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JELENA JOVANOVIC (SERBIA)

REKINDLED Ifi I/,4I IN SERBIA IN 1990s AND AND NEY IN SUFI TRADITIONS TN TIIE : THE ASPECTS OF MUSIC AND MEANINGS '

In this paper, the emphasis is placed on the parallel in the understanding and perception ofplay- ing of long ductless half-transv€rse in Orthodox Christians and Sufis. The paper was based on observing and studying ofliving musical practice ofthe faval in Belgrade, Serbia, in a specific con- tcxt enabling specific perception of playing it. Speaking of Serbia, it is about the area ofthe central Balkans, where there is a plentitude ofindigenous traditions which have been preserved till the pres- ent date and where different influences have been crossing over. Here also the cultural identities ofthe Mediterranean, ofthe East, and ofthe Central Europe have been negotiated over a long period oftime. There is extensive ethnomusicological literaturc on the mutually related inshumenls kaval and Both instruments belong to the group of long ductless flutes, widespread in the area ofNorth Af- 'el. rica, south-west and cenhal Asia as well as Asia Minor, and south-east Europe (Basten, 2003: 4). The ney ot noy is enco\ntered as tv{o types ofthe instrument, P€rsian and Turkish, it occurs in the territory almost idenlical to the area ofthe Islamic culture, and is more specific for the urban settings (Basten, 2003: 4). By today, not only ,e), music, but Sufi music in general, due to its perception in terms of aesthetic value, found its place within the discotrse of l|/orld Music and popular music genres (Bohl- man, 2002: 56; Peterson, 2008). At the tenitory ofth€ Balkans and in Turkey, the ,tcvcl'? is primarily associated with rural, cattle-breeding music tradition. The broad geographic area of occunence and plsntitude ofvarieties ofthese instruments point to the assumption that their ancient origin lies in the old cultures rose on these tenitories (Basten, 2003: 3-6). On the other hand, the existing data on the ,kval in the tenitory of former Yugoslavia does not provide a full answer to the issue of its occurrence in traditions ofdifferent ethnic groups in the coun- try. Nameiy, it is well-known that it occurs in Macedonia and Serbia, that it is played by Macedonians and Albanians, but it is almost unknown that this instrument is also a part ofserb music tradition, in the teffitory of Kosovo. Research aimed at that direction has been initiated only as ofrecently, and this paper is one ofits results (Zakid, 2012). This text was immediately caused by a phenomenon that the interest in playing the *aval in Bel$ade was brought to light in the context ofactive work on res- toration ofOrthodox, Byzantine church art (Jovanovid, 2012).lt happened during the period ofsevere political, economic, and ethical crisis in the country, which, as in similar cases world-wide, initiated questioning ofthe identities embraced till that moment and lhe need to establish new ones (Todorova, 2006: 15, 128). The phenomenon this is aboul initiates discussions on establishment ofnew borders ofidentity; they surpass the state, national, or ethnic, even confessional borders, as this paper tends to show. The interpretations ofthe protagonists ofthis phenomenon, I obtained as a participant-observer (Cooley and Barz,2008: 20), gaining personal experience in encountering members ofthe commu- nity, and through interviews and relying on Martin clayton's pr€cepts on the importance ofthe mean- 61

ings of music as "perceived" by listeners themselves (Clayton, 2001: 5). Thus, it has been pointed to new aspects in the researah oflong ductless playing, beoause they open an interesting topic ofits understanding in the context of orthodox religion, especially ifcompared to playing instruments of the same kind, rey, in sufis. In their narratives oftheir personal inclination to instruments ofthe kind, members ofdifferent religious groups state similar formulations ofperception oftheir music, sound and ethos. This makes Macedonian ,taval playing one ofthe most intriguing and most inspiring tndi- cators ofthe connection between music cultures ofthe east and central Balkans and south-west Asia.

Circumstances Causing faydl Rekindling in Serbia The factors influencing the bringing to life of ,taval playing in serbia are as follows: restoralion of Byzantine church art, especially chanting; search for personal, national, religious, and cultural identity ofa group of individuals, highly educated artists; and availability ofrecordings ofMacedo- nian *aval players. The initiative to make the taval topical was bom among the members ofBelgrade congregation of artists and chanters "st John of Damascus", whose leading idea was to restore or- thodox Byzantine art: icon painting, fiesco painting, and church chanting. Since 1993, there are two choirs within the congegation; the male and female chanters, who leam€d to chant after the Bvzan_ tine model, affer the contemporary neumatic notationi taking active part in chanting during church services (audio ex. l). Besides amliation to serbian orthodox church, the identity of promoters of Byzantine chanting also implied affiliation to a broader transnational community oforthodox peoples through the ecumenical identity (JovanoviC, 2012). ,,intelactions The *aral was brought to life in Belgrade thanks to ofspecific individuals', (Stock, 2001: 5) who, same as the other citizens of the country, had been undergoing the difficult time of crisis, and, seeking for the way to express their own identity and creativity, had to make decisions in terms of bolh personal and music choice. The fiesco-painters and members ofthe choir listened to the audio recordings of thebest kat'al players from Macedonia and in 1994 started building the /qral themselves and playing it. In this, as well as in their repertoire, they enlhusiastically followed their Macedonian models, as knowledge on the iaval in serb trudition was unavailable to them at the time. Their favourite melodies were improvisations in free rhyrhm - ezgie, where the sound and natur€ of the lava,l could be fully exercised (audio ex. 2). The awareness on the religious, cultural, ethnic and regional closeness ofthe peoples of Serbia and Macedonia, along with Byzantine chanting, was of crucial importance, to confirm affiliation to common religion and unique cultural surroundings. Knal playing in Belgrade ofthe time I observe, as musicologist Biljana MilanoviC wrote, as "the medium not only reflecting and encoding meanings related to identities, but also participating in the creation thereof' (MilanoviC, 2007: 125). The Belgrade kaval players in the 1990s performed only privately and on occasions which could be called public; in the olose vicinity ofsome Belgrade churches, after services in which the choirwould perform. Besides church and folk singing, this spon- taneous playing had the role ofan important €motional and cohesive element among the members of the group, where their personal identities interacted. We can say that the sound ofthe laval in this context represented a point ofemotional encounter, opening the sphere ofcontemplation in the situ- ation after the religious service as a specific extension ofthe liturgical experience ofthe community, This collective emotional experience consisting of a multitude of individual experiences might be compared to the experience ofgroup listening of rag play, in which the lisleners can be observed as 52 Jelena Jovanovich

"bounded entities" (Clayton, 2001: 3, 6). The aim was to reach intemal tranquility in the conditions ofclose war destruction and general crisis and it was ofexceptional importance for the members of the community.

Musical-Textural ard Structural Elements Litrking Byzantine Chanting arld Macedonian Kaval Plrying As a rule, rey playing in Sufi tradition is monodic; if several players are involved, they play either in unison or in heterophony (Baines, l99l: 234). On the other hand, Macedonian kaval playing and Byzantine chanting are similar in seveml important aspects, Interestingly, it was the members of the choir who were attracted to lhe Macedonian kzval and who became permanently attached to itjust because ofthe structural elements ofMacedonian music which indicate to a large level of similarity with Byzantine chanting. These are as follows: Texture: Both in Byzantine chant and in Macedonian,taval tradilion, the texture is two-part, with the main melody and the drone. Tho|ughlhe dtone / ison I isokratimq is widely present in autochthonous folktore traditions ofthe Balkans, and of South Slavs as well (Traerup, 1981; Vukidevid -Zaki1, 1994/1995\, it could be said it is not a part of common Slavic heritage (Pashina, 2009) and its presence in Macedonian ,taval play and in Byzantine chant should rather be brought into connection with Eastem music traditions, Here according to Rudolf Brandl, it is understood as the sonstructional, arrhythmic, changeable bourdon ,,mystic (Brandl, 1976: l0). In Byzantine chanting it was interpreted by Orthodox theologians as the depth of inexpressibility" (Lazi(, 1984: 240); beside this description, we shall also mention the view oftheoreticians in Indian tradition: it has been described as the.,timeless absolute', (Brandl, 1976: 2), ,.thoroughly or a device which, from the starting point oftuning before the play, has been fixed in the listener's mind", who senses that'1he melody is already present in the drone" (Clayton, 2000: l-2). Non-temoered intervals: By changing the intensity ofair emission, the ,tayal may generate tones of different pitches with the same finger position. This provides a wide range of non-temp€red in- lewals, specific to Byzantine chanting, but also scales in tmditions ofBalkan and numerous eastem ethnicities. Scales: The practice ofBelgrade players, which implies experience in terms oflistening, chant- ing and playing, confirmed that the scales Macedonian ezg|?s were founded on are fully compatible to the modal system of standardized scales ofthe Byzantine chanting tradition: diatonic, chromatic, and enharmonic. lvlelody and form: The composing principle based on melodic and scale principles bearing a certain ethos, occurs at the tenitory ranging from the Balka$ to lndia. This is the so-called ,,maqam- principle" (Szabolsci, 1959), principle ofform building, inseparable from melody formulas and scale systems (Powers, Widdes, 2001: 830). In Byzantine tradition, the pattem / mode is called echos (ri1o$, in the Middle East it is called maqam/meqan, in India it is called raga. Though we still do not have the proof for it in the concrste results of any comparative analysis, there are grounds for the assumption, that the principle ofmodal scales with more or less variable tones is present both in Byzantine chanting and in playing ofthe Macedoniu kavol ezgtar. Here are also obvious similari- ties befween the principles ofmelody construction h Macedonian ezgija and in Indian rag: melodic development relies on the main tones in the scale, including the principaltone, the fourth and the fifih (oval Rekindled in Serbia in 1990s and r(olal and Ney in Sufi Traditions in the Middle East: The Aspects of Music and Meanings bJ

(Clayton, 2000: 25), which is in ezgia often supported by changing ofthe drone. It is well-known that, apart from the two-paft bourdon structure, all the aforementioned elements also occur in the music produced using the ,el, in the practices ofSufis in the Middle EasL

Meanings

Liturgicat music of the orthodox and Moslems originates from ancient times and its sources may be found in the cosmological teachings ofrhe old East, which were important for development of several cultures ofthe orienl, including the eastem orthodox singing (petrovic, l9g2: 3-5). certain papers point to six millennia ofhistory ofculture in the Middle East, crossroads ofvarious influences through history and mutual contacts ofthe cultures ofGreece, , Caucasus, India, even North Af_ rica and the Balkans, with foundations in cultures of old civilizations (czekanowska, l gg l : 159- 16l, 214-5' 218,415). The teachings of Islamic philosophers and orthodox theologians are in agreement ,.the that music is a powerful means of expression and the confession itself. In Islam, selection of melody, lyrics, and instuments to suit the needs and the occasion was a matter ofserious studying, depending on whether the occasion related to joy, sadness, illness, etc." (Harnidullah, l9g2: 200; Re- inhwd,1969:64-6'1,71'2). on the other hand, the orthodox are strictly ofthe opinion that the Holy tradition also reflects thrcugh church art, i.e. the icon and singing, \ryhich is why certain structural and tonal properties oforthodox singing must reflect a higher meaning, a message from the holy fathers. The octoechos modes understands u\cient Erhos-doctrine (petrovic, 2004: 2rr) which is of great importance for individual efforts ofthe believers for directing in self-irnprovement. Although neither official christian nor Moslem tradition allow for use ofinstruments in lih'gi- cal service, in the cases of ney and, kaval , there are reasons for studying of these insauments in the context ofreligious life oftheir players. The topic ofthe importance of rey playing in suphis is rerativery familiar in ethnomusicology. Philosophers and artists of Mevlevi3 order provide d€tailcd interpretations ofthe connection between spiritual life and personal development with sound, i.e. the art ofmusic, which, among other things, inoludes playing the pipe (Sevalije, 1981 : l82, 188). persian philosopher, theologian, lawyer, mystic and poet Mewlana Jalaluddin depicts in his poetry the basic meanings ascribed to the rey in Sufi tradition: sadness due to sepamtion from the source (,,non-changeable essence,,) (Basten,2003: 6), aspiration to purification for the purpose of fulfillment with the spirit ofGod and joy due to the hope that the strength ofone's search will result in becoming one rvith the creator (Rumi, 2007: g6). I am speaking about the meaning of *aval playing in Serbia in the context of religious under_ standing and perceptions solely based on direct experiences of the small number of champions of the rekindling of the instrument and their narratives. They are also devoted to religious art and are i1s proflcient connoisseurs, icon painters and fresco painters. Here I will provide a review of rheir understanding and perceptions, expressed in their nanatives, so that they can be compared to the Sufi ones, as testimonies on the place ofthe instrument ofthis type in the life ofthe religious ofth€ two confessions. For the protagonists of rekindling of kaval-playing in Serbia, Orthodox Christians, liturgical chanting, icon painting, fresco painting an d' kaval playing are all the manners to express rhe fullness ofcreation, gratitude, and attempt to reflect the image of Goda. They partially agree wilh the Sufis in ,,invoking', terms ofperception of its sound: they describe it as (Serb.:,,npuiaeuu,,), ..congregational, 64 Jelena Jovanovich

conciliar, calming, and relaxing" ("ca6opaq ca6upat, cuupyjyhu u onywmaTy&a"); it brings one to the state similar to the one "when attendin g litrttgy" ("6umucaba Ba runtyp?uju"), it constitutes "99!: tain Draying atmosphere in anv manner" ("deo Heke ilonunserte qmilocb : underlined by J. J.). For them, laval playing provides an "image ofthe Heavel" ("npecnu,g Paia") and enables the "encounter ofthe beings in love in Chrisf' ("cycpem 6uha u ny6aeu y Xptcmy''). Playing the ,tava,/ claims for "purification from passions / negative emotions" ("o'tuwheuocm od cmpacrnu / Heeqmuautx oceharca").ln Serbia, ,taval is sometimes denoted as the instrument which has the ability to spea*, which has a direct parallel in thc perception ofthe tel among Sufis, but also with the perception of the sound of ductless flutes in ancient peoples. Individual Orthodox Serbs interpret this saying that "when this instrument starts speaking, it says "Thanks to Thee, O Lord" and "Praise be unto Thee, O Lord" (" naj uHcmpy eqm, Ka'd npoeosopu, xacre " Xeata Tu, Eocrce " u "Xeatun Te, Eoxe"), One more intriguing question arises fiom some of the nanatives of Belgrade kaval playerc. Among th€ players who are, at the same time, icon-painters and fiesco-painters, a position occurs that &ayal playing must not be deliberate, haphazard, but subjected to rules, same as the icon; lhat krrvdl playing should not be illustrative, but rather iconic, so that it could "contain in itself' ("cadprrz y ce6z") a thought or an idea. This is why means ofexpression should be "simple so that it is possible to €xpress something inexpressible yet of essential importance" ("jedtocuaeta da 6u ce nocmuzLro Beumo umo je Heuspe4uso, q cwmarcKo"). This opens up a large topic of the semiotic of *aval playing, as (following Uspenski's writings) a sign with independent, autonomous meaning, as well as a text - set of signs (Uspenski, 1979: 252-253). This reaches into the so far non-researched area ofdecoding the specific language of music piactices in the playing of Orthodox Christians and Sufis. Specific place in this subject provides the phenomenon ofdrone and its significance as a textural ele- ment thal proyides sp€cific features to the musical structure.

Conclusion Imporlant feature of ksval ethos in the context described obviously is complementary to the characteristic of Mevlevi music. It might be said that the role of laval sound in these circumstances provided a role of communion, rather than communication within the group of players and listen- ers -just as described by During for the effect ofrey playing among MeYleYi (www.crem-cnrs.t/ membres4 during 1992 what is sufi music.odf P. 278). The other important features ofboth Macedo- nian ezgijas on,taval and Mevlevi melodies on riel have also been detected, according to During's ob- servations; these characteristics are: slow tempo, complex, long andvaried rhythms, closed repertoire, traditional instruments, mental pray (by the participants), discretion, moderated expression, calm, meditation and (above already mentioned) communion (w*'rv.crem-cnrs.frlmembres/i during 1992 what is sufi music.ndfP. 279). Furthermore, the listeners' experience in musical eventof kaval play in Orthodox Christian context-the phenomenon ofmutual recognizing in common direct emotional and spiritual experience - might be regarded as close to one during M evlevi sema / sama', which also has been characterized as meditation itself(Vlaeva, 2006: 421; Queshi,2006: l). This could be turther compared with the perception described in the contsxt oflndian music: the music's value considered as the,r/a/e, achieved through better performances, and thus the listeners "being absorbed in an ongo- ing slate of/dg-ness - one which tends towfids linelers" (Clayton, 20Q0: 26). Rekindled r(oval in Serbia in 1990s and Kdral and ly'ey in Sufi Traditions in the Middle East: The Aspects of Music and Meanings 65

Rekindling ofthe taval in Serbia is important as a confirmation oflhor Maciewsky's thesis on importance oftraditional music forms as a way ofstruggle for existence under r€sfained living condi tions (Maciewsky, 2007). Also, in Se$ia, thanks to the inclination towards the tcval and Byzantine ,,easlem" chanting, elements of noo-Cfuistian music cultures, as parts of broadly perceiyed music, were also perceived as "own", in the attempt to reach fullness ofown identity in a broader cultural area. Interestingly, here Macedonia once again played the role of an intermediary in the transfer of cultural trends in the Balkans (Valchinova-Chendlov4 2000: 76). The given data about the perception of the kaval play in Serbia are, as far as it is known, the only ones noted among the Orthodox Christians so far, connecting the wind instrument sound and meanings with the ethos of the Orthodox doctrines and arts. They introduce a new insight in East Meditenanean musical culture(s) in general, striving for the revision ofthe attitude that this cultural basin generally opens the "questions arising from Islamic attitudes towards music,' (Bohlman, 2002: 56). These data are also welcome for the reflections about nowadays recognizable Byzantine cultural sphere in the Meditenanean (Kogo, 2006: 245-6) and they indicate to the possibilities of new com- parative approaches. On the other hand, the facl is that the musical stylc this text is about is found in many musical traditions of Middle East, not only on ductless flutes, but also on instruments of different kinds; only among Caucasian peoples, there are melodies ofthis kind play ed on duduk (Ar- menians, Georgians), kavali (Lazetians), acharpan (Abk,Jazians)5 and other, as well as in the Balkans -,taval (Albanians andTurks) andfoghera (Greeks and Aromanians). It is also extremely interesting that the described reception oflcval play among Onhodox Chris- tians could provoke a discussion about the mutual relationships between mystic experiences in Or- thodox Christianity, Sufism and Hindu religion,.in whose musical practices we find similar elements and similar types ofperception. In all thr€e religious systems, achieving the unity with God has been considered to be the highest goal ofthe faithful. This unity is supposed to be rcalized in histrer own "coming to perfection, which is inseparably tied to the thoughtful structure as a characteristic for certain religion, which can be realized on the level ofinner, spi tual dimension ofthe human being,, (Keller, 1987: I11. On a broad€r level, the perceplion ofsound and impact ofinstruments in the group oflong duct- less flutes have on players and listeners alike, should apparently be connected to very old, primordial impulses which must have chronologically preceded interpretations within individual religions which followed. Other researchers have also noted that this kind of instruments are "archetypal" and thus might evoke a "transcendental dimension" (During, 1992:2?8; Bxten, 2003: l2). It is important to note that the bearers ofthis practice in Belgade kept faithful to original impulse and motivation up to nowadays, realizing the importance of such approach for achieving harmony between their per- sonal and religious identities. For them, this harmony would be permanently disturbed ifthey would make an additional "step" in their way ofplaying from traditional towards popular music (compare: Bohlman, 2002: 2l). Statements of Belgrade players who became familiar with instruments of the type partly thanks to the patterns within the system ofByzantine chanting tradition vastly enrich the knowledge on lhe ethos ofsuch instruments play and provide the opportunity for further compamtive research. f( Jelena Jovarovich

Notes

I This paper is the result ofthe work on the proj ect Seftian nusical identities within local and glabolJraneworks: traditions, changes, challenges (no.177004), financed by Serbian Ministry ofeducation, science and technologi- cal development. The author expresses cordial gratitude to Goran ArsiC and Dario Marulid for the consultations in the course ofprepamtions ofthis paper. l Aboutthe narne of this inshumen! Mr. Ivan Kostid, Arabist tiom Belgmde, said: "From the verb 6ld(rootr word d I cJ [qw'l]) which me ar$ to say, to tell, to narrare comes ftom the word r3-id (pronounced literally tavdl!) with regular male plural -!i which meaN/o/t ringer (ot poet), recilef'. Many thanks to Mr. Kostid for this informa- tion; it shows that the origin ofthe name for the instrument ,taval is practically the sarne as ofthe name ofPaki- /courses/ stan Suli musical genre qawwali t.wvrw.sjsu.edu,rpeoplershantanu oh ukar I 5 7/s l/Emstoi,20-oi'20Su69o20

Music%20and%20Dance%20.odf P. I 86).

3 The Mevlevi Order is a traditional lsla.nic Sufi Way. a It is important to emphasize that tle protagonists of this practic.e in Serbia stated their perception of iardl play. ing fully ignomnt of the meanings ascribed to tle r,€/ in Sufi practices. Nevertheless, tlere ar-e few editions in Serbia that contribute to understanding Sufi doctrines; for exafiple, translation of Khazrat Inayat Khan's book published in 2004 (lnayat Khan, 2004).

5 For the information about wind instruments cormected to melodies ofthis kind in different Caucasus taditions t cordially thank to my Georgian colleagues Nino Maliharadze and Ketevan Baiashvili.

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Audio Examples

Audio example l. Female choir "St. John ofD amasa$', Cherub Hyn (fragment), First mode ofByzantine octo- ecios. Recording from the liturgy in church St. Alexander Nevskii, Belgrade (21 September 1994).

Audio exarnple 2. Predrag Stojkovic and vladimir Simi6, tzSt? on two lavdls. Recorded on the concert ofthe ensemble ,ktor, Ethnographic Museum, Belgrade (5 December 1998, rec. by Zoral Jerkovi6).