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The Cultural Work of Sejong the Great

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The Cultural Work of Sejong the Great The Cultural Work of Sejong the Great Gari Ledyard Many kings have ruled in the world since organ- ized political life began, but the list of truly great ones is comparatively short. Any such list would surely have to include a Korean Monarch, Sejong (r. 1418-1450), the fourth king of the Chosòn Kingdom (sometimes called the Yi dynasty,1392-1910), who is universally regarded by Koreans as the wisest and most gifted ruler of their long history.The basis for this proud regard lies primarily in Sejong's having invented the Korean alphabet, an absolutely unique system of writing which Koreans consider to be the very soul of their national culture. Koreans have always known that King Sejong first announced the new alphabet during the winter of 1443-1444, and that he formally proclaimed it as "The Correct Sounds for the Instruction of the People" (Hunmin Chòng’ùm) in October, 1446. But the full modern understanding of this event did not become possible until 1940, when an exhaustive commentary which had been joined to the original proclamation came to light in the small town of Andong, in the southeastern part of Korea. The commentary went into detail on the technical rationale for the shapes of the original twenty-eight letters (only twenty-four are used today) and revealed the alphabet to be the conscious and close- connection with the alphabet, but more broadly ly reasoned invention of a highly original mind. for its own intrinsic interest. Western historians of writing, guided by the evolu- tionary and diffusionist development of writing in their own tradition, had explained the alphabet – Sejong's Accession and Early Reign which first came to their attention in 1799 – as a derivative of various known Indian or Tibetan Of all Korean kings, Sejong is the most remem- scripts, and even today such uninformed specula- bered. He is the king who appears on the postage tion can still be found in western reference litera- stamps and money, whose name identifies boule- ture. But for the most part the world now recog- nizes this script as the unique and amazing inven- vards, cultural centers, foundations and prizes. But tion that it is. The life and career of its inventor, the blaze of his halo has turned him into a saintly, less well known, deserves attention not only in mythic figure, and ironically obscured many of his 7 achievements and human qualities. To genuinely selected his eldest son, Prince Yangnyòng, as crown understand him, it is necessary to turn away from all prince, and the younger Sejong (then known as the statues and hagiography and see this great man Prince Ch'ungnyòng) would seem to have been des- securely in his time and place. tined for obscurity along with his ten other broth- The political culture which produced King ers. But in the end it was Prince Yangnyòng who Sejong, eschewing charisma and personality as the faded into obscurity. He remained crown prince chief criteria of royal greatness, rather emphasized almost to the end of his father's reign, but was sud- Confucian morality and conformance to the image denly deposed in 1418 and replaced by his younger of the "sage" (sòng) established in the Confucian brother Sejong. Less than two months later,T'aejong classics. Even in his lifetime, the king's persona was abdicated and Sejong came to the throne sacralized.The most powerful political figures could (September 7, 1418). He was at that time twenty- only approach him with utter deference, while the one years old. common people, on the relatively rare occasions The reasons for this sudden turnabout are when he left his palace for some necessary royal unclear. Given that Prince Yangnyòng had been crit- function, actually had to cover their windows and icized for his weakness of will and indecisive char- turn away from him lest their gaze sully his sagely acter, the conventional thinking is that Sejong's presence. Inevitably, however, even this solemn aura superior intelligence simply made him the more had to be broken by the exigencies of practical gov- appropriate choice to succeed his father. But if per- ernment and politics. Officials could argue vigor- sonal character had been the sole criterion, that ously with him over policy and administrative mat- would have been apparent much earlier; why wait ters; indeed, the Confucian concept of loyal remon- for years to effect the change? It is the very sud- strance obligated them to do so. Sejong was denness of the change, and the quickly following denounced, for example, for spending so much of abdication, that compel attention. They suggest his workday on the alphabet, and there were plen- that T'aejong intended to surprise his bureaucracy. ty of other matters over which he and the bureau- With more than one qualified heir, some senior cracy were from time to time at loggerheads. In officials, anxious for more power for the bureau- such circumstances, the king's personality and cracy, might have wanted the weaker Yangnyòng to character could hardly remain hidden. Even the succeed. Doubtless many of them, anticipating his common people, though deprived of direct succession during his fifteen years as designated impressions or "news" in the formal sense, could successor, had cultivated his friendship. For hardly have been unaware of what manner of man T'aejong to now replace him with Ch'ungnyòng sat on the nation's throne. (Sejong), and then abdicate while he himself still Very little is known of Sejong's early life. He had a few healthy years left, would enable him to was born on May 7, 1397, the third son of Yi decisively set the course of the kingdom for Pangwòn, himself the son of Yi Sònggye (King decades to come. If such was indeed T'aejong's T'aejo), the founder of the Chosôn dynasty. Yi plan, he succeeded admirably. Pangwòn had played a major role as aide to his father When Sejong came to the throne in 1418, the in the establishment of the new dynasty, and after he administrative and political structure of the Chosòn himself came to throne as King T'aejong (r. 1400- dynasty had already been laid out by T'aejong. 1418) he laid strong administrative and political Sejong kept that structure running smoothly, and foundations for the new state. In 1404, T'aejong refined it from time to time, but thanks to 8 GARI LEDYARD T'aejong's foundations he did not find it necessary themselves to advanced study away from the daily to be constantly preoccupied with administrative or pressures of an official career. The library for the political matters. But neither did he waste this sta- Hall of the Wise was completed in 1428. Education bility by resting on his oars and giving himself over and scholarship were fostered throughout the king- to a life of ease and comfort, as he might easily have dom, and books were collected and purchased, done.Although he did not leave an explicit person- often in China, occasionally in Japan. In every way, al declaration of the policies he would follow, Sejong worked to set a scholarly yet also pragmatic numerous casual remarks and the overall results of tone for his government. his reign allow us to see that he wanted to build a The attention given by Sejong to study and state in which Confucian institutions in both public research did not detract from his primary duties as and private life would be carefully cultivated, in king; in no sense was he a scholarly escapist. He which defense and security would be prudently opened his court each day at dawn (as was the cus- attended to, in which agriculture, the "foundation tom in East Asian kingship), and after the ceremo- of the state," would be brought to new levels of nial visits of his senior officials went directly to strength, and in which culture and education would work on state affairs. He rarely accepted the opin- be developed in a manner to compare favorably ions or arguments of petitioning officials without with the standards of the leading Chinese dynasties. asking questions and contributing his own remarks, National pride was an important element in these and not infrequently these were more to the point. plans. Korean culture was not merely to imitate In thousands of recorded discussions of this kind, he Chinese culture, but was consciously seen to showed an evenness of judgment and a lack of prej- require a distinctive Korean dimension. And this udice. On one occasion, during a regular review of would serve the highest political purposes: in an the national statutes, the question arose whether inter- national system in which Korea was in polo should be designated as an official support suzerain relationship to the Ming dynasty in China, for the military.The relevant officials were against Korea would create a self-defined standard of it on Confucian grounds (it supposedly diverted Confucian culture that would support a separate officers from full attention to their duties), and Korean legitimacy independent of China. also because leaders of the preceding Koryô From Sejong's youth his intelligence and stu- dynasty had reportedly pranced at polo while the diousness had been remarked by all, and in his Mongols were burning the country. Sejong admit- encouragement of learning after he became king he ted that the Koryô rulers had played it excessively, was as much a participant as the presiding spirit.To even to the detriment of the state, but he could see serve as the guiding institution for his cultural poli- no harm in it as a military sport and indeed con- cies, Sejong looked to an existing institution called fessed his admiration for the skill and agility the "Hall of the Wise" (Chiphyònchòn).
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