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Siri', Gender, and Sexuality Among the Bugis in South Sulawesi1

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Siri', Gender, and Sexuality Among the Bugis in South Sulawesi1 Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality among the Bugis in South Sulawesi1 Nurul Ilmi Idrus (Hasanuddin University) Abstrak Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai seks, gender, dan siri’ dalam budaya Bugis. Tulisan memerikan bagaimana gender dan seksualitas dipengaruhi oleh norma-norma adat yang berasal dari tradisi tulisan, pepatah dan nasihat, serta menunjukkan beberapa studi kasus hasil penelitian etnografi di Sulawesi Selatan. Siri’ (kehormatan/rasa malu) merupakan sebuah konsep mendasar dalam kehidupan masyarakat Bugis. Bagi orang Bugis, perempuan dipandang sebagai simbol dari siri’ keluarga dan berkaitan dengan konsep laki-laki yaitu ’bi’ (perilaku yang tepat). Akibatnya, perempuan harus dipantau secara ketat dan perilaku mereka tidak hanya diawasi oleh orangtua, tetapi juga oleh anggota keluarga dekat dan jauh atau bahkan oleh anggota-anggota masyarakat sekitar, yang lebih tepat disebut sebagai tomasiri’ (orang yang bertanggung jawab menjaga siri’ keluarga). Kenyataan ini didukung oleh adat Bugis yaitu seorang perempuan harus selalu di bawah perlindungan seseorang. Jika ia lajang, berapa pun usianya, ia berada dalam pengasuhan dan perlindungan orangtuanya, saudara laki-laki (bila ada), dan/atau kerabat laki-laki lainnya; ketika ia menikah, ia berada di bawah perlindungan suaminya. Kekuasaan parental ditransformasikan menjadi kekuasaan konjugal dan dialihkan kepada suaminya. Tulisan ini menggali bagaimana siri’ berinteraksi dengan dan memperkuat identitas-identitas gender dan hubungan kekuasaan yang membentuk seksualitas perempuan dan laki-laki Bugis. Key words: Siri’; gender; sexuality; the Buginese culture; social control. Everybody knows that men and women are different. But behind this knowledge lies a certain uneasiness: how different are they? What is the extent of the difference? What significance does it have for the way male and female behave and are treated in society (Oakley 1972:9). Introduction cuss siri’ as a defining part of Bugis identity This paper examines Bugis notion of gen- and how siri’ is manifested in gender-specific der and sexuality in relation to siri’. I first dis- ways. Thus, I will explore how the cultural speci- ficity of the Bugis notion of gender and sexual- 1 This article is a revised version of the paper pre- ity is influenced by customary ideals derived sented in the panel on “Gender and Sexual Identity” at the 3rd International Symposium of the Journal from written traditions, as well as popular say- ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA: “Rebuilding Indone- ings and advice, and will draw upon a number sia, a Nation of ‘Unity in Diversity’: Towards a of case studies, based on my fieldwork in Kulo Multicultural Society”, Udayana University, Denpasar, Bali, 16–19 Juli 2002. (Sidrap) and Makassar. This paper aims to ex- 38 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 plain Bugis concepts of masculine and femi- For the Bugis, the concept of siri’ is derived nine in relation to siri’ and sexuality as well as from sumange’7 (Bug.: energy of life), the life force to explore gender in social encounter, in both of each individual in this society. Abdullah private and public spaces. The paper contrib- (1985:37) maintains that this concept is not only utes to the understanding of how customary reflected in their behaviour, but also in their so- law (Ind.: adat, Bug.: ade’)2 and ethnic iden- cial system and way of thinking. This means that tity shape gender differences, and accordingly siri’ is viewed as a fundamental element in Bugis how men and women are treated differently in cosmology, as their jiwa (Ind.: soul), kehormatan Bugis culture. (honour) and martabat (prestige). The Bugis scholar, La Side (1977:25–28) suggests a variety Siri’, To Masiri’ and gender of meanings for siri’, namely malu-malu (Ind.: Siri’ which may be defined as ‘shame’ or shame), segan/kerendahan-hati (humility), takut ‘honour’, has been discussed by a number of (fear), hina/aib (disgrace), iri-hati/dengki Bugis scholars3 as well as scholars from west- (envy), harga-diri (self-respect), kehormatan ern countries.4 Siri’ is central to the Bugis world (honour), and kesusilaan (morality).8 These view, and is regarded as the soul and the spirit meanings are parallel to Matthes’ definition in of each individual in this society. Errington his Bugis-Dutch dictionary as beschaamd defines siri’ as dignity, honour or shame. She (ashamed), schroomvallig (timid), verlegen (shy), draws parallels with malu (Indonesian), isin schaamte (shame), eergevoel (pride, sense of (Javanese),5 lek (Balinese), and hiya (Tagalog). honour), schande (disgrace) and wangunst Similarly, Errington points out that ‘a person (envy) (Matthes 1874). who has siri’ is sensitive to, hence vulnerable Ultimately, siri’ is related to onro [Bug.: to, other people’. She notes that siri’ is unique social status (Robinson 2001), social standing to South Sulawesi, but various senses of the (Chabot 1996), social location (Millar 1983 and term are found throughout Southeast Asia 1989), or social place (Errington 1989; Acciaioli (1989:145).6 1989)]; one has to know one’s place in relation to others (naisseng onrona). Siri’ has special 2 I have standardised the spelling of all Bugis terms I significance in Bugis society simply because use in this paper. For example, to differentiate be- tween e and é; I use ia instead of iya, oa instead of one’s place in relation to others is always a owa. matter of concern. Even if status (that is onro) 3 For example, Mattulada 1974 and 1995; Nyompa is theoretically determined by birth, achieved et.al. 1979; La Side 1977; Rahim 1982; Abdullah 1985; status is as important as ascribed status to as- Abidin 1983; Marzuki 1995 and many others. certain one’s social location (Robinson 4 For example, Errington 1977 and 1989; Millar 1983 2001:25), and it has to be continually demon- and 1989; Brawn 1993; Robinson 1994, 1999 and 2001; Pelras 1996; and Chabot 1996. strated and acknowledged. Thus, a male family 5 Keeler (1987:66) defines isin as ‘vulnerability to member will defend the siri’ of a female relative interaction’. because any attack on her siri’ devalues or fails 6 Three other indigeneous ethnic groups (Makassarese, to acknowledge her social location or status, Torajanese and Mandarnese) in South Sulawesi also employ siri’ as a fundamental principle, but its appli- 7 Errrington (1983) discusses the term sumange’ cation varies slightly in degree and practice. See, for among the Bugis-Makassarese of South Sulawesi based example, Chabot (1996) and Said (1984) for on her fifteen month field work in Luwu. Makassarese; Lopa (1984) for Mandarnese; and Salombe (1984) for Torajanese. 8 See also Rahim (1982:109–110). Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 39 and by extension, that of her family and rela- means any risk in defending siri’ is destiny tions. This applies to husbands and affinal kin, (Bug.: wéré, Mak.: saré). Life is nothing with- just as much as to cognatic kin, since a mar- out dignity, and a person who does not have riage implies at least equal status between the dignity is considered to be tennia ni’ rupa tau sets of relations (Millar 1989). (Bug.: a non-human being). As in Mediterra- Mattulada (1974; 1995) argues siri’ as an nean society, honour is related to reputation abstract term, but its concretely perceptible and life, while dishonour is connected to in- results may be experienced and observed. It famy and death (Baroja 1965:85). has similarities with the notion of honour, de- Since a family shares one siri’ (massé’di scribed in Mediterranean culture, where honour siri’), to masiri’ (Bug.: people who are being is translated as “the value of a person in his ashamed and who are responsible to defend own eyes, but also in the eyes of his society” family siri’) have to behave and an individual (Pitt-Rivers 1965:21). One’s honour depends on has to behave appropriately in a siri’ situation the interpretation of one’s action by herself/ because they represent the family siri’,10 and herself from others (Robinson 1999:243), and people who are being shamed and who are re- is learned in the course of daily activities or sponsible for defending family siri’ (to masiri’) through wise advise from elders. have to act in response to transgressions by When speaking of one’s own siri’, the con- family members or others. Consequently, for cept indicates that one feels embarrassed about the Bugis it is better to die defending siri’ (maté the situation. The consequence of siri’ may risiri’na) than to remain alive without dignity result in a fatal action, such as killing the per- (maté siri’). For the Bugis, only for siri’ we are son who makes one face siri’. Indeed, killing alive (Bug.: siriémmi rionroang rilino). This people because of siri’ is culturally acceptable proverb does not just carry the sense of social for the Bugis. As Baroja states in relation to identity, but also self respect. One who has no the Mediterranean concept of honour “the loss siri’ (dé’gaga siri’na) is similar to a living corpse of honour is equated with the loss of life” or an animal (Bug.: olo kolo’). Therefore, one (1965:85). This is because to kill someone in should maintain her/his siri’ in order to con- consideration of his/her wrong doing is also tinue to enjoy the respect of others. acceptable since death is regarded as more But this is not to say that if one feels siri’, appropriate for him/her. This echoes the Bugis one automatically kills someone who causes notion. siri’. Muhammad Sikki et al. (1998:49), for ex- Siri’ in Bugis, like honour in the Mediterra- nean, can be used as a legitimation of violence. cooked) and unbleached cotton is white, so must we The cultural repercussions of defending siri’ accept what oocurs, but we must first of all make an effort.” for Bugis can only be understood if we relate it 10 Here family refers to whoever feels as a part of the to other beliefs.
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