts lathe included in the new machine shop floor plans of 1911, 1912, 1913.

49. Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to Francis G. du Pont, September 23, 1878. See also Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 30, 1878. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 428. There is an undated and cryptic note in Francis Gurney du Ponti s hand in this same file which refers to a "single surface 4 roll planer & matcher to plane 24 inches wide, 4 inches thick with cutter heads as follows: I pair heads for tonguing & grooving I inch boards, I pair heads for tonguing & grooving 2 inch planks, 1 pair heads for planing [?] or edges of 2 inch planks. Acc. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 428. This note was written on the back of a telegram dating from January 25, 1877. Notes - 7 -

50. Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to Francis G. du Pont, September 23, 1878. See also Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 26, 1878. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B. Box 428. '

51. WitherbY1 Rugg & Richardson to Francis G. du Pont, September 23, 1878. See also Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., November 8, 1878. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 428.

52. Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to Francis G. du Pont, September 23, 1878. See also Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., October 18,1878. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 428.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid.

55. Ibid.

56. Witherby, Rugg & Richardson to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. November 21, 1878 and Witherby,. Rugg & Richardson to E. I. du Pont de Nemours, December 13, 1878. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 428.

57. Francis Taylor to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., December 23, 1878; January 9, 1879, and January 10, 1879. Ace. 500, Series I, Par I, Series B, Box 384. See also the bill, Ace. 500, Box 1819.

58. Pusey & Jones to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., January 30, 1884. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 300.

59. Details of this lathe are uncertain from the correspondence. See .F. G. Thomas to "Dear Frankll [Francis Gurney du PontJ, November 9, 1885; November 10, 1885; and Novembel' 20, 1885. Ace. 504, Box 7.

60. The actual size purchased is unknown. F. G. Thomas to "Dear Frank ll [Francis G. du Pont], April 7, 1886. There is some evidence in this letter that the millwright shop already had one exhaust fan in use.

61. H. B. Smith Co. to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., January 3, 1888. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 370. There is plenty of room for doubt in this call. This letter, which concerns a face plate for a , refers to Ilyour Lathe ll and later IIB1aisdell

Lathes .11 Probably the let~er refers to only one Blaisdell lathe owned by du Pont. My suggestion of three lathes is based on the existence of tliree Blasidell machines in the new machine shop in 1911, as shown on the blueprint, which is in the Engineering Curatorl s office. Notes - 8 -

62. Cordesman Machine Company to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , April 23, 1888. Ace. 504, Box 2.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid. The reference is unclear. Yet the 1911 blueprint o£the new machine shop contains a Cordesman machine, cited as a surface planer, while the 1912 blueprint shows the same machine and calls it a joiner. This makes sense - as does calling a machine a "wood­ worker" - since joiners could also be adapted easily to planing surfaces. See Knight's Mechanical Dictionary on "Joiner."

65. We know definitely that Francis Gurney du Pont purchased a "milling machine" based on a telegram from him to Victor du Pont, May 14, 1894. Ace. 504, Box 8. However, beyond this, nothing is certain. ~ The 1911 blueprint plan of the new machine shop contains three milling machines, the Owen machine in the gallery (which in the 1912 plan blueprint is listed as a universal milling machine),· the Pennsylvania Machine Company miller (in the tool room), and the Cincinnati Milling Machine Company miler (also in the tool room). The 1912 plan includes a Brainard universal milling machine.

66. The eVidence that one or both of those lathes was /were purchased is not overwhelming. Two letters from Fairbanks Company, m.achinery merchants, of 7/29/96 and 8/12/96, when combined with evidence from the plans of the new machine shop, are suggestive that Du Pont purchased both. The first letter quotes specs. and prices on both lathes as well as one made by Draper. The second letter inquires whether "we cannot enter your order for either of the lathes on which we made price." Ace. 504, Box 2. Plans of machinery in the new machine shop show a Flather lathe of 20" swing and 4' between centers (dimensions of the lathe indicate a 10' bed) [1911 plan blueprint] and a Prentice lathe of '16" swing and 4' between centers (dimension of the lathe indicates a 10' bed) [1911 plan blueprint]. Lathe specs. given in the plans of the new machine shop are not consistent, because they sometimes give swings over the ways and oUler times swings over the rest. Like­ wise, they sometimes give bed lengths and at other times distances between centers.

67. Pierre Gentieu's daybook, Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series N, Box 504.

68. This drill press was purchased before January 23, 1903 when Francis Gurney du Pont wrote to Silve r Mfg. Co., asking them to send a replacement part for the machine shop's Advance No. 12 drill press. See also F. G. du Pont's letter to Silver Mfg. Co. of January 23, 1903 and Silver Mfg. C~. 's reply of January 26, 1903. Ace. 504, Box 2. Notes - 9 -

69. For details and documentation on these small tools and supplies see the following letters or bills to E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. from Field & Hardie, December 13, 1864, Ace. 500, Box 1811; V. Stirling, April 17, 1862, Ace. 500, Vol. 1653; McDowell & Co., November 17, 1865, Ace. 500, Box 1812; H. Danby, November 10, 1865, Ace. 500, Box 1814; Garrett & Son, April 28, 1865, Ace. 500, Vol. 1570; Richardson & Hoops, October 30, 1866, Ace. 500, Box 1814; Garrett, Kent & Co., May 10, 1866, Ace. 500, Box 1813; J. A. Robinson, May 22, 1867, Ace. 500, Box 1814; Way & Good, June 4, 1867, Ace. 500, Box 1814; J. A. Robinson, JuneS, 1867, Ace. 500, Box 1814; New Castle Sheriff's sale, October 18, 1867, Ace. 500, Box 1814; McDowell & Co., June 30, 1868, Ace. 500, Box 1815: J. A. Robinson, August 31, 1868, Ace. 500, Box 1815; Wright & Smith, Octobe:r 21, 1871, Ace. 500, Series I, Part II, Series M. Box 502: H. B. Smith, November 25, 1885, Ace. 504, Box 7; H. B. Smith, November 25, 1885, Ace. 504, Box 7; H. B. Smith, May 21, 1888, Ace. 500, Series B, Box 370; H. B. Smith, August 31, 1888, Ace. 500, Box 370; Hilles & Jones, October 5, 1892, Ace. 504, Box 8; and Pierre Gentieu's Daily Record of Supplies Received in Hagley Yard, 1897-1900, Ace. 500, Box 1831.

70. Bill from Field & Hardie to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , December 13, 1864, Ace. 500, Box 1811.

71. J. Morton Poole & Co. to E. I. du Pont de Nemours ,& Co., August 22, 1874. Ace. 384, Box 19.

72, J. Morton Poole & Co. to E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co., August 28, 1874. Ace. 384, Box 19.

73. N. H. Edgerton to Lammot du Pont, January 8, 1878 and February 7, 1878. Ace. 384, Box 9. These letters do not specifically mention the instrument being a micrometer but see the February [1878] entry in "Cost of Supplies on Brandywine 1878," Ace. 384, Box 33.

74. This 1883 acquisition is gathered from Francis G. du Pont to "Dear Sir," December 5, 1883. Ace. 500, Series I, Part I, Series B, Box 86.

75. These drawings are on file in the Engineering Curator's office.

75a. (London: E. &F. N. Spon, 1872).

75b. "Personal," Railroad Gazette XII (March 5, 1880), p. 133. Courtesy of Eugene S. Ferguson. Notes - 10 - , 76. Ace. 504, Box 7.

77. Ezra Gould was a pioneer of the shaper, and his firm's name changed from year-to-year from 1835 to 1878 when it became known thereafter as Gould & Eberhardt. Therefore, the earliest these shapers could be would be 1878, but the problem is they could also have been made in 1911 since the company still remained in business (and still does). This information is based on a report made by Carlene E. Stephens of the N. M. H. T., Smithsonisn Institution. Hilles & Jones made a variety of (mostly heavy) machine tools. From the trade catalogues at E. M. H. L., it is apparent that they did not include all the machine tools they made in these catalogues. Their catalogues of 1886 and 1889 do not include shapers. Finally, it is apparent that H. B. Smith Co. was merely a machinery merchandiser rather than a manufacturer in 1886. It seems reasonable that Thomas (the correspondent) wOuld~ have pushed his own machine rather than that of Boynton &Pitimmer or Fitchburg if H. B. Smith had manufactured them.

78. See note 76.

79. The 1894 date comes from the fact that in 1894 planers were made under the name "Powell Planer Co. ," Worcester, Massachusetts, not under Woodward & Powell. See the 1894 F~irbanksCo. catalogue of machine tools, pp.260-63, E. M. H. L. Thomas' Register, 1926-27, lists the company as Woodwa-rd & Powell. It is unclear when the firm changed names.

80. This flyer is now part of E. M. H. L.' s Trade Catalogue collection.

81. See Note 76.

82. F. G. Thomas to Francis Gurney du Pont, April 9, 1886. Ace. 504, Box 7.

83. See the 1911 and 1912 drawings on file in the Engineering Curator's office. These drawings include two other radial drills which could be candidates for an 1886 purchase: W. E. Gang Co., 3' 0" radial drill and a Hilles & Jones 4' 0" radial drill. (See below in the text for more contextual information on this press.) The size of the B1aisdel radial drill was 14".

84. Telegram, Oct. 5, 1892. Ace. 504, Box 8.

85. These drawings are on file in the Engineering Curator's office.

86. Manhing, Maxwell & Moore to Francis G. du Pont, February 11, 1887. Ace. 504, Box 2. Notes - 11 -

87. Probably the best statement on the importance of machine shops is Eugene S. Ferguson, "The Critical Period of American Technology, 1788-1853," unpublished paper, 1965 (?), Eleutherian Mills Historical Library.

88. The Early Engineering Reminiscences (1815-40) of George Escol Sellers, ed. Eugene S. Ferguson (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1965) is basic here.

89. See "The Machine Shops," in Anthony F. C. Wallace, Rockdale: The Growth of a-n American Village in the Early . (Ne.w York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), pp. 147 -15 8.

90. Francis G. du Pont to Richard W. Gilpin (?), N. D. [1900-1902]. Acc. 504, Box 5.

91. See Acc. 1566.

92. Book 37, "Brandywine." Acc. 500, Series II, Part 2, Box 112.

93. Vol. XXVIII. APPENDIX II

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES CONSULTED Manuscript Collections in Which Information Was Found

A. Machines bought by E. 1. du Pont de I'{emours & Co.

Acc. 500, Box #s 7 - incoming cor respondence w /Du Pont Co. 25 " " " 86 " " " 370 " " " 384 " " " 428 " " " 434 " " " 486 - Du Pont Co. Inventories 502 - Du Pont Co. Miscellaneous Bills 504 - Du Pont Co. Construction File 1562 - Du Pont Co. Supply Order Book Stubs 1563 " " " " " 1564 -" "" "" 1565 " "" "" 1567 " "" II" 1569 II II II II II 1570 II II" II II 1761 - incoming correspondence w/Du Pont Co., addenda 1806 &1807 - Du Pont Co. Bills & Receipts, addenda 1809-1816 II II " II II 1819 - II II II II II

Ac c. 504, # s : 2] 3] Series A, general correspondence 7] 8 - 3 letterpress volumes of telegrams - 1891-92, 1892-98, 1898-01 20 - Series C, misc. business correspondence, Nitrate of Soc;la file

Acc. 384, #s: 5] 9] general correspondence 19]

B. Contextual Information re: History of the Machine Shop

Acc. 500, #s: 485 Du Pont Co. Invento rie s E.1.d.P.Co.486 II II II Papers 502 II II Misc. Bills 505 II II Insurance Records 1811 II II· Bills & Receipts, addenda 1812 II II II II II 1817 II II II " " Series II, Part 2, 112-113 - Real Estate, New Jersey plants -2-

Ace. 384, #s: 33 - technical correspondence re: explosives Lamrnot du Pont papers 48 - du Pont family correspondence

Ace. 501, D, 17 - P. S. du Pont papers

Ace. 504 #s 3&5- Series A. general correspondence, Francis Gurney du Pont papers 17 Series C. miscellaneous business correspondence, list of patterns sent

LMSS, Grp. 5, Series C, #49 - special papers of E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co.

LMSS, Grp. 10, Papers of P. S. du Pont, File 418, E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. Real Estate

Henry, Allart J., Francis Gurney du Pont: A Memoir, pub. Wm. F. Fell & Co., Philadelphia, Pa., 1951; E. Paul du Pont's recollections of the powder mills in volume 2.

C. Contextual Information re: Work Done

Ace. 500, #s 86 - incoming correspondence wiD. P. Co. 417 _" " H 502 - D. P. Co. miscellaneous bills 1806-1807 - D. P. Co. bills & receipts, addenda

D. Mis cellaneous

Ace. 500, #s 86 - incoming correspondence wiD. P. Co. 814 - D. P. Co. outgoing mail, 11/56 - 6/57 985 - D. P. Co. petit ledger for 1863 1809-1811- D.P. Co. Bills & Receipts,-addenda

Ace. 504, #8 - general correspondence

Ace. 1524, #1 - notebook of drawings & specs, including machinery

Oral History Interviews: Clarence A. Fahs William Flanigan

New Castle County Assessments, North Christiana Hundred, Office of Museum Research, J. Hinsley, for 1873-1877, 1897 - 1901, 2 /7 105.

Ace. 1600, #(26)11 - Reorganiza.tion of Yard Proposal of F. G. du P.

Ace. 1566 - F. G. duP.'s explosion accounts -3-

Manuscript Collections in Which Information was Not Found

Ace. 500, Records of E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co.

Box # s : 1, 27 , 2 8, 3 5, 3 8, 3 9, 5 1, 52, 5 6, 84, 9 1, 9 8, 99, 1 0 1, 1 0 6, 1 0 8, 1 09, 12 6 , 135,138,148,170, 172-180, 185-187,239,249,264,267,270,272,273,265, 292,298,301,303,324,356,377A,385,416,418,423,424,429, - incoming correspondence.

466,481, 481A - sales accounts 484, 484b, 485, 486a - Company inventories & ledger balances 503 - construction bills 504A - insurance policies 506 -insurance policies '" labor, legislation, litigation 509 - production & sales, raw materials, stock & stockholders "686 Cancelled checks, Bank of Delaware 696-699 " "Bank of Wilm. & Brandywine 720 "" Farmers Bank 7 39-740 " "Philadelphia Bank 7 64 "" Miscellaneous Banks 681 - orders & receipts, 1833-1878 765 - stockholders stock ledger, 1899-1904 766-769 - insurance book, 1857 -1868 " " , 1868-1885 miscellaneous map & blueprints, 1856-1902 magazine deed boo~ 1873 802- 813,815 company letter books, 1849-1856 & 11/56-6/57 816-818 F. L. Kneeland letter books, 8/54-5/59 830 F. L. Kneeland letter book, 11/70- 5 /71 841 """" 3 /7 8- 12/7 9 861 Acct. Bk., Misc. $ pd. for sundries, 1867-69 901-909 company journals, 1/55-12/72 946-948 General ledgers, Jan. 1859-Dec.1874 979 company petit ledger 1046-1047 Cash Books, Sept. 1858-Aug. 1881 1063 Cash Book, 1869-1871 1121 Bk. Pass Bk., National Bk. of W. &B., 10/61-4/68 1158 """ Bank of Del., 2/60-9/65 1365 Check Stub Bks., """ 10/58-11/62 1384-1385 """ Bk. ofW.&B., 10/58-7/69 1403 II"" Farmers Bk., 5/59-1/72 1425-1427 """ Union Bk. of Del., 4/60-2/66 1434-1439 " "" Bk. of Phil., 1/60-11/68 1440 """ Chemical Bk., 1/58-3/68 1478-1479 Receipts & Pymnts., 1860-1871 1498'-1499 Memorandum Books, 1857 -1869 1507 Acct. bk. w/Mark Pedrick & Son and Pedri.ck, PainterCo. 1562A supply order book stubs -4-

1568 - supply book stubs, 3/64-8/64 1571-1~4" " " 1/65-1/83 1612-1615 - record of misc. supplies, purchased, Hagley shop ledger, day books 1635-1639 - powder order books, 1875-1886 1642 - sales books, 1817-1823 1750 - du Pont Co. receipts and deposits 11/20/19-1/8/24 1761-1762 - incoming letters in addenda 1764 - postal cards received, 1877-78 1771-1781 - telegrams sent, 1867-1878 1795 - telegrams received, 1878-79 1818-1820 -bills and receipts, 1874 - July 1876, 10/82-11/82, 1884-85, 1887,1889 1822 - orders for money - 1829-30, 1836, 1838-39, 1841-42, 1852-58 1835 - production records, maintenance reports, 1886-87

Acc. 500, Series II, #s 114-15 - blueprints of mills & equipment, 1892-1924

LMSS, Grp. 5, Papers of E.!. du Pont de Nemours & Co. Series A, letters sent, boxes. 1,2,7,11, 13 Series C, special papers of E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., boxes 1,52

LMSS, Grp. 7, Notes & Collections of Bessie Gardiner du Pont Series A, Papers for the History of the E. 1. du Pont de Nemours & Co. , boxes 1,2

LMSS, Grp. 9, Miscellany, Series C. Illustrative Materials, box 10

LMSS, Grp. 10, Papers of P. S. du Pont, Series C, P. S. du Pont's and Margaret Kane's research files, boxes 12 -14, 373, 495

WMSS, Grp. 4, Papers of E. I. du Pont and his wife, Series D, Papers of E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., boxes 14, 16

WMSS, Grp. 7, Papers of the sons of E. 1. du Pont, Series D, Papers of Henry & Louisa G. du Pont, boxes 8-11, 14-19

WMSS, Grp. 8, Papers of Henry A. du Pont, Series B Letters to Henry A., boxes 11-16

WMSS, Grp. 9, Papers of Samuel Francis du Pont, Series B, Letters to Samuel Francis du Pont, boxes 29, 32

WMSS, Grp. 10, Miscellany, Series C, Pictorial Material, boxes 13, 38

Acc. 504, Papers of Francis Gurney du Pont

#s 1,2,4,5, 6 - general busines s cor respondence, Series A 9; 10,11,12,13,14,15,16 - business correspondence with companies and their representatives, Series B 17, 18, 19 - Miscellaneous business papers, Series C., lists of patterns sent 1897, 1901; inventories and balance sheets, 1834-62; production records, 1895-1901 -5-

22 - Family correspondence of F. G. du Pont, with Henry A. du Pont

Acc. 384, Papers of Lammot du Pont

#s: 10, 18,20,22 - general correspondence, 1845- 83 26 - Letter books of business correspondence, 1873-75, 1883-84 28 - Papers concerning manufacture of explosives, 1788-1902, , technical 46 - Mining & railroad papers 47 -50 - du Pont family correspondence. 57-62 - Drawings of houses, mills, and machinery

Acc. 501, Papers of P. S. du Pont

- #s: 2 - general business correspondence, in files 18-20 - Histories of powder companies, misc. writings re powder 22 - P. S. du Pont's notebook #1 29 P. S. du Pont's notebook #6 30 - P. S. du Pont's notebook #7 33-50 - P. S. du Pont's scrapbooks

Acc. 146, The Eleuthera Bradford du Pont Collection, File 23, inventories & accounts of E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., 1.809-28

Acc. 228, Papers of Ir6n6e du Pont, File 105, E. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co. files

Acc. 297, Memo books of F. G. du Pont

Acc. 320, Time books, Hagley, 1814-16, 1814-24, 1843-50, 1843-55

Acc. 330, Diaries and notebooks of Wrn. H. Savery (Pusey & Jones Co.)

Acc. 623, Stephen E. Ambrose, "West Point in the 50's: The Letters of Henry A. du Pont

Acc. 641, #s 38- 39 - Field notebooks of Brandywine surveyors 40-41 - Blueprints of mills and equipment

Acc. 646 - Six memo books; memo book of Experimental Station

Acc. 1000 - Minutp. book of Remington Machine Co.

Acc. 1078, #182 - Edward M. Harrington, Material, notebook of machine equipment, and notebook on production machinery

Acc. 1675 - Henry Disston & Co., item 14, designs of saws

Acc. 1698 - Correspondance of Robert Page Williamson, tutor at Brandywine, 1852-53