Siri’, , and Sexuality among the Bugis in South Sulawesi1

Nurul Ilmi Idrus

(Hasanuddin University)

Abstrak

Tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai seks, gender, dan siri’ dalam budaya Bugis. Tulisan memerikan bagaimana gender dan seksualitas dipengaruhi oleh norma-norma adat yang berasal dari tradisi tulisan, pepatah dan nasihat, serta menunjukkan beberapa studi kasus hasil penelitian etnografi di Sulawesi Selatan. Siri’ (kehormatan/rasa malu) merupakan sebuah konsep mendasar dalam kehidupan masyarakat Bugis. Bagi orang Bugis, perempuan dipandang sebagai simbol dari siri’ keluarga dan berkaitan dengan konsep laki-laki yaitu ’bi’ (perilaku yang tepat). Akibatnya, perempuan harus dipantau secara ketat dan perilaku mereka tidak hanya diawasi oleh orangtua, tetapi juga oleh anggota keluarga dekat dan jauh atau bahkan oleh anggota-anggota masyarakat sekitar, yang lebih tepat disebut sebagai tomasiri’ (orang yang bertanggung jawab menjaga siri’ keluarga). Kenyataan ini didukung oleh adat Bugis yaitu seorang perempuan harus selalu di bawah perlindungan seseorang. Jika ia lajang, berapa pun usianya, ia berada dalam pengasuhan dan perlindungan orangtuanya, saudara laki-laki (bila ada), dan/atau kerabat laki-laki lainnya; ketika ia menikah, ia berada di bawah perlindungan suaminya. Kekuasaan parental ditransformasikan menjadi kekuasaan konjugal dan dialihkan kepada suaminya. Tulisan ini menggali bagaimana siri’ berinteraksi dengan dan memperkuat identitas-identitas gender dan hubungan kekuasaan yang membentuk seksualitas perempuan dan laki-laki Bugis. Key words: Siri’; gender; sexuality; the Buginese culture; social control.

Everybody knows that men and women are different. But behind this knowledge lies a certain uneasiness: how different are they? What is the extent of the difference? What significance does it have for the way male and behave and are treated in society (Oakley 1972:9).

Introduction cuss siri’ as a defining part of Bugis identity This paper examines Bugis notion of gen- and how siri’ is manifested in gender-specific der and sexuality in relation to siri’. I first dis- ways. Thus, I will explore how the cultural speci- ficity of the Bugis notion of gender and sexual- 1 This article is a revised version of the paper pre- ity is influenced by customary ideals derived sented in the panel on “Gender and ” at the 3rd International Symposium of the Journal from written traditions, as well as popular say- ANTROPOLOGI : “Rebuilding Indone- ings and advice, and will draw upon a number sia, a Nation of ‘Unity in Diversity’: Towards a of case studies, based on my fieldwork in Kulo Multicultural Society”, Udayana University, Denpasar, Bali, 16–19 Juli 2002. (Sidrap) and Makassar. This paper aims to ex-

38 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 plain Bugis concepts of masculine and femi- For the Bugis, the concept of siri’ is derived nine in relation to siri’ and sexuality as well as from sumange’7 (Bug.: energy of life), the life force to explore gender in social encounter, in both of each individual in this society. Abdullah private and public spaces. The paper contrib- (1985:37) maintains that this concept is not only utes to the understanding of how customary reflected in their behaviour, but also in their so- law (Ind.: adat, Bug.: ade’)2 and ethnic iden- cial system and way of thinking. This means that tity shape gender differences, and accordingly siri’ is viewed as a fundamental element in Bugis how men and women are treated differently in cosmology, as their jiwa (Ind.: soul), kehormatan Bugis culture. (honour) and martabat (prestige). The Bugis scholar, La Side (1977:25–28) suggests a variety Siri’, To Masiri’ and gender of meanings for siri’, namely malu-malu (Ind.: Siri’ which may be defined as ‘shame’ or shame), segan/kerendahan-hati (humility), takut ‘honour’, has been discussed by a number of (fear), hina/aib (disgrace), iri-hati/dengki Bugis scholars3 as well as scholars from west- (envy), harga-diri (self-respect), kehormatan ern countries.4 Siri’ is central to the Bugis world (honour), and kesusilaan (morality).8 These view, and is regarded as the soul and the spirit meanings are parallel to Matthes’ definition in of each individual in this society. Errington his Bugis-Dutch dictionary as beschaamd defines siri’ as dignity, honour or shame. She (ashamed), schroomvallig (timid), verlegen (shy), draws parallels with malu (Indonesian), isin schaamte (shame), eergevoel (pride, sense of (Javanese),5 lek (Balinese), and hiya (Tagalog). honour), schande (disgrace) and wangunst Similarly, Errington points out that ‘a person (envy) (Matthes 1874). who has siri’ is sensitive to, hence vulnerable Ultimately, siri’ is related to onro [Bug.: to, other people’. She notes that siri’ is unique social status (Robinson 2001), social standing to South Sulawesi, but various senses of the (Chabot 1996), social location (Millar 1983 and term are found throughout Southeast Asia 1989), or social place (Errington 1989; Acciaioli (1989:145).6 1989)]; one has to know one’s place in relation to others (naisseng onrona). Siri’ has special 2 I have standardised the spelling of all Bugis terms I significance in Bugis society simply because use in this paper. For example, to differentiate be- tween e and é; I use ia instead of iya, oa instead of one’s place in relation to others is always a owa. matter of concern. Even if status (that is onro) 3 For example, Mattulada 1974 and 1995; Nyompa is theoretically determined by birth, achieved et.al. 1979; La Side 1977; Rahim 1982; Abdullah 1985; status is as important as ascribed status to as- Abidin 1983; Marzuki 1995 and many others. certain one’s social location (Robinson 4 For example, Errington 1977 and 1989; Millar 1983 2001:25), and it has to be continually demon- and 1989; Brawn 1993; Robinson 1994, 1999 and 2001; Pelras 1996; and Chabot 1996. strated and acknowledged. Thus, a male family 5 Keeler (1987:66) defines isin as ‘vulnerability to member will defend the siri’ of a female relative interaction’. because any attack on her siri’ devalues or fails 6 Three other indigeneous ethnic groups (Makassarese, to acknowledge her social location or status, Torajanese and Mandarnese) in South Sulawesi also employ siri’ as a fundamental principle, but its appli- 7 Errrington (1983) discusses the term sumange’ cation varies slightly in degree and practice. See, for among the Bugis-Makassarese of South Sulawesi based example, Chabot (1996) and Said (1984) for on her fifteen month field work in Luwu. Makassarese; Lopa (1984) for Mandarnese; and Salombe (1984) for Torajanese. 8 See also Rahim (1982:109–110).

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 39 and by extension, that of her family and rela- means any risk in defending siri’ is destiny tions. This applies to husbands and affinal kin, (Bug.: wéré, Mak.: saré). Life is nothing with- just as much as to cognatic kin, since a mar- out dignity, and a person who does not have riage implies at least equal status between the dignity is considered to be tennia ni’ rupa tau sets of relations (Millar 1989). (Bug.: a non-human being). As in Mediterra- Mattulada (1974; 1995) argues siri’ as an nean society, honour is related to reputation abstract term, but its concretely perceptible and life, while dishonour is connected to in- results may be experienced and observed. It famy and death (Baroja 1965:85). has similarities with the notion of honour, de- Since a family shares one siri’ (massé’di scribed in Mediterranean culture, where honour siri’), to masiri’ (Bug.: people who are being is translated as “the value of a person in his ashamed and who are responsible to defend own eyes, but also in the eyes of his society” family siri’) have to behave and an individual (Pitt-Rivers 1965:21). One’s honour depends on has to behave appropriately in a siri’ situation the interpretation of one’s action by herself/ because they represent the family siri’,10 and herself from others (Robinson 1999:243), and people who are being shamed and who are re- is learned in the course of daily activities or sponsible for defending family siri’ (to masiri’) through wise advise from elders. have to act in response to transgressions by When speaking of one’s own siri’, the con- family members or others. Consequently, for cept indicates that one feels embarrassed about the Bugis it is better to die defending siri’ (maté the situation. The consequence of siri’ may risiri’na) than to remain alive without dignity result in a fatal action, such as killing the per- (maté siri’). For the Bugis, only for siri’ we are son who makes one face siri’. Indeed, killing alive (Bug.: siriémmi rionroang rilino). This people because of siri’ is culturally acceptable proverb does not just carry the sense of social for the Bugis. As Baroja states in relation to identity, but also self respect. One who has no the Mediterranean concept of honour “the loss siri’ (dé’gaga siri’na) is similar to a living corpse of honour is equated with the loss of life” or an animal (Bug.: olo kolo’). Therefore, one (1965:85). This is because to kill someone in should maintain her/his siri’ in order to con- consideration of his/her wrong doing is also tinue to enjoy the respect of others. acceptable since death is regarded as more But this is not to say that if one feels siri’, appropriate for him/her. This echoes the Bugis one automatically kills someone who causes notion. siri’. Muhammad Sikki et al. (1998:49), for ex- Siri’ in Bugis, like honour in the Mediterra- nean, can be used as a legitimation of violence. cooked) and unbleached cotton is white, so must we The cultural repercussions of defending siri’ accept what oocurs, but we must first of all make an effort.” for Bugis can only be understood if we relate it 10 Here family refers to whoever feels as a part of the to other beliefs. For example, there is a saying family who is being shamed. In Bugis, a family does in Bugis, cella’topi na doang (Bug.: when it not solely involve sianang (Bug.: nuclear family), but becomes red, it proves it is a shrimp)9 which may embrace extended family based on blood relation and passilessurengeng (Bug.: siblinghood, even with- out family or village of origin relation), or 9 Abdullah (1985:39) cites a similar Makassar saying: passari’battangang in Makassar term. This related- éjatongpi na doang, explaining that a shrimp is grey ness is called assiwolongpolongeng, and associates before it is cooked, and becomes red after frying. people to share one siri’ and differentiate between Andaya (1979:369) expresses the outcome of defend- family and to laing, literally meaning other people, ing siri’ among Makassarese: “as a schrimp is red (when but carrying the sense of outsider.

40 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 ample, indicate three levels of siri’ on the basis the women’s male kin to maintain the siri’ of of how people react. The first level of siri’ is the family. However, in marriage by abduction that siri’ which can still be tolerated (Ind.: wajar (rilariang), only the is in danger of being jika didiamkan). For example, people look killed, while the is in no danger of pun- down on an adult man who has no job. Instead ishment because she is taken against her will. of responding to the humiliation in a negative A man who dies in defending siri’ (maté way, he uses his siri’ as a challenge to find a risiri’na’) is considered to die in sugar and job. The second level of siri’ is that siri’ which coconut milk (maté rigollai, maté risantangi), is supposed to be followed by anger (Ind.: meaning he dies in a sweet and delicious death. reaksi marah). For instance, if someone steals This notion implies that he has undergone an someone else’s goods without feeling guilty, honourable and responsible death for the sake this sense of the thieves remorselessness of the family.12 For that reason, the solution to should prompt an angry reaction in order to questions of siri’ may be accomplish through emphasise the perpetrator’s behaviour. Finally, either taking the law into one’s own’s hand there is the level of siri’ which has to be paid (Ind.: main hakim sendiri) or through a cus- for with killing (dibayar dengan nyawa), as in tomary court (pengadilan adat) before the law. an honour killing in response to, for example, Since siri’ is a part of adat, there is a Bugis incidents of elopement (Bug.: silariang, see saying related to this: adat does not recognise Sahariah’s case below), or in cases of incest.11 children and grandchildren (Bug.: ade’é There is a Bugis saying: “If one’s siri’ is temmakkéana’ temmakké eppo) (Abdullah offended, one would act without a word” 1985:20). The gist of this saying is that any- (narékko siri’na naranreng tenrirenrengina body who collides with adat has to be treated nariéwa) (Machmud 1976:60). This saying in- the same. Thus whoever causes siri’, she/he dicates the moral duty of someone whose siri’ would be treated equally. Siri’ exists in every is violated. In other words, siri’ has positive aspect of Bugis’ life, but the most common and and negative applications (see Idrus and concrete acts which can cause offence to siri’ Bennett 2003:47–49). Siri’ as ‘honour’ may ap- are courtship and marriage (Mattulada 1995:62; pear to be a positive motivator. For instance, Abdullah 1985:37). because of siri’ someone attempts to motivate Siri’ is significant for analysing gender re- him/herself to achieve a standard of excellence, lations in Bugis society (Robinson 2001:26, measured by material wealth, social status, level 1999:242–243; Millar 1989, 1983). Even though of education etc. In contrast, siri’ as ‘shame’ to masiri’ refers to male and female kin, in gen- may force an individual to seek vengeance eral men are described by the term. It is regarded against the one who causes siri’. For example, as more appropriate if ’ feeling of siri’ is in elopement (Bug.: silariang), the men as well defended by their male kinsmen (Millar as the women are in danger of being killed by 1983:484) who are obliged to respond if siri’ is transgressed (Robinson 2001:27). While sons, 11 Fajar (1999)—a local newspaper—reported the particularly the eldest son, act as the first for- court hearings of an honour killing. A man killed his tress of the family in the context of siri’, daugh- mother and his older brother because of their incestu- ous relationship, which he said both had admitted. ters are the ones who must be protected by Moreover, they allowed him to do whatever he pleased because they realised the shame (Fajar 1, 10 and 11 12 See, for example, Abdullah (1985:37–61); Errington November 1999). (1989:144–152) and Mattulada (1995:61–65).

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 41 their siblings and other kinsmen in order to garded, not only because of Nia’s refusal, but guard family siri’ (Abdullah 1985:130–131). On also because of Muhlis’ scolding. In response, this point, men’s control of female sexuality is Sahariah stabbed Muhlis in the chest with a sustained by the code of siri’ (Robinson large knife (Ind.: parang) which she used in 1999:243). Brawn—who conducted research in wet-rice cultivation. He died in front of Nia and Bone (South Sulawesi)—argues that Bone Sahariah. Then, Sahariah went home and her women do not have siri’ because they cannot family called the police to pick her up at Nia’s defend themselves from siri’ situations parents’ house to protect her from the anger of (1993:60). On this point, however, it is not that Muhlis’ family.14 Sahariah proudly stated that: women have no siri.’ Rather, since women are Although I never planned to kill him, I thought the primary symbol of siri,’ it is considered this was the way it should be. I did the right more honourable if they stay calm rather than thing. If I did not kill him, he would kill me some defending their siri’ themselves. However, day because he always threatened that he was going to kill me. He did not expect that I was women also take the active role of to masiri’, going to kill him because he said: ‘What can a as shown in the following example. woman do?’ But I did it, I killed him. Most importantly, I defended my family siri’. I felt Sahariah: a female To Masiri’ satisfied, though I have been sentenced for seven and a half years (Sahariah, 30 years, unmarried, I conducted an interview with a female pris- farmer, never attended school, interviewed on 6 oner (Sahariah) in Maros jail13 who had killed December 2000). her niece’s sweetheart, Muhlis, because of siri.’ When I asked who had demanded that she He had dated her niece, Nia, for months in a defend the family siri’, she replied that it was clandestine courtship. This relationship was not necessary to wait for a command from the forbidden because Muhlis had never made a members of the family. Then, she said: formal proposal to her parents. On the day of Nia didn’t have a brother, her father was too old the killing, someone told Sahariah that Nia and to defend himself, I didn’t have a husband, so I Muhlis were going to elope. She went looking felt that I was responsible as the to masiri’ of for them on her way back from working in her the family towards Nia and her sweetheart’s rice fields in order to ask Nia to go home. Nia, wrong-doing (Sahariah 6 December 2000). however, refused to return home and Muhlis This case indicates that a woman becom- would not let Nia leave and even scolded ing to masiri’ for the family when the male mem- Sahariah. Sshariah felt that her siri’ was disre- bers of the family are not available to fill this role. Sahariah’s act occurred because of her 13 I visited women in prison to find out the reasons feeling of sharing one siri’ (Bug.: massé’di siri’), they were imprisoned and how they were related to and indicates how a woman can express her marital violence. I chose two prisons, one in the met- ropolitan city of Makassar and another in Pare-Pare feeling of siri’ in a siri’ situation through kill- Municipality. In fact, the prison in Makassar caught ing. For her family and for people who under- fire in 1999, consequently women prisoners were re- stood what was going on, Sahariah was not located to Maros. I was directed to conduct my inter- views in Maros Prison (LP Maros) with fourteen 14 women convicted various crimes—six murderers, three In such cases, it is assumed that one takes oneself to drug offenders, two thieves, one case of abortion, one the police station to protect oneself from the anger case of siri,’ and one case of deception. However, only of the opponent. Otherwise, it will lead to an act of 13 were successfully interviewed, as one of them es- main hakim sendiri (Ind.: taking the law into one’s caped from the court hearing. Interviews were con- own hands), as reported by local newspapers in ducted on 5–6 December 2000. Makassar (see, for example, Baso and Idrus 2002:205).

42 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 acting as a male, but as the defender of her The notion of siri’ depends upon women’s family siri’. For others, however, she could be behaviour is reflected in Bugis ade’ that a woman considered a ‘devil woman’. People in the jail should at all times be under someone’s protec- commented that it could be difficult for tion. If she is single, no matter how old she is, Sahariah to find a prospective husband, not she is under the care and protection of her par- only because she was a killer, but also because ents, her brothers (if any), and/or other male rela- she would be in her late 30s when she is re- tives; once she marries, she is under her leased from prison. From this point of view, it is husband’s protection. Parental power is trans- obvious that the lessened possibility of find- formed into conjugal power and transferred to ing a partner in the future is not only related to her husband. Thus, to maintain siri’, pressure is her crime which indicates her non-modest not just experienced by the women who are be- behaviour (dé’na malebbi’), but is also con- ing protected, but also by their male relatives nected with her age. Sahariah realised this, but who act as to masiri’ (Bug.: siri’ defender) during the interview, Sahariah never expressed Abdullah notes that people who may not regret. understand this situation would assume that In addition, women also participate in con- this control is aimed at restricting women’s free- trolling siri’ by, for example, when men are dom. In fact, he argues, this control takes place around, instead of asking the men to get away in order to prevent any ‘improper behaviour’ in from the women, older women usually ask which women may engage and to protect young women to keep away from men in order women from any forbidden contact, which to protect themselves from siri’. In the past, would be seen as a violation of ade’. A Bugis when a woman is found ‘stealing a glance’ at a woman may become involved in public activi- man, it was already reckoned as a transgres- ties which are considered appropriate for sion of siri’.15 Hence, there is always a women. In doing so, however, she is controlled dichotomisation of good/bad that sexualises by ade’ which is practised in the life of the male and female behaviour. Bugis family. Any violation of these norms has to be handled by ade’ in accordance with the Masculine and feminine: siri’ and sexu- values of Bugis society (Abdullah 1985). ality in Bugis philosophy A Bugis woman is placed in a ‘position of Abdullah—a male Bugis scholar—argues honour,’ as a jewel (intang paramata) of the that because women are the symbol of family family, on the one hand, but her freedom is re- siri’, they have to be closely monitored. Their stricted, on the other. From this perspective, behaviours are not only observed by their par- siri’ may legitimate any kind of violence against ents, but also by their close and distant family her and at the same time it may become the members (1985:131). For instance, if one’s sis- potential source of violence since tomasiri’— ter is being harassed by another man, the so- who can be men or women—have the power to cial location of the whole family is threatened define which behaviour transgresses siri.’ as a result. Therefore, a woman is potentially However, such restrictions are difficult to sus- the pride of her family and at the same time is tain these day since women attend school and potentially the destroyer of family honour. work outside home.16 Although women in Kulo

15 Chabot (1996) gives a similar account in regard to 16 The 1999 National Socio-Economic Survey indi- social intercourse between the for the cates that school participation rate (APS) in South Makassarese, a related ethnic group in South Sulawesi.

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 43 participated in this trend to become educated A similar image is used in a contemporary and move into the work force, in practice, they popular Bugis song entitled Ana’ Daraé (Young often found themselves caught in a contradic- Women)19 which exemplifies women’s vulner- tion between working in the modern economy ability in their interactions with men: and the expectation that women should not be in situations where the family honour could be Ana’ Daraé under threat. Nappai ritangnga’-tangnga’ These restrictions are expressed through a Only a quick stare number of symbols related to women’s vulner- Nappai rike’bi’ mata ability in social interaction. Elders said: a woman Only a side glance is like a mirror (Bug.: makkunraié padai Naseng to mélo rialéna kacaé). A lontara’ cited by Matthes states: She thinks I have fallen in love A woman is like a glass. When she is gossiped Nasenni icanring aléna about for an alleged wrong-doing, the glass is She thinks I have become her boyfriend cracked. If the gossip is true, the glass is broken and worthless. Nappai ricanring-canring Apa’ iatu riasengngé makkunrai riébara’i kaca. Only a temptation Iana engka biritta temma decénna, riébara’nitu mallesse’. Narékko mannessani pangkaukenna Nappai rike’bi’-ke’bi’ haé … riébara’ni pada tosa kacaé, reppa’ni de’ga bua’- Only stealing a glance at her … bua’na (Matthes 1872:102).17 Na’béréanni aléna She has surrendered herself However, regardless of whether or not the Nasengngi mélo’ ipubéné gossip is true, the glass (Bug.: kaca) is She thinks I will marry her cracked.18 Once a glass is broken (reppa’), it becomes worthless (déggaga bua’-bua’na). Idi’tu ana’ daraé The symbol of women as kaca reflects the We are young girls women’s vulnerability in everyday social in- Aja’ lalo mumalléré teraction. Don’t let yourselves be tempted Idi’tu ana’ daraé Sulawesi for females aged between 19 and 24, is 3.75 percent in rural area and 25.12 percent in urban areas. We are young girls Furthermore, participation rates for females age 15 Pada jagaiwi aléwé and over who are economically active (TAPK) are Take care of yourselves 36.32 percent in urban areas which is slightly higher than TPAK for females in rural areas, 36.71 percent. In fact, South Sulawesi has the lowest TPAK of all the Padaki camming rasaé provinces across the archipelago (BPS 2000). We women are like a mirror 17 Despite the fact that the lontara’ I quoted from Repa’na repa’no Matthes is concerned with pappangaja’ (Bug.: ad- Once we are broken vice) for arung makkunrai (noble woman), this pappangaja’ is relevant to the everyday life of the Dé’gaga betuanna Bugis, whether or not they are arung (noble descent). We mean nothing The text was transliterated by Mukhlis Hadrawi (1April 2000).

18 In a similar account, Mattulada (1995:441) also 19 analyses the symbol of women as a glass in relation to This song was written by a male writer—Harun women’s social role. Husein—and sung by a male singer—Amal Mangile.

44 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 Irapakki’ penné pinceng woman’s desire must be strictly controlled, not Like a porcelain plate just by herself but also by her family because a Nabuang narepa’ woman’s sexual purity has a significant impact Fallen and broken on her status in Bugis society. On account of Nadé’gaga burayanna. this, a woman is expected to enfold herself in her It becomes meaningless. honour, so she is in a steady state (perrengngi aléna). Otherwise, she is ‘wild’. But the saying This song embodies the metaphors for the indicates that men become desirous of women sexual double standard which surrounds precisely because women’s desire is not visible women’s lives. Men interpret conduct based (padai wekkeng situtu’é). To put this another on their own points of view. The notion of a way, women control men’s desire through their woman as a mirror (Bug.: camming) or a porce- unexpressed desire. In spite of the fact that this lain plate (penné pinceng) demonstrates that saying comes from lontara’, its application can woman should be carefully protected since be found in everyday life of the Bugis, especially both mirrors and porcelain are easily broken. when elders give advice to young people. Once broken, they become worthless Alternatively, men have to be conscious (nadéggaga burayanna). Furthermore, it is (maringngerrang) because men’s desire is vis- common for a man to steal a glance (kebbi’- ible (marisaliwengngi), marisaliweng deriving kebbi’) at a woman, but such behaviour is not from the noun root saliweng which means out- acceptable in the reverse. Women’s desire is side, literally open. If a man has a good con- not to be openly expressed, as reflected in the sciousness (madécéng paringngerranna), he lyric of the song: ‘Don’t let yourself be tempted’ encircles himself with his self-control in order to (Aja’ lalo mumalléré). Women have to restrain protect himself from deviant behaviour themselves from expressing desire, while men’s (malaweng pangkaukeng).22 One who is con- desire should be demonstrated, as stated in scious (maringngerrang) will behave appropri- the following lontara’: ately. When a person is doing something wrong, Men’s desire is like a leaky roof, it is open. or looks as if she/he is about to, another person Women’s desire is like a corset. That is why present will warn her/him: ‘Be conscious!’ men are desirous. Women’s desire is hidden, 23 which means it can be held steady. (Padécéngi paringngerrammu!). By contrast, if one has done something wrong, others will Naia cinnana oroané padai timpo’ sebbo’é, marisaliwengngi. Naia cinnana makkunraié say: ‘She/he was not conscious’ (Dé’na padai wekkeng situtu’é. Namakkuanna naro maringngerrang). namasero manessa cinnana oroané. Naia cinnana makkunraié mallinrungi, bettuanna apperrengngeng (steadiness) for men in relation to maperrengngi (Lontara’ Daramatasia:45).20 bravery and siri’. The term maperrengngi (Bug.: able to hold 22 Bugis advice (Ind.: petuah Bugis) states that there are five kinds of deviation (alawengengngé): devia- steadily) is derived from the verb perreng (to tion of heart (Bug.: malaweng ati), deviation of speak- hold).21 This term carries the connotation that a ing (malaweng ada), deviation of clothing (malaweng caré-caré), deviation of place of sitting (malaweng 20 Lontara’ Daramatasia Roll 17/No.7, Arsip National tudangeng), and deviation of behaviour (malaweng Wilayah Makassar, transliterated by Mukhlis Hadrawi pangkaukeng) (Machmud 1976:45). (10 August 2000). 23 Errington (1989:89–90) concludes that an indi- 21 In her discussion on cockfighting in Luwu, Errington vidual’s paringngerrang (memory) in Luwu is associ- (1989:152–154) analyses the importance of ated with his/her concentration and awareness.

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 45 Thus, male-openness (marisaliweng) and Errington notes that the opposition of ac- female-hiddenness (maperreng) reflect the di- tive-male and passive-female is connected to chotomy of Bugis constructions of male and fe- social function of each . Men are responsible male sexuality.24 This complementarily is not just for protecting their family and extending their about the attributes of the masculine-feminine, kinship networks, while women function not just but can also be associated with male-female to protect the ‘blood’25 of the family, but also to behaviour in terms of sexuality. In fact, a woman’s preserve the siri’ of the family (1977:53). In this sexuality is firmly controlled because it is con- view, women are the siri’ holders, therefore, they sidered more shameful than the sexuality of men. are expected to be calm and patient, qualities en- This is reflected in a Bugis saying that ‘men have compassed by the term malebbi’ because to be only one siri’, women have ninety-nine’ (urané malebbi’ is also attached to siri’. séddimi siri’na, makkunraié aséra pulona aséra Accordingly, a Bugis aphorism states: siri’na). The opposition of one and ninety-nine Love and desire are lovely things in which there is in no way synonymous with the proportion of are words that cannot be uttered, but the beauty number, this saying merely implies the vulner- of love will be meaningless when it is disgraced. ability of women in regard to siri’. Tempeddingngi sia laosiwali cinnaé, lao tungke’ Since a woman’s body is often thought to uddanié ritosipurénréngngé (Machmud represent the moral integrity of the family (and 1994:31–32). the society), breaking the code for conduct is Such advice is usually given to lovers to considered to dishonour the family and the warn them to be vigilant because it is believed society. Hence, it is not because women can- that the boundary between love and disgrace is not be open (Bug.: marisaliweng) in reference very small. Once it is crossed, it turns disgraceful. to their sexuality. It is simply considered ‘bad’ A lontara’ cited by Matthes states: for them to express desire openly. On the other [A] woman is symbolised as green wood. A man hand, men who are not able to express desire is signified as a burning ember. Even if the wood openly are regarded as not men, a position re- is green, it will still burn if it is close to the ferred to by the term calabai (cross-gender). ember. This is the reason why a woman is pro- hibited to be in close proximity with men. Be- Millar (1983:487–488) points out that in cause she will become insensitive to accidental Bugis culture, a male is expected to behave physical contact with men if it has become a aggressively as well as formally. The aggres- habit to be around men. siveness and the formality of a man’s behaviour [I]a makkunraié rirapangngi aju mamata. Naia are associated with his performance and social oroané rirapangngi wara api masua. Namuni mamata ajué naddeppéri wara api nanrépi ritu location. By contrast, a woman’s passive na paggangkanna. Makkuniro ébara’na behaviour is associated with her honour. To nariattéang makkunraié biasa maddeppé’ complement the behaviour expected of men, rioroané. Apa’ dé’na matu’ natakkini’ uli’na women are supposed to be obedient and timid, rioroané nakko nabbiasaini sirua oroané (Matthes 1872:103–104).26 not only to show her honour (alebbireng), but also to prevent transgression of siri’. 25 ‘Blood’ in this sense is associated with social loca- tion (Bug.: onro). That is women marry hypergamously 24 See, for example, Brenner’s (1998) analysis on the and hence can increase the proportion of ‘white blood’ relationship between men’s/women’s control of desire in their descendants, white blood being a marker of and potency in Javanese society; and Bennett (2003) divine descent and hence high status. on her discussion of the invisibility of female desire 26 The text was transliterated by Mukhlis Hadrawi (1 and visibility of male desire in Lombok. April 2000).

46 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 While the symbol of woman as green wood ciety. As Ortner (1974:72) argues, the problem (aju mamata) indicates the sensitivity of fe- of sexual asymmetry is located at the level of male sexuality in relation to the opposite sex, cultural ideology and symbols. The following the symbol of man as an ember (wara api) sug- case encountered during my fieldwork in Kulo gests that a man can easily be tempted, in this illustrates the way in which a woman’s reputa- sense, by a woman. If being in close proximity tion is irrevocably damaged by a premarital preg- with men becomes a habit for a woman, it indi- nancy. cates that she has become insensitive to acci- dental physical contact with men (dé’na Nadirah and Aco: loose girl, lecherous takkini’ uli’na rioroané). Therefore, women boy have to, as much as possible, move away from In Kulo, unmarried pregnant girls are usu- men in order to prevent any dishonourable ally successfully married off to whoever im- behaviour. Hence, male-ember (wara api) and pregnated them. Nadirah is an exception. I first female-green wood (aju mamata) are not just met Nadirah, a wedding decorator, when she about attributes of masculine-feminine, but are decorated the house of my host family for their also associated with Bugis construction of son’s wedding. She was a twenty three year male-female sexuality. old woman who became pregnant out of mar- An egg (tello’) is another symbol for a riage, and married the father of the child’s fa- woman. If an egg falls and breaks, it becomes ther who acted to cover someone else’s siri’ worthless. The destiny of a woman who has (Bug.: passampo siri’). This marriage was con- fallen into a ‘hole’ (e.g. premarital pregnancy) ducted in order to save face from siri’ is equated with an egg. If someone attempts to (massampo siri’) and to provide a legal father marry her—whether the man who has impreg- for her baby. nated her or another man who intends to save Soon after recognising her pregnancy, she her and her family from shame (massampo notified her boyfriend, Aco. But, he was not siri’)—it is usually commented that a woman financially ready to marry her. When people is like a broken egg, if it is scooped up, it will started to gossip about her pregnancy, she never be a pure egg because dirt will be scooped urged him to marry her. Aco finally agreed to up along with it (makkunraié padai tello’ marry her after working hard and collecting a reppa é, komusinrui, maccoéi rotaé). Such a certain amount of money. Unfortunately, as woman will be labelled with various popular Nadirah’s mother was not aware of her insults, as mentioned earlier, such as a dam- daughter’s pregnancy, his proposal was re- aged woman (makkunrai masolang), and will jected because the expected dui’ balanca never be returned to her original state (i.e. vir- (spending money)27 for the wedding ceremony gin). This is because a woman’s virginity is regarded as a symbol of purity, and failure to 27 Bridewealth in Bugis consists of two elements, sustain this purity is synonymous with losing namely sompa (Bug.: rankprice) and dui’ ménré’ (spending money). Sompa is measured according to her honour (Adriana et al. 1998:4–5, Bennett the ascriptive rank of the bride, that is the sum of 2002:78–82). money called in former currency, rella’, while dui’ Gender symbolisation, e.g. women as mir- menré is determined based on the ascending status of the bride (Millar 1989; Pelras 1996). At present, the ror (camming), porcelain plate (penné pinceng), sompa is only symbolic, being announced during the glass (kaca), green wood (aju mamata) or egg wedding ceremony, while spending money may be (tello’) reflects sexual asymmetry in Bugis so- brought on the day of bringing the spending money

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 47 was beyond his capacity. This resulted in mar- people said: they were given no respect by the riage cancellation. Aco left the village to save man because they had no man who can guard his face from shame because of ma’duta tenri them (ritua-tuaimi nasaba’ dégaga tangke (Bug.: proposal refusal), while Nadirah mpuranéiwi). This illustrates the importance was left alone with her hidden problem. She of a man in regard to the siri’ of the family. It finally told her mother when it was too late be- appeared that if a man were there, the circum- cause Aco, in fact, had already married another stances would be different. woman from a neighbouring village when Nadirah’ story became everybody’s busi- Nadirah’s mother finally requested to marry her ness in the village. Each time I asked someone daughter. about Nadirah, people would mention her pre- Informants told me that in addition to marital pregnancy, and her story was always Nadirah, people also gossiped about her an interesting topic to talk about. Even though mother’s silliness because she could not people also talked about the irresponsible recognise the pregnancy of her daughter, while behaviour of Nadirah’s son’s biological father other could. In Bugis, elders are usually able to (Aco), people even felt sorry for Nadirah’s fam- identify between virgin girl ana’ dara (Bug.: ily because of the refusal of his proposal. Dur- ana’ dara) and non-virgin girl (Bug.: tennia ni ing an interview with Nadirah, she tried to ex- ana’ dara) by an examination of her body, for plain her situation to me without even men- example, the sparkling of her eyes, expressed tioning her unexpected pregnancy. She said that as ‘she lose the spark of her eyes’ (marunttunni her son was a piteous little boy who had be- caya matanna), a speedy pulse in her throat, come the victim of her problematic marriage. or a deep hole in the back of her knee. A girl Surprisingly, she still looks forward to having who has these signs, whether or not she is her son’s father, Aco, back in the future, ex- pregnant, is called a damaged woman pecting that he will divorce his wife. (makkunrai masolang) which carries the con- Nadirah has become an instance of a ‘loose notation that a girl has been sexually involved girl’ who has to struggle by herself because of with the opposite sex and should marry the her ‘wrong-doing’ in the past. I was told that man who has had sexual relation with her. Oth- parents in Kulo warn their young girls, using erwise, she is ‘unsaleable’. Nadirah as a negative example. In order to save face from siri’ (massampo siri’), Nadirah had to marry Aco’s father, under Gender in social encounters: the an ‘agreement’ of kawin-cerai (Ind.: divorce house and the public place right after married) which is an offence under Houses in South Sulawesi are, however, more than functional shelters for their inhabitants, or Islamic law, as the objective of marriage is to aesthetically pleasing material objects. They are achieve a happy and an ever lasting marriage sacred (sakral) spaces in which people are born, (Kompilasi Hukum 1999/2000, Chapter marry and die and where these occasions are II:3), and not to get a divorce afterwards. Given socially and ritually acknowledged (Robinson 1998:169). that Nadirah and her son live with both her mother and her grandmother in the house, For the Bugis, the house has a great impor- tance.28 Bugis cosmology divides the world (mappaénré balanca) or on the day of the wedding, particularly for wealthy people. These days, when 28 See, for example, Fox (1993:141–142), in his ar- people talk about bridewealth, it usually refers to ‘spend- ticle on Rotinese house design, notes that house is a ing money.’

48 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 into the upper world (Bug.: Boting Langi’), the stilt house (Ind.: rumah panggung; Bug.: bola middle world (Lino) and the lower world riase’) without the permission of the host, un- (Toddang Toja), based on the myth of La less she/he is regarded as family (Mattulada Galigo.29 This cosmological viewpoint is re- 1995:56). But for the Bugis, people who are not flected in the structure of Bugis house which related by blood can also be regarded as if a consists of a space under the roof (rakkéang), sibling (Bug.: passilessurengeng, from the word the body of the house (alé bola) and area be- silessureng, meaning sibling). A guest (to polé) neath the house (awa sao) (Mattulada, who steps on the steps of the main entrance 1998:106). This vertical ordering of a ‘miniature without the host’s consent is regarded as trans- cosmos’ is typical in Southeast Asia (Reid gressing the siri’ of the family. This is also true 1988:66). if the guest climbs the steps at the back en- The alé bola is divided into three parts trance.31 Thus, to polé-front and family-back based on gender: the front, the middle and back reflect the dualism between the guests and the parts. Each part of the house has its own post families associated with the layout of the house and the central post, the house’s navel (posi’ (see Errington 1979). bola), is located in the middle part of the In Kulo, to polé usually ascend the steps house.30 Either end has its own entrance. The at the front of the house. The family or people room for the married couple is located in the who are considered as family may climb the middle of the house. A house without a middle steps at the back of the house, even though part is usually divided by a door through which they may also ascend via the front of the house. other people (to laing) are strictly forbidden to At first glance, this arrangement is merely pass. about different entrances between the family Mattulada indicates the difference between and outsiders (to laing). But, I observed that a guest (to polé, literally means the ‘one who male family tended to enter the house from the comes’) and family by describing their relation- front, while female family entered the house ship with the house. A to polé cannot even from the back. Furthermore, when there are step onto the lowest rung of the steps of the guests in the living room, the female family mem- bers (particularly young girls) would enter the ‘remembering’ place which is derived from its physi- house from the back, especially if the guests cal structure and a place to differentiate between ‘in- were men. In contrast, male family members are side’ (the house) and ‘outside’ (other places). See also Robinson (1993) in her discussion on the importance reluctant to enter the back part of the house of house to the identity of people in South Sulawesi. when women gather together. But the division Errington (1989:92) identifies the house’s walls in of the house based on gender is not rigid. In- Luwu as like a ‘second skin around them,’ to protect the inhabitants from the danger of the outside. deed, women spend their time at the front part 29 For example, Errington (1989:73) classifies the of the house when non-related men are not house in Luwu into three levels (rekéang, kalé banua, around (Pelras 1996:161). and sullu’). She equates these with upper, middle and In her article on The Platform House: Ex- lower levels of the world. pression of a Regional Identity in the Modern 30 See Pelras (1996:221) for the basic structural unit of Bugis house. Southon (1995:95–96) also describes a Indonesian Nation, Robinson identifies domes- similar structure for Butonese house (boba, tonga tic arrangements in relation to the interior divi- and tambe) which is parallel to the structure of the house. He notes that the Bugis division of house is 31 ‘vertical and cosmological’, while the division of Bugis See Reid (1988:65) for typical ‘front-back’ division houses is ‘horizontal and corporeal’. of Southeast Asian houses.

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 49 sion of space among the Bugis (as well as the family room is positioned, a place where to Makassarese and Mandarese): front-back, pub- laing are prohibited. A room for boys is at the lic-private, strangers-family, outsiders-intimates back of the house, usually close to the back and others-us (1993:228–242). The door medi- door, or at the side of the house with its own ating between the public and the private spaces door to the outside, so they can come and go of the house is off-limits to all but family mem- without encumbrance. This implies that the lay- bers, and strangers/outsiders/others are pro- out of the house not only dichotomises be- hibited to pass (Errington 1979:9), unless per- tween ‘family’ and ‘to laing’, as Errington mitted by the host. (1979:9) reported in Luwu, but also shows the This arrangement is aimed to divide be- division between male and female spaces of tween the front and the back parts of the house. social interaction within and around the house. The front side is regarded as the place for Most importantly, this arrangement aims to ‘pro- guests and males, usually a space with no wall, tect’ the female members of the family from any symbolising ‘freedom.’ While the back part of offence which may result in siri’. the house is considered as the place for fe- Social interaction in the house indicates males and family, limited by walls in accordance cross-gender relations in terms of proximity. with the principle of ‘protection’. For instance, While father-son relationship seems to be re- when a girl (ana’ dara) serves the male guests served, the mother-daughter relationship is with drinks and snacks, she is only allowed to warm and supportive. The mother is the media- bring them up to the middle part of the house tor of the family, not only between father and or to the door between front and middle parts son, but especially between father and daugh- of the house. Thus, the wife or mother will bring ter. Open discussion between members of the the serving to the living room. This arrange- family usually takes place during dinner for ment prevents the girl for coming into direct urban people, as the members of the family contact with the opposite sex, which may trans- usually gather in the afternoon. In the village, I gress the family siri’.32 However, this arrange- observed a number of times both in the Bakris ment has changed significantly in recent years. and in other families, that such moment occurs An ana’ dara may now bring light refreshment either at noon, during/after lunch or dinner. Un- into the living room, but leaves the room as like western culture, the family discussion is soon as possible. limited and formal. Children are not supposed In the contemporary Bugis house, despite to become involved in conversation among el- the fact that modernity has influenced its struc- ders unless they are asked for their comment. ture, the basic principle of the house in regard Otherwise, they will be regarded as non-re- to gender remains the same. For example, the spectful children. Sister-brother relationships room for the married couple is usually located are passionate and warm, as reflected in the close to the living room, while the room for relationship between Wé Tenri Abéng and her girls is situated behind or next to this primary twin brother, Sawérigading, the main protago- bedroom or in the middle of the house where nist described in the La Galigo epic. Previous studies of the Bugis, such as 32 Personal communication with Pak Anwar Ibrahim, Millar (1983, 1989) and Pelras (1996) have por- a lecturer at the Department of Bugis Language, Fac- trayed the relationship between men and ulty of Arts, Hasanuddin University (6 May 2000). women as egalitarian in many respects. How-

50 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA Januari 2005, Vol. 29, No. 1 ever, both my male and female informants stated out that her application was unsuccessful. that females are ‘lower’ than males.33 Mattulada When I asked why Ibu Darma did not prevent (1995:440) discusses Bugis women’s role based Pak Bakri from taking part in the deal, she said: on customary law (pangngadereng) from the ‘It’s his decision, I can give my opinion, but he Lontara’ Latoa which states that men and is the one who makes the decision’ (Ind.: Itu women may both be involved in deliberation keputusan bapak, saya bisa bicara, tapi (Ind.: permusyawaratan), but women’s opin- bapak yang memutuskan). She further stated ions can only be used as a complement and that because he is the kepala keluarga (head not to make a final decision because women of the family), he has the authority to decide. are considered to have ‘physical’ as well as This illustrates that decisions about relations ‘psychological’ weaknesses. That women are with the outside are in the hands of men, re- fragile creatures has become a general ideol- gardless of whether or not women agree with ogy. But, I presume that Mattulada’s argument the decisions. Ati was reluctant to comment on in this sense is related to public decision-mak- her father’s action, not only because of the dis- ing, which is considered to be men’s arena. tance between them, but also because she At the community level, village meetings thought that her opinions were worthless in best illustrate this role difference. Whilst both this instance. men and women have the right to speak in the forum, men have more authority than women. Conclusion At the household level, the wife has the same When speaking about siri’, one must realise right as the husband to express an opinion. that siri’ is a concept which is linked to gender Nevertheless, the final decision is usually in as well as honour and onro, but the defence of the hands of the husband for matters related to siri’ can be performed by both sexes. This is the outside. Take, for example, when Pak Bakri, supported by my argument in Sahariah’s case, his wife, Ibu Darma, and his daughter, Ati, were although the majority of to masiri’ are males, discussing the possibility of Ati becoming a she—as a woman—became a to masiri’. Thus, civil servant. Pak Ali, from a neighbouring vil- she acted as the agent to maintain siri’ of the lage, had promised ‘to take care of it’ in ex- family. The examination of siri’, however, dif- change for Rp 3,000,000,00 (about A$600 at fers according to social status; the higher the current exchange rates). Ibu Darma and Ati re- status the more likely siri’ to occur. fused, assuming that there was no guarantee A number of Bugis symbols for women, that the position would come through. But Pak such as mirror (Bug.: camming), glass (kaca), Bakri decided to pay, even though he had to porcelain plate (penné pinceng), green wood borrow some money from his father-in-law. In (aju mamata), and egg (tello’) reflect the vul- fact, he was deceived, his daughter did not nerability of women in everyday social interac- become a civil servant. The money was gone tion, particularly with the opposite sex. In ad- and Pak Ali kept promising to repay, or some- dition, the layout of Bugis’ house mirrors the times hide whenever Pak Bakri came to his division between male and female spaces of house. I witnessed Ati crying when she found social intercourse which aims to ‘protect’ fe- male members of the family from any offence which may transgress siri’. 33 Helliwell’s (1995:364) study exemplifies similar fea- tures on the inequality of Gerai in the Dayak ‘egalitar- The Bugis construction of male and female ian’ society. sexuality is an important complementarity in-

Idrus, Siri’, Gender, and Sexuality 51 forming the Bugis concepts of gender differ- Errington (1989:71–72) contrasts the space in ences. To understand these differences, one Bugis house between ‘the front guest area’ and must consider masculine/feminine in relation the ‘back family area’ to public space as op- to good/bad attribute. However, such di- posed term of private space because both chotomy is not formed in a single form in which spaces are considered social. Thus, it is a mis- male as good and female as bad. It is rather to take to equate western constructions of gen- explain that the term good is used for making der directly with categories of male/female to sense only in opposition to bad, just as good/bad, front/back or public/private.

References

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