The Indebtedness of Augustine's Doctor Christanus to Cicero's Orator
CEU eTD Collection
THE INDEBTEDNESSOFAUGUSTINE'SDOCTOR CHRISTIANUS TO CICERO'S ORATOR TOCICERO'S CHRISTIANUS MA ThesisinMedievalStudies Central European University QUIDAM CICERO: QUIDAM Uroš Raj May 2010 Budapest
č ević
CEU eTD Collection
QUIDAM CICERO: THEINDEBTEDNE QUIDAM CICERO: Central European University, Budapest, inpartial fulfillment of therequirements Thesis submittedtothe Depa Accepted inconformance with ______of theMasterArtsdegreeinMedievalStudies CHRISTIANUS TO CICERO’S ORATOR CHRISTIANUS TOCICERO’S Chair, ExaminationCommittee Thesis Supervisor Uroš Raj May 2010 Examiner Examiner Budapest (Serbia) by rtment ofMedieval Studies, č thestandardsofCEU ević SS OFAUGUSTINE’SDOCTOR SS
CEU eTD Collection
QUIDAM CICERO: THEINDEBTEDNE QUIDAM CICERO: Central European University, Budapest, inpartial fulfillment of therequirements Thesis submittedtothe Depa Accepted inconformance with ______of theMasterArtsdegreeinMedievalStudies CHRISTIANUS TO CICERO’S ORATOR CHRISTIANUS TOCICERO’S External Examiner Uroš Raj Budapest May 2010 (Serbia) by
rtment ofMedieval Studies, č thestandardsofCEU ević
SS OFAUGUSTINE’SDOCTOR SS
CEU eTD Collection
QUIDAM CICERO: THEINDEBTEDNE QUIDAM CICERO: Central European University, Budapest, inpartial fulfillment of therequirements Accepted inconformance with Thesis submittedtothe Depa ______of theMasterArtsdegreeinMedievalStudies CHRISTIANUS TO CICERO’S ORATOR CHRISTIANUS TOCICERO’S ______External Supervisor Uroš Raj Supervisor Budapest May 2010 (Serbia) by
rtment ofMedieval Studies, č thestandardsofCEU ević
SS OFAUGUSTINE’SDOCTOR SS
CEU eTD Collection
Budapest, 02June2010 institution of highereducation foran academic degree. also declare thatnopart of the thesis has been submitted inthis form toanyother of others,andnopartthe bibliography. Ideclare thatnounidentified andillegitimate use wasmade of thework research and onlysuch externalinforma declare herewiththatthe present thesis I, theundersigned, Uroš Raj thesis infringesonanyperson’s č evi ć , candidatefortheMAde is exclusivelymy ownwork,basedonmy tion asproperlycreditedinnotesand ______or institution’scopyright.I gree inMedievalStudies Signature CEU eTD Collection LiteratureSourcesBIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX: CONCLUSION: 3: CHAPTER 2: CHAPTER Grammaticus 64 Elementary 1: CHAPTER INTRODUCTION 68 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS EducationLatinus 16 7 Christianity andtheCla AChristianRhetoric:TheFourthBookof ACultureofEloquence:Augustine Augustine’sLiteraryEducation: A Christian Culture 56 64 1 vii ssics: ChristiansandSc TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF vi Elementary andSecondarySchools and the Ancient Cultural Ideal and theAncientCulturalIdeal De DoctrinaChristiana hools inLate Antiquity
40 25 5 59 CEU eTD Collection accomplishments. grandmother who,fromanearlyage,hasinst through thisprocess,myparentsand brot Antiquity long forgottenheir,theWorldofLate who wasthefirst toinspire me tostepoutof th proving tobesuchasplendidsource. in theLibraryonmy firstday,andwhohas assist me inmyresearch. Fina Institute’s Library, ClaudineCroyère,aswellot would liketothankthedirector Sághy forconvincingme totakearesearchtrip helped me withtheircomments andsuggestions Marianne SághyandVolkerMenze, Augustine’s lifeandcareer,JudithRassonwhoha in thisgruellingprocess, my fellowcollea
In theend,Iwouldliketothankverys A specialthanksalsogoestoProf.VojinNedeljkovi I wouldliketothanktheCEU lly, IalsothankMrMickaëlRibr of theInstitute,Prof.VincentZarini,chieflibrarian andMatthiasRiedlfrom the ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Medieval department andall devoted histime toassesthisthesis. gues whohadtolisten vii e WorldofClassicalAnti . Myfriendsandfamily whohavesupportedme to l’Institut d’ÉtudesAugustiniennes inParis.I illed inme aloveforthefinerofhuman her staffinthelibrary,whoweretheredailyto . Iwouldliketoespeci her. Andfinally,aspecialthankstomy d toproof-readeverything,my supervisors ubject ofmy thesis, ć from theUniversity of Belgrade, eau, whohelpedme findmy way History Department, whohave the staffwhowereinvolved to my longaccounts of quity andtoexploreits Augustine himself, for ally thankMarianne CEU eTD Collection 1 of decadence.Eveninhis early work,SaintAugustin de la CultureAntique etlaFin other works–alsocausedare-evaluationof Augustine’s lifebuttheworldaroundhim. Brow important publication after it,Serge Lancel’s created anewinterestforAugustinetheperson(and and revolutionarynewapproach A SelectOverview ofAugustinian Literature is being) investigated more than the heartofhisreaderswhichhiswordsengender,havemade ofhim apersonwho of Augustineasonetheforemost Fathersofthe LatinChurch,coupledw added tohisfame duringhislifetime (whether published. Theunusualnatureofhis Augustine’s workshasfascinatedpeople–scholars and laymen –fromthetime theywerefirst – couldeasilyhavebeenwritten Charles Dickens, Dickens, Charles A passagelikethis–theeven-tempered narr Peter Brown’s and believe)onaFriday,attwelveo’clock began tostrike,andIcry,simultaneously. with thebeginningofmylife,Irecordth station willbeheldbyanybodyelse, these David Copperfield David Whether I shall turn outtobe the hero ofmy ownlife, Augustine ofHippo:ABiography
(Herfordshire: Wordsworth, 2000). 5. 5. 2000). Wordsworth, (Herfordshire: any otherfigurefrom lateantiquity. by Augustine ifhehadbeenborninanothertime. Thepowerof to thefigureofAugustineandth Confessions INTRODUCTION the periodoflateantiquity,typicallyseenasan age the workwaspraisedorsnubbed).Theauthority 1 Saint Augustin n’s biographyofAugustine–alongwithhis –anautobiography not onlyChurchFather); ation written withasortofsimple candour at Iwasborn(asha at night. It was rema , first published in 1967 was a unique , firstpublishedin1967wasaunique pages must show.Tobeginmy life , astudythatnotonlylooksat 1
e worldoflate of Augustine’ssoul– ith aspecialplacein tomention justone rked thattheclock ve been informed orwhetherthat was (and still antiquity.It , Henri- CEU eTD Collection 2 scholars toanalyzetheworksof andMarrou,hasmade forgenerationsof along withthepreviousworksofTestard itpossible works. Eventhoughhisinterpretationsaremos Classics published atwo-volume editionentitled– on Augustine’sformation andhisworks andideas. interpretation. Continuingonso Saint AugustinetCicéron between AugustineandtheLatinClassics,incl interest intheidea Christiana, theydidnotseem Marrou’sve asimportant. precious, buttoAugustine,anaged with special attentionto the the culturalnorms time ofhis andinwhatwa with itsspecific cultural circumstances; heshow oriented culture ofthelateRoman West,Ma shape theworldofmedieval education.By transformed thewayscholars approached thesubject of late Roman culture. slightly modified thisviewlateron).Neve Irénée Marrouwasnotfr et Cicéron mais sadifficulté, Testard, voire satémérité.” aussi recherche, Maurice la de l’intérêt asseztout disait s ce travail. Saint Augustin et Cicéron! Ce seul titre me me et titre Ceseul Cicéron! Augustin Saint s cetravail. entrepri quej’ai appréhension quelque sans pas “Cn’est ; in thismonumental work, Vol. 1 (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1958), i. 1958), Études Augustiniennes, 1(Paris: Vol. In 1958MauriceTestardpublishedatwo-volume edi Marrou studiedAugustine’sinfluenceonthest of aChristianorChristia ; ee oftheideadecadenceinth 2 thesecond volume wasa artes liberales
me ofMarrou’sideas,Testarde Augustine intheirspecificcultur Hagendahl tracedallthe classi bishop whowrotetheFourthbookof one couldsayevenmore bravely– ; totheyoungconvertAugustine, nized lateantiqueculture, studyingtheerudite,philosophisizing,eloquence- rtheless, Marrou’sbook,firstpublishedin1937, rrou placedAugustine ina uding Rome’s mostem 2 y Augustine’sideasdevel ed howmuchofAugustine’smind-set owedto tly conservative,Hagendahl’sdecisivework, GoingfartherthanCicero,HaraldHagendahl selection of texts, whilethe first wasan ate oflettersandculture,whichwereto ry judgment of thistreatise created an e lateRoman letters(althoughhe tion entitledbravely, xplored theinfluenceofCicero cal influences inAugustine’s al context; works as Sabine al context;worksasSabine inent prosaist,Cicero. inent aswelltheconnexions oped through specific placeintime thoseartswerestill Augustine andthe ashestatesit, De Doctrina Saint Augustin Augustin Saint his life, CEU eTD Collection presreved). of Latinantiquity(theycertain authorities ofantiquityisnoteasytogauge,po imagine themagnitude ofsuchanundertaking. Was AugustineCreating aChristian Antiquity Antique Antioch Greek EducationinHellenistic and RomanEgypt(2001)and Raffaela Cribiorepublishedtwosigni Guardians ofLanguage:TheGrammarianandSocietyinLateAntiquity books suchasStanleyBonner’s Rome. Thisbookinitiatedfurtherst great twentieth-centurybooksoneducation inClassical Greece,theHellenistickingdoms, and human spirit. Marrou’s1958bookL’Histoiredel’Éduc early modern times, whenhumanist thought laid Mark Vessey. Augustine andtheDisciplines:FromConfessionstoCassiciacum dans laPenséeAntique Hadot’s innovative assessment of thesevenliberal arts in antiquity: MacCormack’s When Isetouttoexamine therelationship Education itself hasbeen of greatinterest to edited byYunLeeToo(2001). The Shadows of Poetry: VergilintheMindofSaintAugustine The ShadowsofPoetry: (2007);asignificantcollectionofessays: (1984); heradvancements influenced ly countamong themost prolif udies oftheprocesseduca Education inAncientRome Saeculum ficant booksonGreekeducation: ssibly twoofthegreatest 3 Theconnexionbetweenthesetwoauthorsand and How a greateremphasis onthedevelopment ofthe scholars since lateme of AugustineandCicero,Icouldnoteven ation dansl’Antiquité ? Education inGreekandRoman The SchoolsofLibaniusinLate tion inantiquitywhichproduced the2005collectionofessays (1977), and Robert Kaster’s (1977),andRobertKaster’s , editedbyKarlaPollman and ic, withthemajority works Arts LibérauxetPhilosophie Gymnastics oftheMind: authors and authorities dieval andespecially (1988). Recently, (1998), orIlsetraut is oneof thefirst CEU eTD Collection Latinophone society. the system of education anditsprogrammes, aswellthe generalhigh culture of lateRoman work they arebased onarenot in their propercontext; Christian culture orapreacher-man’s handbook ca context, Iwill endeavour toanalyze itsunderlying message. Thejudgmentsthat prefer either a to look beneath thesurface. ByplacingtheFourth book initsproper culturalandhistorical its Fourthbook–astylethatis clergy. Eventhoughthis either thestartingpointforaChristianculture Doctrina Christiana. This treatise,andespeciallythe certain change inhispriorities. preserved inhis abandoning. Augustine’sfeelings notion thatAugustinewasaban part induring hislife, both asastudent and as compose anapproximation (NBaquitemodest approximation) oftheeducationAugustinetook the process of education inantiquity. Assisted by point that,forAugustine,thechoice influence ofCiceroontheFourthbookAugustine’s Augustine wasinfluencedbyCicer Speaking generally,Iintendtoshowinmy re My secondtaskistoexamine thecontentsoffourthbookAugustine’s Confessiones, albeitcertainlyrather entire treatiseha immediately clearandunderstanda doning classicaleducationalnorms, toseewhathewas o. Buttofurther limit thisque towards education–bothpastandcurrenthavebeen ofCicerowasinfact s beenwrittenin devised byAugustine,orsimply amanual forthe 4 ateacher. Itisimportant, whenconsideringthe the fruitful research of greatscholars Iwill nnot beproperly examined iftheyandthe selectively;nonetheless, in this thesisImainta Fourth book,havelongbeenconsidered De DoctrinaChristiana search towhatextent andinwhatway thestylelaudedandrecommended by notarealchoice, stion, Iintendtoexamine the ble –itisofgreatimportance in that this context is I willfirstexamine theydopointtoa . With astarting De CEU eTD Collection American Philological Association Association Philological American Animae Quantitate Quintilianus, Quintilianus, speaking.” and thereforelateantiquity,subscribedtothe 6 5 4 3 reconstruction. AlanBoothplaced more stress exceptionally –alreadyinthe“secondary”school. few exceptions)theyreceivedthebasictraining children involved inthis kindof three-stage sy programme ofschoolingproposedbyHenri-IrénéeMarrou. how toexpresswhatyouhavelearned. and write.Steptwo:youlearnthelanguageth summarized (NB.inarathersimplified manner!) in rhetoric history, andoratory.However,al in the following pages, thecontent of this edu l’Antiquité l’Antiquité Marrou, orateur.” Henri-Irénée lefutur pour matériaux utilisables des connaissances, Henri-Irénée Marrou, l’Antiquité dans Histoire de l’éducation Cf.RobertA. Kaster,“Notes on‘Primary’ a “Laculture générale est pour eux, moins une formation de Vir bonus, dicendi peritus 4 andthateducation–bothRoman educa These threestepscorres In antiquitythedominant form ofeducation (Paris: Le Seuil, 1958), 118. LeSeuil, 1958), (Paris: 3 Institutio Oratoria Institutio From adistanceofbyseveralcenturies,one , 33.79; De Civitate Dei De Civitate : Marcus Porcius Cato, , 12.1.1). Or, in Augustine’s words,in Augustine’s , 12.1.1).Or, ELEMENTARY ANDSECONDARYSCHOOLS 113 (1983), 323. 323. (1983), 113
AUGUSTINE’S LITERARY EDUCATION: AUGUSTINE’S LITERARYEDUCATION: pond roughlytothreeschools, l ofthiscanbereducedtorh , 9.4.2,22.6.1. nd ‘Secondary’ Schools in Late Antiquity” in in LateAntiquity” in Schools ‘Secondary’ nd Epistulae ad filium fragmenta filium ad Epistulae stem of schoolingwere from richfamilies (with 5 cation were great poetry ideal oftheorator,th on theidea thatboth primary andsecondary l’esprit entant que fonction, que le fait d’accumuler des e contentofyourculture.Stepthree:youlearn (ABCs) at home, fromaprivatetutoror– (ABCs)at However, thesourcesdonotfullysupportthis [1] three major steps.Stepone:youlearntoread (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1958). 1958). Seuil, du (Paris: Éditions was literaryeducation.Aswillbediscussed tion and its Hellenistic model –can be can easilyobservehowallroadslead to uir eloquentissimus : Aurelius Augustinus, 6 Accordingtohim, sincemost etoric. The schoolsofantiquity, 5 that isthey match thetypeof , 14 (quoted in Marcus Fabius e “goodman, versedin Histoire del’éducation dans (both epicandlyric), Transactions of the De CEU eTD Collection Princeton University Press, 2001), 44. Press, Princeton 44. University 2001), Madaurensis, University of California Press, 1998), 447–452. Press,1998), of California University Kaster, A. Robert 50–51. générale.” state that:“àRome,l’enseigneme commeenGrèce, assessment thatMarrou’sthesiswas“especiallyri schools wastheirdisunity:theywereofte secondary instruction(andinstructors), Latin sources often showanambiguity rather th 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 othersch portion ofsocietyattendedanythe throughout theempire wasfargreaterthanthat statistics (or,tobeprecise,numbers). Itis children eitherat toobtainprimaryinstructionfortheir school wasarareexceptionandthatthewealthypreferred Kaster’s remark that:“primary educa sources, thestatehadalmostnointerestinfurtheringelementary schools, perhaps overlyexclusive,itdidadvanceonMa theses, Robert Kaster education werereceivedprimarily (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007), 54–57 54–57 2007), paganeSiebeck, Bildung Mohr (Tübingen: Association Philological Gemeinhardt sees the schools as “selbst-regulativ.” Peter Gemeinhardt, PeterGemeinhardt, as“selbst-regulativ.” schools seesthe Gemeinhardt R.A.Kaster, “Noteson ‘Primary’ and AlanD.Booth, “Elementary andSeco Kaster calls it a modification to the three-tiere the (regular) Kastercallsitamodification to H-I. Marrou, Even Apuleius’ delineation ofthe stages ofeducation does not imply any actualschools: Lucius Apuleius A. Kaster,“Notes,”R. 323. RaffaelaCribiore, in Also D.Booth, “Litterator” Cf.Alan in 14 Florida However,givenhiscaveatthatpassingfr Histoire home orinthesecondaryschool, , 20.2. , 360. , 360. vol. 113 (1983): 323–346. 323–346. (1983): 113 vol. 8 analyzed relevantsources andconc Guardians of Language: The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity Gymnastics of the Mind: Greek Education in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt
Hermes ndary Education in the Roman inthe Empire,” Education ndary in theso-calledsecondaryschool. Transactions of the American the of Transactions LateAntiquity,” in Schools ‘Secondary’ tion neednotimply aprimary school” Gymnastics of the Mind ofthe Gymnastics R.Cribiore, 371–378. No. 1981. 3, 109, vol. 10
andapparentlythemost unifyingelement ofallantique n adaptedtolocal(ortemporal) needs. undisputedthatthenumbe ools. Therefore,theshee d school system: R.A. Kaster, “Notes,” 324 (note 5). 6 an aprecisedifferentiationbetweenprimary and ofanyotherschools,andthatonlyaminute rrou’s idealizedprogra gid” seems slightlyout 15 nt collectifausein d’uneécoleestlarègle Marrou’sstatement appearstoaddressthe om theelementary schooltothesecondary luded that,while Booth’sviewwas Das lateinische Christentum und die antike antike die und Christentum lateinische Das Florilegium 7 Inreasearchingthesetwo r number ofchildrenwho r ofelementary schools mme. Accordingtothe of context.Marroudid 9 andbothGreek 12 No 1 (1979): 1–14. 1–14. (1979): 1 No isquite apt, 11 Although (Princeton: (Berkeley: 13 his , CEU eTD Collection learn letters,andI,poor – aswell.Hedescribesthebeginningofhisedu an environment –ahostileresponsebutthere Thagaste aroundtheyear360/1.Inhis 19 18 17 16 their pompous competitions intrivial knowledge teachers whopunishedhimandtheotherswere nobetter;theirgames werejustaschildish– for hedidnotrealizewhat wasthepointinst showed them mercy. from theevilsoftorture torment bytheirparentsandallth somewhat comically, Augustine wondershowcanit I: successive stagesofeducation. attended (only)elementary schoolsmusthaveb Press, 2000). The English translations are my own, unless otherwise indicated. Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius H-I. Marrou, Inde inscholam datussum utdisceremlitteras, Elementary Education It canbeassumed thatAugustinestartedhiseducationinthemodest The mature man washorrifiedbythebeha Confessiones Histoire , 206. , 206. Confessiones 19 , 1.9.14. Quoted from Augustine, Augustine admits thathewasbadfo Confessiones 18 wretch, didnotrealizewh
and,hesays,theyaschildrenpray
, 1.9.15. , 1.9.14. eir pleadingsranhollow;people Confessions udying, andplayingwasmuchmore fun–butthe in quibusquidutilitatis essetignorabam miser. 7 een higherthanthenumber flected opinionofamatureman –nowabishop cation asfollows:“ThenIwassenttoschool at wastheuseofthat.” à lire,cequi estbeaucoup moins important. Confessions there isnotonlyhisinitialresponsetosuch – andtheydareddispensepunishment to bethatchildrenar Le “maître” n’estchargéqued’apprendre viour oftheteachersandadults; ed equally,yetnoonepitiedthem or r ratherplayingballthanstudying– , ed.J.J. O’Donnell (Oxford: Clarendon pray togodbedelivered 17
e submitted tosuch of studentsinallthe ludus of his native ofhisnative Aurelius Aurelius 16
CEU eTD Collection Association Mohler, “Slave Education “Paedagogiani” and“Paedagogium Palatini” in Seneca(Philosophus), Annaeus Luicus 13, 9.36.4; 7.27, August Pauly, Georg Wissowa, etal. Wissowa, Georg Pauly, August Literacy apparently, oftenreceived inthe Prima Elementa(LudusLitterarius) 25 24 23 22 21 20 the Hellenistic Orient, private instruction was a education system wasbilingualpupils exception. arranged,accommodations aspecialslave purchased,andsoon. childhadtobesentanother town,his notavailablelocally,the higher, andifonewas the advanced schoolofthe the wealthy usuallyhad private tutors ( could attend. who werelessbitterindef children atplay whowerewrongonlybecausethey Latino because theopening of the school is who was a consul in 234 BC). Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, Maximus Ruga, Carvilius (manumissed Spurius by Ruga Carvilius Spurius called afreedman by Rome wasopened Forexample doctrina A.H.M. Jones, Sohpronius Eusebius HieronymusStridonensis, Some slavesreceivedan education as well: Petronius, Plutarch relatedthat foralong tim Augustinus, Aurelius ludus , Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, , MarcusFabius Quintilianus, , 158. , 158. A functionalelementary education( Lower-level educationinRome mirroredthe tocontinuetheiredu 71 (1940): 262–280. 262–280. 71 (1940): 22 Thisschool, however,wasforthepooreramong Roman citizens.Thechildrenof , 997–998. , 997–998. Empire Roman Later The Confessiones
duplex in the Roman Empire” in Empire” Roman in in the grammaticus eat thanthose same adults. : Paulinus Pellaeus, Pellaeus, : Paulinus
Instituio Oratoria Instituio , 1.9.15–10.16. , 1.9.15–10.16. cation; thefeesatagrammarian’s placed intheperiod V.Harris, literature: W. of theLatin birth of e teachingwas nota paid profession, an (Stuttgart: J.B.Metzlersch (Stuttgart: ludus litterarius . 23 learned bothGreekandLatinletters. Itwasquiteunusual,however Paulys Realencyclopädie derCla praeceptores) athome, or learnedliteracyinthemore Vita Hilarionis Vita Eucharisticon , 1.4.1. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Philological American of the and Proceedings Transactions Satiricon 8 prima elementa privilege of theroyal families; in Rome itwas , apublic institution didnot know better– asadults should –and De Beneficiis,3.21.2; Beata DeVita Quaestiones Romanae 20 Hellenistic system, butbecausetheRoman , 2. , 2.
, 46; Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus, Secundus, Caecilius Plinius , 46; Gaius e, 1942). Formore on slave education see S. L. , 81; see also Ibid., 74–80. 74–80. Ibid., seealso , 81; ) in theancientworldwas, school were four to five times schoolwerefourtofivetimes d that the firstelementary schoolin ssischen Altertumswissenschaft 24 , forchildrenwho attended Augustinewasanotable , 59. , 59. Harris itplausible finds 21 whichanyfreechild 25 . Inthekingdoms of De Graeco an de , 17.2. See, 17.2. Epistulae Ancient , ed. , CEU eTD Collection these schools was still quite low. low. schools was stillquite these Kaster, referto not did Quintilian inferred, asKasteraptly , 1.2);however, Oratoria Instituio Quintilianus, Fabius (Marcus evidence; Arnold Hugh Martin Jones, Jones, Martin Hugh Arnold evidence; not necessarily imply thatinstructionwas received in schools attended functionally illiterate,beingabletoread poorly oronlyblocklettersoninscriptions. literacy was wide-spread inRoman cities,letal they weresimply availablea 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 considers the sourcesforthelateantiqueperiod, thediminution ofliteraryproduction isevident Augustine’s ThagasteintheAfricanhinterland. well. girlsseems tohave joint educationofboysand been commonpracticeinHe attended the ludus of the suggest thatanumberpupils receivedinstructionintheGreek of elementary educationwasmore comm initially aprivilege of thesenatorial elite. 1915–1924), 577–578. 577–578. 1915–1924), Pomtow, Eric es Johann Hans Rudolf Kirchner, Gaertringen, Hillervon Friedrich ( Epistulae the in instruction the doceant “Whether the teachers teachletters Plinius, often for girls. An example is provided by Pliny the Younger, while mourning the death of a friend’s daughter: employment withthe skillstheylearnedthere; among the w irregular for a girlfrom apoorfamily γραμματοδιδασκαλεĩα atlarge,massively illiterate,wa “The population Jonesinferred that Marrou, H-I. Cf. Martialis, MarcusValerius See:R.A.Kaster, “Notes.” Esp. “The inst group and private issues of the discussed Quintilian Henri-Irénée Marouu, Lapidarias litteras scio litteras Lapidarias 30 .) Digesta Iustiniani Guardians of Language of Guardians
, 5.16.3.Epistulae grammaticus , 3.3.3. PaulinusPellaeus, Ludi litterarii Even thoughaninstitutionlikethe , 203. See Histoire, 203. prima elementa ludi litterarii ludi ; Sourcessuggestthatbothboysa , . ludi litterarii ludi Histoire de l’éducation dans l’Antiquité l’Antiquité dans Histoire de l’éducation 28 . Petronius Arbiter, Thechildrenofthepoorer existedinmostcities andtownsthroughouttheEmpire, evenin , 50.5.2.8. Epigrammata , 24. One must, however, keep in mind that the number of children who attended nd (tosome extent)affordable. incitiesor villages.” ( Eucharisticon must have existed in some villages as well, although there is little remaining remaining islittle there although aswell, some villages in existed must have
), institutions of low prestige that provi oflow prestige ), institutions , that merely, that is ABCs:seeR. the A. Kaster, “Notes,” 339. See alsoPlinius, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum Inscriptionum Sylloge The LaterRomanEmpire fact that different levels of instruction were conceived of assequential does to attend any kindofschool, becau , 9.68.1–2. One must, however, keep in mind that it must have been quite Satiricon on forthechildrenofwealthy; , 65. , 65. 26 ludus litterariusexisted,oneshouldnotassume that Severalsourcessuggest , 58. 31 9 one outsideofthem. Anumber ofpeoplewere
Theywerenotprestig s served (however ill) by the ‘schools ofletters’ ‘schools ill)bythe (however s served ealthier, itseems, privatetu Siue in ciuitatibus siue in uicis primas litteras magistri litteras magistri primas siuein uicis ciuitatibus in Siue ruction, himself preferring schools to private tutoring tutoring to private himself preferring schools ruction, citizens, iftheywereto (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1958), 360. 360. 1958), Seuil, du Éditions (Paris: nd girlsattendedthesame classes. , (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), 997. 997. 1964), Press, University Oxford , (Oxford: , ed. Wilhelm Dittenberger, 3 Dittenberger, Wilhelm ed. , in a regularsequence.”in Ibid.,328. ded general, utilitarian literacy.” R.A. literacy.” general,ded utilitarian and Latinalphabetintheschool se only boyswould be abletoget h Ziebarth (Leipzig: B.G.Teubner, (Leipzig: Ziebarth h that private(one-on-one) ious orofgoodquality; toring wasconducted more llenistic educationas beeducatedatall, 27 however,others 33 rd When one Whenone edition, ed. edition,ed. 29 The 32
CEU eTD Collection testimony. obtained in Carthage because theycannot If theselessonsweretakeninaschool–ou disinterested readingwerebecoming commoner,” However, hisassessment that“consultation 39 38 37 36 35 34 for “consultationandquotation.” and discussingVergilduringtheirretreatatCassici reading history –avastnumber of literate peoplewouldspendtheir time sitting intheir gardens and would beoverreaching (tosay theleast) to clai and disinterestedreadingcouldha consultation andquotationplayedagreaterrolein beside theeconomic ofthecodex,itis benefits textbooks andmanuals, apologetic thatwasmostly aresultoftherise of theprovincesempire. copies of(secular)books the output of civicandmilitary administrations, in in most fields, although itis farfrom aphenom For example: Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, V. Harris, W. V. Harris, W. Thecommonly accepted conclusion(there V. Harris, W. Forinstance, Augustine mentions how some books (Cicero’s works on rhetoric and philosophy) needto be belles lettres The age of seven wasusuallywhenachildst The ageofseven Ancient Literacy,297. Ancient Literacy,295–297. 285–322. Eigth, Ancient Literacy:Chapter . Anexample providedbyAugustine–thatofhim andhisgroupreading 36 34 wasoneofthereasonswhycode suffered anoticeable drop from atleast the late thirdcentury inmost
35 Accordingto Harris,anincreaseinreligiouspolemic and be foundinHippo. Aurelius Augustinus, ve suffered only inthenumbers ofpeopleabletodoit.It Saturae fore to be found inMarrou andKa , 14.10–14. , 14.10–14. enon unifiedintime andspace. Written contracts, 10 Christianity, aswellaincreasedproductionof and quotation instead of independent and andquotationinsteadofindependent m that–at anyperiod of Greco-Roman literary tside ofthehousehold–childwouldbe easiertolookforspecificinformation init. thediscussionsoflate acum –canhardlybecharacterizedasreading 38 scriptions (funerary orotherwise), eventhe istooextreme. While onecanadmit that arted toattendschool,ortakelessons. x came toreplacethepapyrus-roll; ster as well), based on sources and and based onsources as well), ster Epistulae antiquity,independent , 118.2.9. , 118.2.9. 39 37
CEU eTD Collection laboureres hired toteach child assessment Marrou’s th to lead back only world – was quite significant. R. Cribiore, referring to Gaius Valerius Catulus, Valerius to Catulus, Gaius referring Tranquillus, Suetonius Historiae Augustae Historiae Fronto, the that this professional may havetaught either th what isinmodernscholarship typicallycalled a Latin; varioussources–spanningse Nevertheless, thiswasnot sucharigid distinctio The 46 45 44 43 42 41 40 no prestige,andneitherdidtheteachers. magister the onlyrequirement wasthatthe teacher hims magister best suitedfor thebeginningofeducation. accompanied by aslavecalled Kaster, “Notes,”339. litterae it (in contrast to rhetor back. See “paidagogos” in Publius Cornelius Tacitus, Tacitus, Cornelius Publius Cicero, Foranin-depth analysis seeR.A. Tranquillus, Suetonius Gaius Toavoid confusion, only the term Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Hellenistic the of equivalent The trivialis scientia trivialis ars Litterator , see R. A. Kaster, ( Epistularium Frontonis: Frontonis Epis Frontonis Frontonis: Epistularium Digesta Iustiniani of the “teaching grammarian.” Ad hadanassistant, calle ; sometimes hewasevencalled The teacherwasmost oftencalled
Familiares ): Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius, Lactantius, Firmianus Caecilius ): Lucius liberales litterae : Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, Quintilianus, Fabius : Marcus
, 4.2.2. De Grammaticis , 9.18.4. GuardiansLanguage of Paulys Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft , 50.5.2.8.), which corresponds to the division: Annales ren askill.Cf. H-I. Marrou, Instutio Oratoria De Grammaticis
παιδαγωγός Kaster, “Notes.” Lactantiusdesignates the Carmina d onlybyaGreekname: , 3.66. Cribiore asserts that their role – providing literacy in a vastly illiterate literacy avastly illiterate in – providing role their , assertsthat 3.66. Cribiore paedagogus magister , 4.3, 5. Aulus Gellius, 5. , 4.3, at, intheeyesof the ad Gymnastics of the Mind veral centuries–suggestthat , 14.8. For more on the various names ofinstructors below the rank of 44 Tobecomea , 1.1.15. , a slave who would – quite literally – lead the child to school and toschool child the lead – – literally quite would who , aslave Institutio Oratoria Institutio , 443–446. , 443–446. (with orwithout 41 46 tulae ad Marcum Antoninum Imperatorem, 1.5.3. , 4.4. Martianus Capella, litterator
. Asapaidposition,thejobof (ludi)magister 40 Quintilianbelieved thatthe ageof sevenwasthe 11 e simple ABCsorwhatisgenerallyacceptedas Histoire n assome haveinferred,inGreekor scholars grammaticus elf be(functionally) literate.Sometimes the , 42 magister ults, the antique teachers weremere “technicians,” , 16.6.1, Atticae Noctes 18.9.2. Marcus Cornelius acalqueoftheGreek , 206 quoted above. , 50. However, no testimony is offered, which can , 1.4.27. Sometimes they are described as primae ) ludi will beused forthisteacher. υποδιδάσκαλος or Divinae magister ludi(litterarii) , ora“teachinggrammarian,” and litterae communes /liberales. communes litterae didnotrequireadvancedstudies: De Nuptiis Philologiae etMercurii Philologiae De Nuptiis prima elementa as
litterator Instutiones . 45 Theschoolitselfhad . magister , 3.25. Quintilian called called Quintilian , 3.25. was usedtodenote γραμματιστής communes litterae litterae communes wasbetter primus orprimus See Gaius Cf.R.A. Scriptores . 43 ,
CEU eTD Collection Iunius Iuuenalis, 10.224. 10.224. 315. fr illiteracyofthe inevitably thatpoor follows “The asserted taxes, like the Furthermore, the in school. dangers ofdepravitywithaprivatetutoragainst a desiretomake elementary schoolingaffordab 56 55 54 53 52 51 50 49 48 47 The more dedicated–wasnotverygood. albeit private ones, each onebad in hisownway: anyone coulddoit,andmany wereunder-qualified. gather larger classes,whichmust havehinderedthelearningprocess. fifty fitted for afreedman. The childrenweretolearnhowread,write,anddobasiccalculations. Poetica the education was even less accomplished. Origenes secundum translationem Rufini, Homiliae Numeros In Petronius, Jerome addressed the issues of choosi , 1.2. Oratoria See Institutio also Fabius Quintilianus, Ibid., Marcus 1.3.17. Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Saturae Literacy Harris,Ancient Vernon William Juvenal says Grege multo habent non muneribus ciuibus a immunitatem docent litteras primas pueros Qui . (denarios) quinquaginta pueris menstruos insingulis litterarum institutori Magistro Scriptores Historiae Augustae Ludus Litterarius denarii , 325-330. However, the frequent use ofthe abacus and of The morality oftheteacherwasoftenques
The educationalprogrammeofthe 53 , 46. Satiricon Sincethere were noformalrequirements forthejobofmagister perpupilwas established; : Prudentius, : Prudentius, rara tamen merces Saturae grammatici magistri , 7.228. , 7.228. 47 Furthermore, the Liber Peristephanon and ItsProgramme andthe , 18.3.2. “Métier payé et, qui pis est, mal payé.” H-I. Marrou, Marrou, est,mal et,qui H-I. pis payé payé.” “Métier , 18.3.2. – “thosewhoteachthefirstletters”
when speaking ofa grammarian’s sa ng an adequate teacher: Hieronymus, rhetores. For Augustine, itwasasboring as reading and writing: “Then already 55 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 308. However, he also also he However, 308. 1989), Press, University Harvard (Cambridge:
49 , 9. Harris inferred that the reas magistri 51
ludus Finally,becauseof lowincome,the 12 le to“asurprisinglylargenumber ofpeople.” those whofearforthemoralwelfareofachild onewasquitelazy, while wasassimple asthatof itsHellenistic model. om the lack of subsidies for elementary education.” Ibid, education.” elementary for om lack subsidies of the were poorlypaid; 54 tioned as well; Quintilianpointed out the Petroniusmentions acoupleof teachers, calculi , 27.13. See alsoQuin (pebbles) seems toindicate that this part of lary, which Decimus was muchlary, which higher; –werenotexempt from certain Epistulae 48 . 52 on forthismight havebeen Digesta Iustiniani underDiocletian,arateof
Edictum Diocletiani Edictum , 107.4.5. , 107.4.5. tus HoraciusFlaccus, theother – although , otherthanliteracy, Histoire 56 magistri Therewere, , 50.5.2.8. , 50.5.2.8. , 205. , 205. , 7.66. , 7.66. hadto Ars Ars 50 ,
CEU eTD Collection Nordafrika der Römischen Kaiserzeit Quoted from Eucharisticon education wasnotsignificant, 69 68 67 66 65 64 63 62 61 60 59 58 57 odiosa cantio mihi erat ‘one and one is two, two and two is four’ how I hated that song!” ( would goontosyllables pairs –AX,BV,CT, learned allthelettersby heart,from AtoX, tablets made ofwoodorivory,which names: school, boysandgirlsfirstlearnedtheLatinalphabet, learned the GreekalphabetaswellLatin. a specifictime. them, andone caninferthatthey wouldofferless nevertheless, some variationsin Cicero, University Press, 1920.) L’alfabeto ela pronunzia del latino Greek alphabet. Theconsonants had avocal added (for Paul Migne (Paris: Migne, 1841). appropriate when referring to educa most the tobe appears school” term“Latin the schools, Latinophone and Hellenophone both of consisted Vita Caesarum Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Quintilianus, MarcusFabius See H.-I. Marrou, alphabet letters,from Latin had Ato The only twenty-one X, because Y and Z were considered Greekletters. Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Epistulae Hieronymus, TitusMacciusPlautus, Thename wascoined by H.-I. Marrou in the Histoire Augustinus, Aurelius E.g. SeeR.A. Kaster, Prudentius mentions amagister teaching Scriptores Historiae Augustae Litterarum nomina et contextum prius formas prius quam etcontextum nomina Litterarum De 63 Education began withlearningthe letters.Astheschoolswerebilingual, thechildren “thenames andorderofthe
Natura Deorum Quintilian: Institutio Oratoria Oratoria Institutio Quintilian: , 65. , 65. , 2.88. , 2.88. 58 , 45. , 45. Language of Guardians Nonetheless, major changes withintheprogramme wereanexception. , 364. Histoire, 364. .) Augustinus, Augustinus, .) , 107.4.2. The letters of the Latin alphabet did not have actual names, like those of the of those names, like actual have not did Latin alphabet the of letters The , 107.4.2. 67 Mercator De Ordine 2.93; see also Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, MarcusQuintilianus, see also Fabius 2.93; Confessiones andsoon–othercombinations. 69 , 1.1.25. Oratoria Hieronymus,Institutio , 1.1.26. Oratoria Hieronymus,Institutio andthenwordsbeginningwithth , 7.1.6. (Bologna: R. Pàtron, 1967), 11. tion attained in the Latin language. the Latin language. in tion attained 60 . (Brussels: Latomus, 1997), Latomus,367. 1997), . (Brussels: , 2.2.303. See also: Quintilian, Quintilian, Seealso: , 2.2.303. thisthesiswillfocussolelyonthe“Latinschool.” theprogrammes oftheseschools: , 2.7.24. Quoted from “De Ordine,” in in Ordine,” from “De , 2.7.24. Quoted , 1.13.20. Cf. Ibid., Epistulae Confessiones shorthand. Aurelius vol. 1,Loeb ClassicalLibrary.Ed letters before their shapes.” were sometimes giftedtogoodpupils. 66 . Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, Quintilianus, Fabius . Marcus Schule und Bildung im Bildung und Schule Vössing, SeeKonrad , 1.13.22. then backwards from XtoA,theninfirst andlast 13 59 example:CE, HY,and BE,soon).See Alfonso Traina, ons dependingontheneedsofaspecificareaat However,sincetheGreekpartofAugustine’s . Considering that, inthe West, the“Roman school” Prudentius Clemens, 62 Iam uero unum et unum duo, duo et duo quattuor, quattuor, duo et duo duo, unum et unum uero Iam startingbylearningtheletterstheir
, 222.2. , 222.2. Instituito Oratoria Instituito , 107.4.2. , 107.4.2. Epistulae , 107.4.2. Epistulae Institutio Oratoria, Oratoria, Institutio e simpler ones(ofone syllable), 68 Patrologia Latina Latina Patrologia After these combinations they 57 . G.P. Goold. (Cambridge: Harvard therewereagreatnumber of 64 Theywererepresented on Liber Peristephanon Institutio Oratoria Institutio , 1.4.1. Palinus Pellaeus, 1.4.9. Cf. Suetonius, vol. 32, ed. Jacques 65 61 The children IntheLatin , 1.1.24–25. , 9. De
CEU eTD Collection , 1.1.24–25 quoted above. above. quoted , 1.1.24–25 Oratoria Institutio Cf. Quintilianus, Fabius Marcus Ibid., 169–170. graspofthe aalphabet: had proper they texts short before copying letters, whenthereisa (natural) Princeton University Press, 2001), 166–167. 166–167. Press, 2001), University Princeton device: R. Cribiore, so thathe(or she)would learn the how towrite.The proper words; only forbuildingandexercisingmemory, butin 80 79 78 77 76 75 74 73 72 71 70 used the scribes andnotaries. names. competent enoughtowritewholewords,theywe progressing from letters tosyllables andthen towords. syllables), and groups ofabecedarii they wereparticularly difficult. excellent readingandspeakingskills. progressing quicklytothelonge Clarendon Press, 1996). 1996). Press, Clarendon Greek–English Lexicon Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, Quintilianus, MarcusFabius For more about this,see H-I. Marrou, Mind the of Gymnastics SeeR.Cribiore, ifaludimagister be it would how ridiculous mentions Augustine Seneca Philosophus, Origenes secundum translationem Rufini, Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Ibid., 1.1.32, 34. Especially the alphabet which they used not only to read and write, but asakind of mnemonic and organizational Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Χαλινοί 78 : (horseback-riding accoutrements) bit, reins; (metaphorically) anything that restrains. restrains. See “ that anything accoutrements) reins;(metaphorically) bit, : (horseback-riding At thesame time, inessentia Thismethod hadnotchangedsinceitwas stilus tofollow theform ofthelettersonwaxtablets; 71 nominarii thesyllablesandwordshadtobe Gymnastics of the Mind:GreekEducatio of Gymnastics magister , 15.94. , 15.94. Epistulae , comp. H.G. Liddell andR. Scott, rev. Sir H.S. Jones, R. McKenzie et al. (Oxford: 79 (thoselearningthealphabet), However,anothermethod wasempl (thosewhohaveprogressedtowholewords). , 1.1.30–33. , 1.1.30–33. Oratoria Institutio , 1.1.27. Oratoria Hieronymus,Institutio , 1.1.37. Oratoria Institutio dicendi ordo firstdrewtheletterandthengui
74 Histoire Accordingtotheiradvancement, r andmore complicatedones. ductus In Numeros Numeros Homiliae In ; Aurelius Augustinus, ; Aurelius Augustinus, lly thesame mannerasreading,thechildrenbegantolearn , 167–169. Some evidence suggests Some evidence , 167–169. 72 , 19–24. , 19–24. Certainwords,called χαλινοί of theletter. 14 order toremember correctspellingand the re obligedtolearnhow first introducedintheOrientalschoolsfor syllabarii , 27.13. 76 n in Hellenistic andRoman Egypt De Ordine Thepupilsthenpracticedontheirown, 77 spokenrapidlyinordertodevelop However,beforethechildrenwere , 107.4.2–3. , 107.4.2–3. Epistulae started teaching his pup ded the child’s hand over the model ded thechild’shandovermodel
oyed inRomanschools;thepupil (thosewhohaveprogressedto 80 70 , 2.7.24. , 2.7.24. Marroubelievedthistobean Repetitionwasessential,not thepupilsweredivided into that children wouldeven start 75 ,
73 werechosenbecause towritetheirown ils syllablesbefore χαλινός (Princeton: ” in A CEU eTD Collection Dialogus de Oratoribus criticism about the general state ofthings regardingchild 87 86 85 84 83 82 81 school from ayoungage, becausethatcouldimpede theirfurtherstudies. important to balanceout criticism andpraise; and eventhen itwascriticizedbeca manum ferulaesubducere. with astickwhentheymade mistakes, notonly The twotogethermade schoolqu problem wasthatitalltoodull;themainte memory andatalentforemulation. Aswithchildr grammaticus have beenexceptionally limited, amongotherthings to assume thatthe recited aswell,toexercisethememory andtolearnread speakcorrectly. innovation oftheRomans. Hieronymus, Hieronymus, Hieronymus, , 1.2.6; Oratoria Instituio nunc Fabius pueri Quintilianus, Marcus in scholis ludunt Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, 1.15; cf. Publius Ovidius Naso, Cf. Macrobius Ambrosius Theodosius, Quintilianus, MarcusFabius H-I. Marrou, It isclearthatthemost desirablequalitiesinapupil(aside fromdiscipline)wereagood . Histoire Epistulae Epistulae 83
magistri , 28-29. , 365. , 365. , 107.4.4. , 107.4.4. , 107.4.3. Instituio Oratoria , 1.1.32,Instituio 36;1.3.1. 81 alsoexplained some ofthereadings 84 Everything thatwasreadandwrit Thisapproachwasneverquesti
ite unpopularamong thechildren.Themagistri Saturnalia , 1.24.12. use leniency wentagainst tradition. 86 itwasimportant thatstudentsdonotgrowtohate 15 nance ofdisciplinewasa forinfractions.“Tostudy” -rearing and education, see: Amores en everywhereandateverytime, thegreatest because explanations weretheprovince ofa , 1.13.17–18. , 1.13.17–18. oned beforethefirstcenturyAD, ten hadtobelearnedbyheartand to acertainextent,butthishad 85 ; Petronius, ; Petronius, 87 Jerome felt thatitwas nother important issue. Publius Cornelius Tacitus,
could be worded as couldbewordedas 82 Itmakes sense Satiricon struckpupils , 4.For CEU eTD Collection Augustine’s judgment of Patricius’ motives: Ibid., 2.3.8. motives:2.3.8. Ibid., ofPatricius’ judgment Augustine’s notwithstanding), saying that hedid more forhim than wealthier fathers haddone for their sons; Ibid., 2.3.5. For Augustinus, Aurelius Saint Augustin , 38–39. tosubstantiate isnothing there however, peregrinari. is unknown,howeveritwasprobablybetween theyears365and367. 96 95 94 93 92 91 90 89 88 the lessons of the The te cost. frugally inordertogiveAugustineaneduca describes himself asapoorman, descendedfrom poorparents. asa father his Augustine’s fatherPatriciuswasacurialis II: Itwasapparently notun The praecepta parentum Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Possidius, Lancelinferred that he was around eleven. See: SergeLancel, Augustinus, Aurelius acher. Mihi reducto a Madauris, in qua uicina urbe iam coeperam litteraturae atque oratoriae percipiendae gratia gratia percipiendae oratoriae atque litteraturae iamcoeperam urbe uicina qua in Madauris, a reducto Mihi Grammaticus Latinus Gra 95 Lancelsurmised thatAugustinemay havestay 96 The exactyearwhenAugustinestartedtoattendthegrammarian’s schoolinMadaura There wasnostrictruleorrecommendation atwhatageachildshouldbeginattending mmaticus Latinus
Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Vita Augustini tenuis municeps Confessiones grammaticus , 356.13. Sermones, 356.13. , 126.7.Epistulae Confessiones Confessiones of of , 1.1. , 1.1. usual forteachers to supplement theirincome byreceivingstudents intheirhome, Confessiones and HisSchool Confessiones , 2.3.8. Augustine extolled the efforts efforts of the extolled , 2.3.8.Augustine
, 2.3.5. , 1.13.22. . Thisstageofeducationbegan , this in Augustine’s case, therefore it is left only as a possibility. S. Lancel, case,thereforeitisleftonly asa S.Lancel, Augustine’s possibility. in this 92 withnosubstantialproperty, , 1.10.16; , 2.3.5. , 91 spes litterarum, quas ut nossem nimis uolebat parens uterque the family was notwea thefamily was tion, which both his parents felt was worth the tion, whichbothhisparentsfeltwasworththe 16 Saint Augustin Saint ed witharelativeinMadaura,oreven his fatherto educatehim(hismotives after the pupilhadmastered the (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 36. 94 93 Theyhadtosaveandlive and in a sermon he even Venditores grammaticae lthy; Augustinementions 90 Eventhough . 89 88 .
CEU eTD Collection Oxford Latin Latin Dictionary Oxford uelum pergula. 110 109 108 107 106 105 104 103 102 101 100 99 98 97 significantly greaterthan thatofa a cloaktheywore, and agrammaticusLatinus difference beingthat intheLatinWe around theroom. paintings surrounded byhispupils. mathematical skills. Accordingtothesources, skills offeredinprimaryeduc (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968). 1968). Press, Clarendon (Oxford: Diocletiani ( (usually monetary) circumstances. Cf. A. D. Booth, proper the with started a child atwhich the age likelihood, Grammatico Graeco sibe Latino et geometrae in singulis discipulis menstruos (denarios) ducentos .) Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Ovidius, Suetoniusmentions thatNero was entruste “Tothe grammarian, Greek or Latin, and geometer forasingle pupil two hundred (denarii)month.” a “Paenula, ~ae, Forexample: Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Augustinus, Aurelius Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Augustinus, Aurelius Titus “Pergula,~ae,f. Paenulatorum magistrorum Augustinus, : Aurelius XII
Panegyrici Latini , 102 Liuius, 100 The grammarian’s school wast A 104 , 7.70. separatedtheschool from thestreet.Th Tristia The andmaps grammaticus Ab Vrbe Condita Libri Scriptores HistoriaeAugustae , 2.369-370. Martialis, : A more or less open attachment to the of the front to : Amore attachment orless open ludi litterarii f. : a close-fitting, hooded cloak, made of weatherproof material.” made weatherproof cloak, of hooded : aclose-fitting, Confessiones (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968). See 1968). Press, Clarendon (Oxford: , 4.20–21. , 4.20–21. Confessiones Confessiones 108 105 atleast inlate antiquity. coveredthewalls,andseveralbustsofgreatpoets Saturae Saturae 103 was identical to hisHellenistic namesake, the . 107 Unlike the often occupiedasimilar spaceandlocation.
Itwouldseem thatthegrammari , 1.16.26. , 7.226–227. , 7.226–227. , 7.203. , 1.16.26. , 1.13.22. , 3.44.6. ation (uptofouryears), Epigrammata magister st every pupil needed two of them: a st everypupilneededtwoofthem: d toSeneca at theage , 18.3.2. See also also See 18.3.2. , ludus ypically locatednearaforum, “Elementary and Secondary Education,” 1, 3–5. Education,” 1, Secondary and “Elementary . 110 Confessiones , thegrammarian’sschoolwasdecorated; , 8.3.15–16. Cf. above, girls in the Cf. girls in above, , 8.3.15–16. girls andboysstillatte
17 Grammatici training in grammar depended on the child’s abilities and and abilities the child’s on in grammar depended training e teachersaton anelevatedchair,the
109 Suetonius, Suetonius, Codex Theodosianus The , 1.16.25 a building, used for trading and other purposes.” of eleven: Suetonius, of eleven: wereexempt from theircivic (fiscal) 97 De Grammaticis grammaticus’ thatis,theABCsandbasic ans couldeasilyberecognizedby nded lessonstogether. 99 , 13.3.11(quoted below). ina“boutique” calleda 101 ludus grammaticus Graecus 106 , 18.1. officialsalarywas Oxford Latin Dictionary Latin Oxford Adrapery,called wereplaced Vita Neronis Vita . γραμματικός cathedra , 7. In all In , 7. Edictum Edictum 98 ; the
,
CEU eTD Collection they receive were determined in were notasafesourceofincome because however, neverreachedfame ora fees from their pupils. The most popularteachers couldaskfor themost money;the established chairs of grammar inthe cities received both stipends from the cityand individual 118 117 116 115 114 113 112 111 more illustrious men. position withintheeducational system andthe themselves usuallycamefrom greater whenthesame men weremere boysinthegrammarian’s school.Thegrammarians the grammarian wereno greaterthan magister income was roughlywhatajockey still exemptions and asalaryfourtimes schools wouldproducenewmembers duties. , 205. , 205. Language of Guardians quan in necessarily even or – kind in different was not freedmen. and) (slaves W. s for and V. werefewer opportunitie there Harris, positions that he deduced freedmen, of epitaphs the number in of withthe decrease Combined easternhalf. the only in not empire, throughout the existed musthave they furthermore that existed, have must people poor for schools Chrysostom), that from some examples of poor men rising through the ranks of society (mentioned, for instance, by Libanius and John Theodosianus R.A. Kaster, Even the famous grammarian Quintus Remmius Palaemon was born a slave. Suetonius, “Sincethegrammarian andtheeducat Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, 242–243. Ibid., Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, of number The “otherliteraryprof grammarians and doctors, Medical rara mercesandquitefarfrom comfortable livingwages; 111 , because his education was more advanced.However,theknowledgeand theskills of The Establishingchairsofgrammar incitieswasimportant fortheempire becausethese ,13.3Ibid., (passim). 13.3.1pr. Formore, see grammaticus , 207–209. , 207–209. Language of Guardians grammatici grammatici 118 Theystarted toattain more respect Saturae Saturae and and a lawa passedthe emperorGratian by occupied asomewhatmore elevat
rhetores , 7.157. , 7.157. , 7.228–229. the lowerstrata of society, ed layman occupied largelycommon ttained asmuch respectas the would earninonecircusvictory. greater than thecompensation fora (both Greek and Latin) to be hired for various cities and the payment thepayment to be hired for various citiesand Greek andLatin) (both that ofanyotherwelleducatedman; of theimperialadministration. parents oftentriedtoavoidpayingthem. 18 tity – from that of any well-bred litteratus.” R.A.Kaster, litteratus.” well-bred any of from tity – that essors” were immune from duties on their property. Codex their property. on from wereimmune duties essors” Roman societydependedonthepatronageof .
117 Codex Theodosianus andtheyheldapaidposition;their at theturnoffirstcentury AD, 113 ed positioninsocietythan the according toJuvenalthe yearly ground, the grammarian’s knowledge knowledge the grammarian’s ground, rhetores 114 Grammarians 112 magister’s Yeteven withthese Ancient Literacy Ancient did.Thetuitionfees De Grammaticis , 13.3.11. Harrisinferred, 116 they were only 115 work,itwas
grammatici who filled , 288. , 23. , CEU eTD Collection proscholus and differentstagesofeducation,the station insociety, whilegr not give grammaragood name likeSenecaor Quin and insignificant,” Quintilian in fact defended the artof 127 126 125 124 123 122 121 120 119 “grammar,” howeveritwasstillpe Teaching the a schoolwithnonameoneself; to education, however many upstartsopted tobecome assistantsbecauseitwaseasierthanstarting school. with akeenintellect: the workwastedious, eloquence. when theycame toberegardedthe“guardiansof language.” 178.7.8. kill thewretchedteachers. Quoted from University Press, 1920.) Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Empire Roman See A.H.M. Jones,Later The Decimus Magnus Ausonius, repetita itcrambe calling times, itseveral even satirerefersto seventh Juvenal’s Quintilianus, See:Marcus Fabius Cf.R. A. Kaster, Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Forexample, Qui hanc artem ut tenuem atque ieiunam cauillantur. ieiunam tenuem atque ut artem Qui hanc Proscholi Considering thegreatnumberofpupilsinone In lateantiquity 123 or Quintilian: Institutio Oratoria Oratoria Institutio Quintilian: Nevertheless,theteachingofgrammar coul Grammatici, custodes Latini sermonis Latini custodes Grammatici, Ars Grammatica subdoctor GuardiansLanguage of oftenhadthesame educationas 122 , 178.7.8. Sermones, 178.7.8. becausegoodgrammar isthes Decimus IuniusIuuenalis, Saturae ; 125 Comemmoratio Professorum Burdigalensium ars therewereusuallyseveralof ammar could rise withmore
, 1.4.5–6. Oratoria Institutio , 7.215 sqq. sqq. , 7.215 grammatica
126 rceived anddefinedprimarily as itwasasafebutnotwellpaidposition. , 57, 68–69. , 57, 68–69. grammar against “those whocriticizethis grammaticus vol. 1,Loeb ClassicalLibrary.Ed , 1001. , 1001. repetitive, andquitefarfrom stimulating. Saturae was already becoming whatistoday considered . Seneca Philosophus, 19 Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, FabiusMarcus Quintilianus, , 7.154. , 7.154. had tohaveatleast one assistant, calledeither tilian; neither could grammar domuchforhis grammatici class andtheirdisparatelevelsoflearning d neverbeofgreatinteresttoaman ource ofgoodlanguageandthus ease thegrammarians couldnot. 119 them, dependingonthesizeof Freedmen like Palaemon Epistolae , thatis acompleted rhetorical , 23. Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius , 23. . G.P. Goold. (Cambridge: Harvard an exegesisofpoeticworks; – reheated cabbage – which will – which cabbage reheated – , 95.65. , 95.65. , 1.4.5. Oratoria Institutio 127
science
124
as trifling
120 Sermones, could could 121
CEU eTD Collection ( 134 133 132 131 130 129 128 task was the the exegesis – before thestudentscouldreadit had assisted. grammarians didthiswork;theyofteninherited mark possiblyconfusingpartsofthetext. poetry was studied, regular rulesofaccentuation a were writtenwithoutpunctuati Hellenistic system. schools, the teachers,the programmes,andthe follow the strictrules, categories, and definitions thatmodern grammar instruction entails.The writing and speaking correctly.” put it:“theartofgrammar primarily consistsintheunderstand great poetrywasthechiefsubjectof century BC:H-I. Marrou, in atext (of the Bible in this case), Ibid., 3.2.2–4.8 passim. Cf. P. Gemeinhardt, pronuntiauerimus aut distinxerimus, male (Sed itbadly.” cum or pronounce uerbadistinguish propria faciunt ambiguam Scripturam, primo uidendum est ne Honoratus, Seruius suprêmes dela culture.” H-I. Marrou, Institutiones Aurelius Cassiodorus, Magnus Seealso: Flauius 1864). Teubner, 4,ed. H. Keil(Leipzig: vol. Latini Grammatici ( Est autem grammatica uocis articulataecustos et moderatrix disciplina μεθοδική Following the Hellenistic tradition, where this form where gr of tradition, Hellenistic the Following Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Cf. “But when words themselves make Scritpures the ambiguous, we should first make surethat wedid not For more see H-I. Marrou, des valeurs l’hommeune cultivé, de attributs des principaux estun des lapoètes “Parce connaissance que . Maurus ratione loquendiue rectescribendi etin poetarum intellectu in consistit praecipue Ars grammatica The firsttask ofagrammarian Before anythingcouldbedoneinschool,the , , 2.1.1. Cf.“The art ofgrammar isthe guardian ratio loquendi,recteloquendiscientia,uerboruminterpretatio 132
Explanationes in Artem Donati 130
Histoire , 3.2.2. Christiana De Doctrina Histoire , 1.8.13; Oratoria (Ibid.,Institutio 2.5.4the forsame work ofthe , 236–238. , 236–238. ennaratio
Histoire , 236-238. , 236-238. on andwithno spacesbetweenwords; furthermore, because aloud, hereadthetextandgave 129 .) Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, .) Aurelius The ratioscribendiloquendiue The studyinthegrammarian’s school. , 235. –whichconsistedofexpl
in anylessonwasaninitialreading –the praelectio , 4.486. Quoted from: “ 131 20 Oneshouldnotassume thatthemajority of methods essentially acarbon-copyofthe were textbooks from theirteachers,orteachersthey ammar was added to the exegetical grammar in the first the in grammar exegetical tothe ammar wasadded nd rhythm didnotapply;theteacherhad to of articulated speaking and discipline of moderation. ofmoderation. discipline and speaking articulated of De Doctrina Christiana teacher hadtopreparehis texts.Works .) Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, .) Aurelius ing ofthepoetsandfaculty shortexplanations.Thesecond Explanationes in Artem Donati Das lateinische Christentum lateinische Das aining atextmethodically , forthemost part,didnot 128 As Servius succinctly succinctly AsServius , 3.2.2. More on confusion confusion on , 3.2.2.More ), and historically Soliloquii rhetor ). , 2.11.19. , 2.11.19. , 42–43. , 42–43. 133 ,” in 134 –
CEU eTD Collection Conrelius Tacitus, Tacitus, Conrelius new poetsreachedfame, theyenteredth probably around26BC,whileVergil 141 140 139 138 137 136 135 of oldwriters–the Pomponius Atticus; “hewasthefirst tostartreadingVergilandothernew poets.” scholarly programme wasQuintus Euripides, Menander,andDemo the programmes ofgrammaticalstudies; theGr The LatinClassics need. clearly indicating whatisusefuland whereitis the greatestbenefitsofartgrammararethatit historical explanationsaddressed methodically entailed theformal ortechnicalgra ( 16.2. grammaticus ιστορική H-I. Marrou, Cf.Quintus Horatius Flaccus, H-I. Marrou, Quintilianus, Cf.MarcusFabius Quintilianus, MarcusFabius Quintilianus, Fabius Marcus Primusque Vergilium et alios poetas nouos praelegere coepisse praelegere nouos poetas etalios Vergilium Primusque 136
When Latinliteraturebegantodevelopmore However, bytheendofnextcentury there wasatraditionalist reaction; , : Cicero, enaratio auctorum,poetarumenarratio,historiarum cognitio Histoire Histoire Dialogus deOratoribus De Oratore 137 ueteres Latini , 373. , 373. , 373.
, 1.8.17. Oratoria Institutio Sermones , 1.187. Institutio Oratoria Institutio Institutio Oratoria Institutio
the persons, stories, andplaces inthe text. Quintilian saidthat –wereextolled.Why abandonthem sthenes. Thefirstrecorded sthenes. , 20.H-I.Marrou, Caecilius Epirota,afreedman ofCicero’s close friendTitus , 1.10.72–75. Marcus Valerius Martialis, wasstillalive:beforethe e programme ofthegrammarian’sschool. , 1.8.1–12. , 1.8.1–12. , 1.4.2, 1.9.1. Cicero succinctly listed the duties ofthe 21 mmar: thewordsthemselves; theexegesisor useful; certainly something afuture orator will eek schoolshadtheirownclassics:Homer, Histoire introducestheappropr rapidly inthefirst century BC,itaffected . Gaius Suetonius Tranqullius, . Gaius Tranqullius, Suetonius , 373. , 373. Aeneid grammarianwhoupdatedthe Epigrammata waseverpublished. when,infact,theywere ). 135 iate useoflanguage, Explaining the text text the Explaining , 1.35.1–2. Publius Publius , 1.35.1–2. 140 De Grammaticis De
141
138 themerits Thiswas 139 As , CEU eTD Collection and created theillusion th 148 147 146 145 144 143 142 grammarian wentintoeverysingletinydetailofthetext. teaching isbasedupon. Terence, Sallust, andCicero continuebeingthe canon” ofLatinclassics,onceestablished,re same literarylanguage,from thesame literaryworks,withequalpedantism. the Balkans(suchasJerome), andRoman fromGaul(suchasPa educated isevidentfromthesources;aRoman literature and theLatin language;itmaintained th schools ofgrammar, whichonly month. education onehastolearntheworkofatrusted signalled aneedforestablishing a“grammatical canon;” toensurea studied inschoolbyallthenewauthors? 1.15.17. See H-I. Marrou, them at to worst, they blinded change; at Press, 1992), schools of literarystudy 40. Wisconsin “The Cicerone, Digesta per Litteras Cicerone, approached a common experience.” R. A. Kaster, Antique Culture la de etla Fin Augustin P.Brown, 223–224. 2001), Press, University Oxford R.A. to family): classes Kaster, only (second ruling the expanded and maintained sc grammarian’s afterChrist,the first five centuries A.D. 337–425 Marcus PorciusCatoCensor, 1.8.11. Cf. Publius Conrelius Tacitus, Conrelius Cf.Publius 1.8.11. Cf. Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Saturae Cassiodorusrefferred tothe workofArusius Messius( 675 “Education,” Cameron, A. Cf. Cf.PeterBrown, in Literary Culture” and “Education Cameron, Averil Cf. H-I. Marrou, Poetssuch as Quintus Ennius, Lucius Accius, Marcus Pa 143 From theearlyEmpire tolate antiquity , ed. Peter Garnsey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Cambridge , PeterGarnsey(Cambridge: ed. Histoire Power and Persuasion in Late An Histoire , 373–374. , 373–374. 147 and Tiberius and Gaius Gracchi. at times hadnotchanged. ) astheQuadriga Messii Althoughthenumber ofauthorsa , 375, 553 (n. 29). For more about the Hellenistic canon, see Ibid., 223–242. seeIbid., 223–242. canon, Hellenistic the more about For , 553 (n. 29). 375,
thefact ofchange.” R. A.Kaster, Dialogus de Oratoribus . J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz, (De Boccard:Paris,1938), , 7.233–236. strengthened theco GuardiansLanguage of 142 tiquity:Towards aChristian Empire Forothers,thequickadoptionofnewmaterial 22 hool was the second most important institituion which which institituion most important second wasthe hool The CambridgeAncient History PowerPersuasion and mained thesame throughoutantiquity;Vergil, from Africa(suchasAugustine),aRoman from author –aclassicandnotthefavouriteof . Flauius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus, Institutiones, Institutiones, Cassiodorus, Aurelius Magnus . Flauius cuuius, Publis Terentius Afer, and prose writers such as e literary culture oftheLatinRoman élite, best did nothing to prepare their students to understand understand to students their to prepare nothing did best Exempla Elocutionum ex Virgilio, Sallustio, Terentio, Terentio, Sallustio, exVirgilio, Elocutionum Exempla quadriga , 20. little hadchangedintheprogrammes ofthe 145 Marcus Fabius Quintilianus, Theculturalhegemony among thewell- 4,20.“Offering those classestheonething that 148 servatism andtraditionalism ofLatin Decline and Fall of the Roman City Roman the of Fall Decline and Press, 1998), 674; Kaster concludes that in the the in that Kasterconcludes 674; Press, 1998),
, 13; cf. Language Ibid., of 12. Guardians , 14. on whichtheLatingrammarian’s nd textsmayseem scarce,the ulinus ofNola)allstudiedthe , 40.Henri-Irénée Marrou, Guardians of Language stable andworthwhile vol. 13: 146 (Madison: University of (Madison: The“grammatical , Oratoria Institutio The Late Empire, Empire, Late The , 14. (Oxford: Saint Saint 144
CEU eTD Collection 154 153 152 151 150 149 when itwasdisplayed in shimmering poetry –th Augustine andthe that aremost akintohim. beginners, but pleasantenoughaswell:both useful maître surl’école.” to Cicero. Quintilian recommended Livy–“the greatauthor of unexpected,butthemainbe somewhat hi limited himself toquestionsoflanguageand(t programme ofthe schools. are preservedtodaytheoneswithmoralisticmessages, themost popularversesinancient the GreekMenander);Terenceonlyreachedpopular curriculum, theirroleislesssignificant.HefollowedbyTere though other great Roman poets, suchasHorace, corresponded completely toHomer’s Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Quintilianus, MarcusFabius H-I. Marrou, H-I. Marrou, H-I. Marrou, Historiae maior auctor Fabius Quintilianus, . Marcus 149 It wastheloveofLatinlanguage,and admiration for itsbeauty –especially Strictly speaking,historyandorat Unquestionably, Vergilwastheforemost 151
Quitenaturally,Cicerowastheprinceof Histoire Histoire Histoire grammaticus Grammaticus Latinus 152 , 374. , 374. , 374. , 374. Confessiones Livyand,followinghim, Quintilian 153 , 2.5.20. Oratoria Institutio
, 1.13.21–22. , 1.13.21–22. was dedicatedtothem aswell;however,thegrammarianmostly Iliad
storian studiedinschoolswasSallust; ory wereinthe in theschoolsof Institutio Oratoria Institutio 23 echnical) grammar.Toa at drewAugustineto poetintheLatinschools;with
andenjoyable; and afterhim alltheauthors ity during theEmpire, andthefragments that history” –becausehewasthemostsimilar remain apart of theLatin grammarian’s oratory inLatinsc province of the felt thatCiceroisclearenoughfor , 2.5.19. nce (whocorrespondsperfecltyot grammaticus Graecus the worldoflearning. modern observeritmay rhetor hools: “ilrègneen , butpartofthe 150 thenagain, Aeneid ; even 154 In he he CEU eTD Collection possible thatRomanianus openedtheschool; rhetoric inatownwhich,some tenyearsearlier, 160 159 158 157 156 155 Carthage toteachrhetoric (again grammarian must havebeenexceedingly tedious denizen. 375). Therehetaughtasa barbarism inspeakingmore thanminding nottoenvythosewhohadnot. important thanthefactthathetooisa pronounce how much people,“thesonsofmen,” observethelettersandsyll the Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. S.Lancel, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius I townin which was ( inthe born.” teaching “Istarted Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Confessiones 159 When Augustinefinishedhisformal education Confessiones Nonetheless,Augustinedidnotstayin omo Saint Augustin , 68. inestead of , Augustineheavilycriticized Contra Academicos Confessiones Confessiones . 4.4.7. Contra Academicos grammaticus homo
, 1.19.30. , 1.19.29. withthehelpof Romanianus). , he is derided as if the pronounciation ofthatwordismore , heisderidedasifthepronounciation , 2.2.3; cf. S. Lancel, homo , 2.2.3. inanewschool; . 155 themyopia of theancien 24 158 Augustinerecallshowhe didnotevenhaveagr In municipio quo natus sum docere coeperam hewasundoubtedlyThagaste’s wealthiest for aman ofhiscapabilities.Hereturned to Saint Augustin , 72. Thagasteforlong;theoccupationof in Carthage,hereturnedtoThagaste(c. 157 itwassurely impossible toteach 160
t schools.Hemarvels at ammarian’s school.Itis 156 ables; ifaman should
hadfearedmaking a .) Aurelius .) Aurelius CEU eTD Collection Carmen Licentii Carmen wasa connexion: there family that imply seemto Augustine Augustiniennes Augustin,” Saint etl’Amide leBienfaiteur sur Nouveau – Du alias Cornelius “Romanianus Peter Brown, indicated. Augustine: Confessions fraudulentior. quo laudabilior, Augustine returnedtoThagaste, immediately afterhefinished 166 165 164 163 162 161 (and inalllikelihood,relative)andbenefactorRomanianus. secular ambitions hisfatherhadforhim. the time itwassomething Augustinewantedmore of myfamily’s wantofmoney.” age sixteenIbeganlivingwithmy parentsina him toCarthageattendclassesintheschoolofrhetoric( afford tosend coepi Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. Serge Lancel, sayshe was atthat time. age Augustinus, Augustine Aurelius the Based on Sexto illoetdecimoanno,inte Habebant et illa studiaHabebant etilla quae honesta . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius Augustine’s talents demanded further educ Augustine’s talentsdemanded further A yearlaterthefamily succeededinobtaini Augustineof Hippo: Biography A om a poem written by Romanianus’ son Licentius to Licentius son Romanianus’ written by from apoem verses Two 58–70. 1978): 1–2( No 24, vol. Saint Augustin Augustin Saint (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). All English translations are my own, unless otherwise unlessotherwise my are own, translations English All Press, 1992). Clarendon (Oxford: Confessiones Contra to Augustine: related being AcademicosRomanianus of possibility For the , 2.2.3. AUGUSTINE AND THE ANCIENT CULTURAL IDEAL CULTURAL AUGUSTINE ANDTHEANCIENT Confessiones Aurelius Augustinus, Confessiones Aurelius Augustinus, rposito otio ex necessitate domestica, feriatusabomnischola cumparentibus esse
(Paris: Fayard, 2000), 40. thegrammarian’s schoolinMadaura.Aroundtheyear370 , 2.3.5. 164 162 uocabantur ductumsuum , 2.3.6. Hisfatherdideverythinghec disillusioned: hehadtostay there. A CULTURE OF ELOQUENCE: OFELOQUENCE: A CULTURE
(Berkeley: University of (Berkeley: Californi 165
And thosestudies,deemed noble,leadme intently 25 forced restfrom anyschool,inidlenessbecause to litigiousforums, thatIshouldexcelinthem: [2] ng enough money, thankstoafamily friend than anything,butlate the more fraudulent, themorelaudable. ation; however,itcouldnotcontinue intuentem foralitig , 3.3.6. Quoted from James J.O’Donnell, 166 That same year,or alittlelater, , 137–138. , 137–138. Confessiones, 2.2.4, 2.3.6. ould tosendhim toCarthage;at a Press, 2000), Aiméa Press,2000), 9; Gabillon, 163 iosa, ut excelleremineis,hoc Hisparentscouldnot schola rhetoris r onheregretedthe Revue desÉtudes ). “At 161
CEU eTD Collection Maurice Testard, Confessions 178 177 176 175 174 173 172 171 170 169 168 167 sapientiae; Marrou calledhis“convers he readCicero’s (nowlost)treatise without substanceisabarrenendwhichoffersnorewards. ambitions oftheyoungstudentAugustine;their beginning) showhowmuchthemature bis cause, forthejoyofhuman vanity.” books onthevainartofrhetoric chose theless lucrativeprofession ofteaching. not met equally: Augustinedidnotbecome alawyer haughtily andpuffupwithpride.” efforts werejustified;Augustinewasthebestst to Monica,and–onecanassume from theprevious–toRomanianus. Augustine’s fatherPatriciusdied; 371/2 (S. Lancel, Brown infers that he was born c. 373 (P. Brown, uentoso pergaudia uanitatis humanae P. Brown, 7.148–149; Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, that time. Cf.Aurelius around born wasalso Adeodatus, son, Augustine’s Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. P. Brown, Augustinus, Aurelius ( Africa.” solicitors, of nourisher “The Cf. Brown, P. Cf. Ibid. Augustine mentions that he wasnineteen years old and that his father had died two years earlier. Aurelius Gaudebam superbe et tumebam typho ettumebam superbe Gaudebam Saint Augustin et la Fin de la Culture etla Fin Culture Antique de la Augustin Saint Inter hos ego imbecilla tunc aetate discebam libros el libros discebam aetate tunc egoimbecilla hos Inter A changeinAugustine’slifeundoubt . Confessiones 178 achangethatundoubtedlyinfluencedhi Augustine of Hippo, 12.S.Lancel, Saint Augustin et Cicéron Saint Augustin Saint Augustine of Hippo, 11,37. Augustine of of Hippo Augustine De Vita Beata De Vita Confessiones Confessiones , 3.4.7. Confessiones , 50). ion àlaphilosophie,”
, 3.4.7;8.7.17; 6.18.13. cf. , 6.10.16; , 1.4; . Aurelius Augustinus, Confessiones Augustinus, . Aurelius . AureliusAugustinus, 167 in whichhe“desiredtoexcel , 6.11.18,8.7.17. , 27. 169 vol. 1 (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1958), 18. 18. 1958), Augustiniennes, Études (Paris: 1 vol. 173 theeconomicburden,accordingtoAugustine,passedover Confessiones Hortensius However,some expectations–onemay presume –were Nutricula causidicorum Africa.) Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Statements suchasthese(andtheonequotedatvery Augustine of of Hippo Augustine . Cf. “Dès cemoment Augustin n’ Saint Augustin , 68. , 1.10.17;Soliloquii 172 hop Augustinedisagreeswithandlaments the edly occurredatagenineteen 26 , 8.7.17. , aprotrepticforphilosophy; Asherelates,ata underlying message would oquentiae, in qua eminere cupiebam fine damnabili et et damnabili fine cupiebam eminere in qua oquentiae, udent inhisclass,wh 177 Confessiones s decisionnottobecome alawyer. 170 referredtobyAugustineas likehisfriendAlypius; , 3), while Lancel believes it was earlier: c. itwasearlier:c. Lancelbelieves , 3),while De Vita Beata De Vita , 3.3.6. for acontemptible andinflated , 3.4.7. J. J. O’Donnell, Augustine:, 3.4.7.J.O’Donnell, “feeble age”hewasstudying , 1.4. 168 est plusl’élève du rhéteur.” ich made him “rejoice Theirambitions and 174 appear to be: form appear tobe:form 176 Confessiones (c.373) itcaused what 171 instead,he 175 studium 179 , 9.6.14. Saturae when The , CEU eTD Collection where Cicero is never named; see next chapter. 3.121) and the contradictions between rhetoric and philosophy: M. Testard, Ci of book “that possible, theevidenceisfarfrom decisive. analysis ofthepassage,Test 188 187 186 185 184 183 182 181 180 179 was thefirsttoopenaLatinschoolofrhetoric lines from anow-lostletterofCiceroinwhich he mentions acertainLucius Plotius Galluswho rhetorical education wasexclusiv simply achievedbyanatural gift: thatis,until theyheard theGreeks. The TriumphofRhetoric:LatinSchools eloquence andnotforhisheart. fact judgesrhetoricand he repeatedandpraised(whethermentioned Cicerobyname ornot). was easyenough,especiallywhenonetakesin des discussions.” fact that, inthispassage, (predominantly) positive judgments and quotations from Cicero in the Fourth book of of book Fourth the from in Cicero quotations judgments and positive (predominantly) (nega – where nothing above referenced cuiusdam ily de parlant, a loin Cf.“Grammaticalement 13–14. attributed the same feelings of shame to Augustine: the ofshameH-I.Marrou, same Augustine: feelings attributed to Marcus Tullius Cicero, MarcusTullius MTestard, M.Testard, Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus Stridonensis, this sc of summary agood For M.Testard, ( “Cicero’sHortensius” itisonly Confessiones, 8.7.17 In Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius Ciceronis Cuiusdam Linguampectus. : As Cicerorelates,therewerenoschoolsof Saint Augustin Saint Augustin Saint Saint Augustin Saint cero’s theycall Hortensius 182 Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Mostoftheearlierscholarship De Oratore Soliloquii , 13; cf. Ibid., 17. , 11. 180 , 13–15. Testard further inferred that hehadformulateditasthebookofa holarship, see M. Testard, ard comes to theconclusionthat 187 , 1.14. , 1.10.17. ians more thanCicero,because ely Greekuntilthefirstcentury
tive or positive) is added to to “Cicer isadded orpositive) tive ” ( librum illum Ciceronis qui Hortensius qui Ciceronis illum librum Confessiones Confessiones Epistolae 185 Whatever useful ideasAugustinefoundinCicero, to considerationJerome’s famous dream. 27 , 3.4.7. Testard sees it asalink to Cicero ( inRome; Cicerowishedhehadattendedhis , 3.4.7. Saint Augustin Saint , 22.30. This seems to haveinfluenced Marrou when he 183 Ciceronis Hortensio à rhetoric inearlyRo hasjudgedthisasa Saint Augustin nescio cuius quidam , 11–12. , 11–12. Saint Augustin Saint may not necessarily beinsulting: Ibid., .” Ibid., 14. Aside from the passages I , althoughsuchajudgment is BC.Suetoniuspreservedafew they admired him onlyfor his certain , 26. , 26. o” or “Hortensius” – there arethe – there or“Hortensius” o” ), and in uocatur 186 me, andeloquencewas Cicero slight toCicero,which , 18–19. , 18–19. Thesame passage in De DoctrinaChristiana ). 188 De VitaBeata Infact, Roman 181 “aprovoqué De Oratore 184 , 1.4 it is , itis 1.4 In his : ,
CEU eTD Collection University of California Press, 1997), 410. 410. Press,1997), of California University custom ofourelders.” Gnaeius Domitius Ahenobarbusand LuciusLicinius was nottheonlyproblemfacingPlotius’school;itwasclosed ayearlaterbycensorial edictof 196 195 194 193 192 191 190 189 extensively, more thananyother the fragments from Grillus’commentary); and a(dubious)Eusebiusbeforehim (theworkha rhetorical treatisemost commentedupon;forinst Cicero’s mostpopularrh Oratore rhetoric wereusedastextbooks. preserved andpublished–wereshiningexamples the same period. similar tothat rendered inthe education. the newschoolmade itpossibleformore peopl lessons aswell,onlyhehadbeenadvisedthat Greek oratory wouldbemorebeneficial. benefits of instruction inbenefits ofinstruction Gr Henri-Irénée Marrou, SeeRobert A. Kaster, “ For more on this,see below: Chapter Three. H-I. Marrou, Henri-Irénée Marrou, Tranqullius, Suetonius Gaius Praeter consuetidinem ac moremmaiorum ac consuetidinem Praeter De inventione ) whenhewrotetheFourthbookof Nonetheless, Latinrhetoricwasonlytrul 191 Theprogrammeofthisschoolisnotknow Historie , cetravail de jeunesse, sisec 192
Historie de l’Éducation dans l’Antiquité dans Historie l’Éducation de , 342. , 342. Saint Augustin et la Fin de la Culture Antique 190 eek: cf. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, Tullius cf.Marcus eek: GuardiansLanguage: of The Grammarian and SocietyinLate Antiquity (Berkeley: Some haveinferred that this was etorical treatisewas De Rhetoribus
Rhetoric forHerennius of Cicero’srhetor Augustine reliedmostly onCicero’s . Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus, Tranquillus, . Suetonius Gaius et siscolaire.” H-I. Marrou, , 2. Lucius Annaeus Seneca (Rhetor), 195 De DoctrinaChristiana duringthemiddle ages 28 De Oratore On Invention e –lesswealthypeopletoobtainahigher ance, byMariusVictori ofLatineloquence;histheoreticalworkson s notbeenpreserved,but ical treatises. y possibleafterCicero.Hisspeeches– Crassus: itran“against tradition andthe (Paris: Du Seuil, 1958), 342–343. 342–343. 1958), Seuil, Du (Paris: ( Rhetorica adHerennium n today,butonecanassume thatitwas , 3.93–94. , 3.93–94. (De Boccard: Paris, a clearlyconservative move because Histoire De Rhetoribus ( De Inuentione 196 . Histheoretical treatises on 193 , 382. , 382. De Inuentionewas copied However,itappearsthat Controuersiae nus, acertainGrillus , 1. , 1. 1938), 50 (note 2). On theOrator heismentionedin ). ), composed in 194 Itwasthe , 2.5. On the 189 That ( De CEU eTD Collection 203 202 201 200 199 198 197 opportunity toworktowardsenteringtheimperi grammaticus The culture, whethertheirnativelanguagewasGreekorLatin. kind ofunityinthewholeRoman world;allth student forrhetoric, was socomplex anditsrulessonumerous andintr Isocrates whofinallywonthebattle Plato’s basedonphilosophy,andIsocrates’rhetoric. intellectuals; Marrousimplified the matter byde The educationalrevolutioncreatedbythesophists works suchasQuintilian’smonumental InstitutesofOratory rhetoric, however,remained themost populara σο Wisconsin Press, Wisconsin 1992),30. synonymously for rhetor knowHomer his aas wellas Hellenophone Roman,the Hellenophone would, best,at have only heardVirgil. of University Press, 2001), 224. H-I. Marrou, Seeinfra. though Even Cf.PeterBrown, H-I. Marrou, H-I. Marrou, For more on this,see: H-I. Marrou, Cf. H-I. Marrou, ϕ RhetorLatinus,HisStudents,andSchool ιστής The educationalidealsoftheancientworld
Rhetor Latinus 202 (generally aname usedforthe . Inlate antiquity a Histoire Saint Augustin Saint ρήτωρ Saint Augustin Saint Power and Persuasion in Late An 200 , 269;cf.Ibid.,271. ; H-I.Marrou, and especiallywhenthateducationwasbilingual.This,however,createda –calledalso(more rarely) J. H.W.G.Liebeschuetz, , 110–111. Cf. “Seul le rhéteur pouvait achever l'édifice de la culture.” Ibid., 47. 47. delaculture.” Ibid., l'édifice achever le Cf.pouvait “Seul rhéteur , 110–111. σο ϕ , 48. ιστής
Histoire Histoire originally had different meanings, meanings, different had originally Histoire rhetor (at least when oneconsiders numbers). , esp. 96–136. 96–136. , esp. , 531 (n24). (n24). , 531 , 271. NB: Even though an educated Latinophone Roman would rhetor Graecus (as Augustinehadoncehopedtobe) tiquity:Towards aChristian Empire 29 nd most usedthroughoutantiquity,despiteother Decline and Fall of the Roman City the Roman of Decline and Fall e members ofthearistocracysharedaunited al administration andadvancinghisstationin sparkedaninterestineducationamongGreek fining thetwomost si icate thatalleducation can betracedbacktothefifthcentury BC. orator 201 ) –commandedmore respectthanthe
( Instituio Oratoria or eveninGreek 198 with time they started being used used started being with time they And,ashestates,itwas gnificant programmes: seemed to prepare the (Madison: University of (Madison: 199 ). Infact, rhetoric 197 (Oxford: Oxford
203 ρήτωρ or hadan CEU eTD Collection influential people). in turnbecome quiteinfluentialpeople(andw province ofhiscalling–hadan 211 210 209 208 207 206 205 204 were called “Nothing is more similar to their beha institutionalized) disorderthatgroupsofstudentscausedin Carthage. honours, butmainly becausehehadheardthatRoma in aprivateschool,hesaysthatdidnotdoso and forcethemtoattend theirteacher’sschool. Athens somestudentswouldorganizeandwaitfor was sharpcompetition. coffers, demanded higher tuitionfeesfrom theirstudents better prospects thana life andsociety. University Press, 1964), 1000. 1000. Press, 1964), University 673, 675. Press, 1998), University Cambridge Ancient History Augustinus Aurelius Libanius, cf. A. competition; hadH. experience with Libanius M. Jones, P.Brown, Two hundred denarii per student: Augustinus Cf. Aurelius Liebeschuetz,J. H.W.G. Cf. Nihil est illo actu similius daemoniorum similius actibus actu estillo Nihil 205 However, itwasnotalways easyfor arhetorician to establishhimself inacity: there 210 and theywereexempt from certainlevies. Orationes Power and Persuasion Power and AsastudentinCarthageAugustine euersores –thesubvertersandtheyusedto 204 However,evenifhe chosetoremain 207 , 1.16–22. , 1.16–22. , Confessiones
, Confessiones vol. 13: 208 grammaticus Thestudentsthemselves causedtr , 224; Averil Cameron, “Education and Literary Culture” in LiteraryCulture” and “Education AverilCameron, , 224; Fall and Decline
, 43. Cf. R. A. Kaster, Kaster, A. Cf. R. , 43. Edictum Diocletiani Edictum , 5.8.14. The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425 A.D. Empire, Late The opportunity tocreatebetterbonds , 6.7.11. , andcertainlybetterthana viour thanthebehaviourofdemons.” . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius 30 , 7.70. Cf., 7.70. 209 Guardian of Language of Guardian solelyforthepromise ofgreaterpayandmore ho were,forthemost pa When Augustinetransferred toRometeach new arrivalsattheport,andthenabductthem n studentswerebetter , receivedlarger stipends from imperial 206 had alreadyexperi Codex Theodosianus 13.3.11 in hisprofession–teachinghehadfar Besides,arhetorician–merely bythe , ed. Peter Garnsey (Cambridge: Cambridge burstintoclassrooms, havoc, wreak The LaterRoman Empire (Oxford:Oxford Confessiones classrooms throughoutthecity: ouble. Libaniusrelatesthatin with his students, who might withhisstudents,whomight , 205. , 205. ludi magister , 3.3.6. behaved thanthosein rt, thesonsofquite enced the(allbut 211 Thosestudents . Rhetoricians The The CEU eTD Collection Carthaginian students,buttherehe met withthisnewproblem another school,withoutpayingtheirfees.Augusti in oneteacher’s schoolandatthe that itwasatime-honoured tradition. 220 219 218 217 216 215 214 213 212 instance, thearrival ofabetteror,atleast,more famous teacher. late antiquity. parents) before acceptingthem intheschool. the same andadvisedhiscolleaguestomake bindinglegalcontractswith possible tosue thestud not havethecouragetodoastheydid. longed tobelongthe conform andtobeacceptedwasevengreater; of depravedlovescl sentence ofBookThreeAugustine’s metropolitan city,no longer underthe (who werenoteuersores) werenobetter;boysfrom all and mock students; Confessiones Cf. Decimus Iunius Iuuenalis, Saturae Libanius, SergeLancel, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Veni Carthaginem et circumstrepebat me undique sartago flagitiosorum amorum flagitiosorum sartago me undique etcircumstrepebat Carthaginem Veni Another significant problem wasthelossof tu Orationes , 3.1.1. 220 Saint Augustin , 97. Still,the main reason totransfer , 43; cf. A. H. M. Jones, 212 Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones amoured allaroundme.” theonlyreasonwhythiskindofbehaviourwasneverpunishedbylawis ents ortheirparents. euersores Confessiones
, 5.12.22. , 3.3.6. , 5.8.14. , 3.3.6, 5.8.14. , thathe“livedamong a them,” , 7.157. , 3.1.1, 3.2.2.P.Brown, end oftheschoolyearthey eith 213 216 The Later Roman Empire watchful eyeoftheirelders; Confessions Onecansurmise thatevensome oftheotherstudents
218 219 LibaniuswarnedthatthestudentsinAntioch did 31 Oneshouldnotethatthis 215 Augustineadmitted that, asastudent, hehad ne moved toRome toescapethewantonnessof Forthenew-comers, certainly, the desire to to adifferentschoolwascompetition; for says: “Icame andthe cauldron to Carthage Augustine of Hippo ition; thestudents often attended classes over Africafoundthemselves ina , 1002. , 1002. nd hadbeenashamed thathedid 217 er vanished ortransferredto and,apparently,itwasnot 214 , 26–27. thememorable opening wasnotaninventionof thestudents(ortheir . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius CEU eTD Collection knowledge (pedantic,even)ofever overburdened (beginninginthegrammarian’s system ofhighereducation became focusedalmost while everythingelsehadtobe confirmations; the“graduates” proved themselves solelybytheir skills. There werenogradingsystems intheschool 227 226 225 224 223 222 221 purposes. they should useinthei students understand the treatises orspeeches they history, mythology, geography,(super)naturalscienc instruction inrhetoric. Whateverthe rhetoricia four years(371–375)asastudentinCarthage.Th disciplines as well: minimum; however,itwaspossibletoextendthe sometimes evensmall theatres. schools; but,theywereusuallymuch grander,eveninearliertimes; inlateantiquity,theywere Empire fromvis learned more often wasstill philosophy Empire A.H.M. Jones, H-I. Marrou, Predominantly inGreek-speakingcities:Athens, Alexandria, andlater A.H.M. Jones, wasa a to written degree reco thing closest The P.Brown, H-I. Marrou, , 999. , 999. The lengthofthisstageeducationvarie The rhetoricalschoolssharedthesame locat 226 Power and Persuasion Power and This waythestudentsabsorbedmerely Histoire Saint Augustin Saint , 1004; R. A. Kaster,R. A. , 1004; Empire Roman Later The , 998–999. Empire Roman Later The 224 , 361. , 361. mathematics, philosophy, r ownworks to eitherstrengthen anargument orsimply foraesthetic , 116–117. , 116–117.
, 43–44. , 43–44. 221 achieved (ifitwastobeachiev Libanius’schoolinAntioch ything intheworkstheystudied iting (mostly Greek) professors; A. H. M. Jones, A. (mostlyGreek) H.M.Jones, professors; iting mmendation of the teacher: teacher: A. the H. M.mmendation of Jones, 32 n explained(likethegra 225 school) withtrivialand length oftheeducation had toread,andsupply them withexamples astronomy, andsoon.Augustinespentabout completely onrhetoricandthestudentswere d, butitwouldseemthat e rhetorician’sschoolprovided,mostofall, s andnoofficialdegrees,diplomas, or specksandglimpses oftheirculture, e, andsoon–wasusedmostly tohelp Guardians of Language of Guardians ion within cities as the grammarians’ ion withincitiesasthegrammarians’ was attachedtothecity ed atall) individually. Asthe in Constantinople, while inRome , anotherconsiderableaspect 223 mmarian before him) – and expanditintoother
, 12. , 12. exceedingly detailed threeyearswasthe The Later Roman Roman Later The The LaterRoman curia . 227 222
CEU eTD Collection history, andphilosophy; 235 234 233 232 231 230 229 228 opportunity), thepropensity,orabilitytoachievethisideal. effort. nut-shell, gaveitsstuden models donotcorrespondfullytotheprogrammes disciplines. goal (duringorafterhisschoolin mathematical disciplines). Theveryfactthat Ci professional (thesame as,forinstance,medici Roman lawbecame empire theprovinceofexpertsanditwasseldom usefultoanon- “namely, thebountyofknowledgegivesbirthtoawords.” writing –wasunimaginable. had knowledgeineverything,andnotdisplaying but of culture in lateantiquity came about:erudition. H-I. Marrou, d’accumuler des connaissances, des connaissances, matériauxutilis d’accumuler des works such as Martianus Cappella’s Dionysiaca Cf. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, Cf.MarcusTullius Cf. “Laculture générale est pour eux, moins unefo wasapart alike, th history Cicero For of and Quintilian Cicero, MarcusTullius The works of polyhistors, such as Varro, or Pliny the Elder, the many manuals and lexica confirm this, aswell as Cf. Aurelius Icannot stress enough: part of the Rerum enim copia uerborum copiam gignit doctissimus 234 Cicero recommendedthatanidea Oneneednotexpandonwhymanypeoplehadthetime (or,bettertosay, , and so on. Cf. H-I. Marrou, Saint Augustin Saint 233
Augustinus, Augustinus, Fromthis,onecaninfer thatthedema as well. De Oratore , 116 (n. 1). , Animae De Quantitate 229 231 t thetoolsheneededtobecome man, anideal butonlythroughhisown De Oratore Aculturedman wasnotonlyanexcellentspeaker,buterudite;he itwasvitalforanoratortohave 230
culture ,
2 (passim); cf. Ibid., 2.131–132. Ibid., cf. 2 (passim);
Saint Augustin De Nuptiis Mercurii etPhilologiae Mercurii De Nuptiis g) istellingofhowmuch th , 3.74–75; Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius , 3.74–75; , and not formal education. Cf. H-I. Marrou, . Marcus Tullius Cicero, . MarcusTullius l oratorenrichhisculture
ables pour le futur or le futur pour ables 33.70; , 120–123. , 120–123. 33 cero recommended thistoastudentaspersonal De Ciuitate Dei De Ciuitate 228 e high culture, and not the educational programmer. Cf. programmer. educational the not and culture, e high rmation del’esprit entant que fonction, que le fait ne and architecture,orthemoreadvanced that knowledge–whenspeaking,and of theancientschool;school,ina The nds foranidealman inancientcultural uir De Oratore
ateur.” H-I. Marrou, H-I.Marrou, ateur.” should notonlybe knowledgeofeverything,because De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina , 22.6.1, 9.4.2. 235 e ancientschoolsignoredthese
, Macrobius’ (especially) bystudyinglaw, ,
3.125. 232 Saint Augustin Saint Nevertheless,inthe Saint Augustin Saint Saturnalia eloquentissimus , 4.31.64. , 120–123. , 120–123. , Nonno’s , Nonno’s , 118. , 118. ,
CEU eTD Collection rhetorician focused onprosecompositions; practice –hecontinuedthegrammarian’s task of textual exegesis. The maindifference isthat the terminology. Althoughtherhetorician’sfirstassignment and (sub)categories,thest the theoryoforatory,whichwas–justlikegrammarorganized 240 239 238 237 236 ( composed notbealtered.Itwasthesame could w which they werestudiedremained thesame, were different.Theexercises Thus thepreparatory exercises remained thesame the same taskasinanystageof education: toworkstrictly adheringtowell-established rules. exercises); boththesesegments wereinherited successful inthe practical segment of thiseducation aswell: remained apartoftheprogramme. changes. of rhetoric,devoidallpers as thecontentofpreviousstages;one onlyneeded in thisschool aswell. as Marrouputit:“théorie,étudede declamationes Cf. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, Cf.MarcusTullius H-I. Marrou, H-I.Marrou, 276. Histoire, Cf.Aurelius Augustinus Conf H-I. Marrou, H-I. Marrou, Histoire, 272. 239 Beneath thesurfacerhetori The studenthadtolearnthetechnicalaspe Anoratorinlateantiqui Saint Augustin Saint Augustin Saint or μελέται 238 Thecontentoftherhetoricaleduca De Partitione Oratoria De Partitione , 50. Perhaps because anyone could learn it as such, but only few could truly know it. , 47. , in their twoforms:
onality andregardlessofanyc udent’s first task wasto learnand memorize the complicated not onlythe same from century s modèles,exercisesd’application.” ty, likeAugustine,hadnoneedforjudicialoratorywhich cal schoolwasnot that differe 237 , 139. , 139. therewasamore orless 34 from Greekrhetorical and therules according towhich they were even though thecircumstances ofeveryperiod . 3.4.7. suasoriae to impart tothestudents theessence of theart ith thelastoftheseexercises –declamations cts ofrhetoricprope wastoteachrhetoric–intheoryand tion wasjustasdry,rigid,andformal 240 and ontemporaneous developments or the controuersiae intonumerous (sub)divisions προγυμνάσματα tocentury,buttheorderin tradition. Thestudentshad nt from thegrammarian’s; established canon of texts 236 Theteacherexplained rly inordertobe ) –which were (preparatory CEU eTD Collection teachers were appointedthe by 245 244 243 242 241 people –dignitariessuchasth Augustine wantedtomove toRome. Toachieveth teaching equal tocommerce, andlikenedtheprofessors tomerchants. rhetoric that he wasquiteskilled inprovi judges thathehadbeenratherambitious inthos loquaciousness.” those yearsItaughttheartof cathedrae Carthage, thistime asateacherofrhetoric. Augustine’s CareerinRhetoric(Carthage–RomeMilan) attended byfamily members or publicly, infrontoftheclass; supernatural anddrawnfrom mythology). seldom alteredorreplacedforcenturies;they uerborum alium prouiderent ex oremeo... redemptus ate iam non redirem uenalis mercedibusemere maternis Augustinus, Augustinus, classes: Petronius, (semi-educated) lower the of itasahabit describes even Petronius that extent the to literature, Roman in attested declamations ofSeneca the Elder andthe collectionattrib Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Aurelius Augustinus, H-I. Marrou, H-I. Marrou, Saint Augustinof declamations collections Several , were51–53. preserved, for instance the Docebam in illis annis artem rhetoricam et uictoriosam loquacitatem, uictus cupiditate, uendebam cupiditate, uictus loquacitatem, et uictoriosam rhetoricam artem inillisannis Docebam is
Dissatisfied withthediscipline (or,better tosay, lackthereof) of Carthaginian students, Augustine hadfinishedhisformal education by theyear375,butin initsessence. Infact,in the Confessiones (chairs) ofrhetoric,hencehe Saint Augustin Saint Satiricon 244 Twothingscanbeinferredfromthis;oneisthatthemature Augustine Confessiones Confessiones , 4.2.2. . Ibid., 3.4.7; , 48. , 48. . Ibid., 9.5.13. , 52. curia
. For more, seeH-I. Marrou, even otherinte , 6.7.11. the performances ofmore adva , 4.2.2. e Africanproconsul,whooccasiona ding hisstudentswiththeartof Subtrahere ministerium linguae meae nundinis loquacitatis... mercarentur mercarentur loquacitatis... meaenundinis linguae ministerium Subtrahere rhetoricand,conqueredby Venditores grammaticae emptores uel grammaticae Venditores Schola publica Confessions taught inthe“publicschool”( 241 Alltheexercises werememorized andperformed . Ibid.,9.2.2; rested parties. 35 The citycouncilgave him oneofthe(Latin) e yearsandeagertoprovehimself; theotheris is, hehadtomake himself knowntoimportant uted toQuintilian. weremostlyfictitiouslegalcases(often or or , Augustineoftendeemed theprofessionof municipalis Histoire Ut scholasticis suis Mediolanenses uenditorem uenditorem suis Mediolanenses Ut scholasticis 242 , 406–407. , 406–407.
nced exercises were sometimes was financed by the city’s budget, and persuasiveness,whichiswhat The popularityof declamations is lly came from Rome tovisit 245 . Ibid.,1.13.22; desires, soldvictorious
schola publica 376hereturnedto Quod uidebar uidebar Quod . Aurelius ). 243 “In CEU eTD Collection teaching experience and some alreadyattachedto hisname, fame hetaughtprivately; than inCarthage.HeleftforRome thenextyear(383). from inconceivablethatobtaining an officialchai culture ofantiquity). promptly broughttogetherbytheir 255 254 253 252 251 250 249 248 247 246 damaging foraprivateprofessor,whom tu disappear before they settledtheir tuition; his mother intostaying inAfrica. as hehadplanned; students handled themselves withbetter discipline thantheircolleagues inCarthage. greater honours,and–whatwasevenmore impo won acompetitioninpoetryandwas (erudite and (c. 380AD)– his residenceinCarthage.Cu Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Heleft her “praying and crying.” ( Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. S.Lancel, Augustinus, Aurelius Confessiones Augustinus, there: Aurelius Alypius was already P.Brown, P.Brown, Inthe Confessions Around 382,AugustinedecidedtomoveRome; Confessiones Augustine of Hippo of Augustine Hippo of Augustine philosophaster Saint Augustin , 72. On theBeautiful andtheProper , Augustine wonders what possessed him to dothat, when he only knew 248 Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones , 4.14.21.
fallen illshortafter arriving; , 56. , 3. ), Hierius. rrying favourwasprobablywhyA
Orando etflendo Orando , 5.12.22.See supra. , 5.9.16. , 5.8.15. , 5.8.14. Mostnotably the 254 common interests:loveforthe The students, albeit more disciplined inclass,tended to 246 Thatsameyear(theex crowned bytheproconsulVindicianus; 255 .)
Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius 36 and,economically, this ition washismain sourceofincome. Augustine ( De PulchroetApto r of Latinrhetoric inRome wasmoredifficult rtant tohim–hewasassuredthattheRoman euersores , 6.8.13. , 6.8.13. 252 253 However,thismove emotionally, hefe 249 , cf. supra. supra. , cf. hewaspromised moremoney and ugustine dedicatedhisfirstbook act dateisunknown),Augustine , 5.18.15. Confessiones, 5.18.15. Latin classics(i.e.the ) –toaRoman rhetorician must havebeenquite lt guiltyfor tricking didnotgoaswell of the man. the man. Aurelius 247 250 they were 251 With his itisfar CEU eTD Collection Augustine setoffforMilan. Symmachus wereinfacttheManicheans; This appointment wouldalsoput him inaposition toadvance his career.Hisconnexionto 264 263 262 261 260 259 258 257 256 bishop.” Manichaean agent,however,he opposition from Symmachus (notevenAugustine’ssometimes evidentAfricanaccent asked Symmachushisabilities,which totest Symmachus becausehewouldbeanon-Chri both Christiansandpagans, those dutieswastoperform panegyricsfortheem Roman empire, hisdutieswerealso rhetoric inMilanwas quite suitable man tofill thechairof doctissimus man named Symmachus:extremely wea disillusioned withthissect. almost certainlystayed withsome Manicheans wh Histrip Augustinus, was the by city:Aurelius paid Augustinus, Aurelius P.Brown, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. P. Brown, Augustinus, Aurelius time: their He circles atthe in Augustinus, Aurelius was moving still Et ueni Mediolanium ad Ambrosium episcopum 264 The move provedtobebeneficialthenexty
Augustine of Hippo of Augustine . In384theimperial capitalofMilan( Augustine of Hippo, 60.AureliusAugustinus, De Ordine Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones 256 , 59–60. , 59–60. attractive; as theofficial 263 260 , 2.17.45. , 2.17.45.
Latin rhetoric in thecity. , 5.13.23. , 5.13.23. Yearslater,hisreflected opinionwasthatheleavingasa AugustineasaManicheanwas leftManichaeism behindand“came toMilan Ambrosethe , 3.9.19. more orless directly connected lthy, asenator,pagan,and . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius 259 Confessiones eventhoughtheManichaeansectwasdislikedby stian element inth 37 were –unsurprisinglyexceptional.With no peror, consuls,andotherRoman dignitaries. en hewasinRome andhewasalreadydeeply Confessiones, 6.6.10. rhetor Latinus of the capitalof theWestern Mediolanum ear. TheprefectofthecityRomewasa , 5.13.23. 257 Confessiones Thepositionof theofficialchairof Confessiones e Christiancapital. ) asked Symmachus to finda better suitedto(thepagan) to the imperial , 5.13.23. , 5.13.23. uir eloquentissimusac 261 court; oneof Augustine 262 258 )
CEU eTD Collection imperial court, therefore the period of his ill health was an ideal point of egress. S. Lancel, S.Lancel, of egress. ideal point was an ill his period health of the court, imperial therefore not quit so casually, because he had obligations to his students and their parents, as well asthe city officials and the 113. voice andbreathing, thus preventing him from teaching. this, inturn,ledhim closertoChristianity. Cicero. disillusioned withtheManicha 275 274 273 272 271 270 269 268 267 266 265 Cassiciacum, inthe (as itturned out: would notreturn tohispostbecause ofhisillhealth. marriage, career,success. Cassiciacum. uindemiales intellectual circleshe became 385. for thenextday’sclasses. day inclass,whilefortherestofhevi rhetor Augustinus, Aurelius Confessiones Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius P.Brown, . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius otium uitae Christianae 267 . 265 Roughly atthe same time, hebecame acatechumen intheChurch. 269 In thesummer of386Augustinefe Augustine probablyspenthisfirstyearinM Fromwhatherelates,hisschedulewasquite Afterthat,partlyunderAm Augustine of Hippo of Augustine treated to a friend’s country estate in (asummerbreakfrom school),Augustineretreatedtoafriend’scountryestatein 272 Therehegaveuponallthesecularamb Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones Confessiones 273 , 79. 266 Bytheendof
Hehadcompletely abandonedManichaeism bythespringof acquainted withinMilan,Augus , 9.3.5. Cf. Ibid., , 9.2.4. Cf.Ibid.,9.5.13. , 7.9.13, 8.2.3.Cf.Brown, P. , 5.10.19. , 5.13.23–5.14.25. , 6.1.1. , 6.11.18. , 9.2.4. Ibid., Retractatio , 9.5.13. Possidius, ean religion,hefirstturned brose’s influence,andpart Confessiones short-lived) “idl ll illagain,andthepains De Vita Beata De Vita 38 sited withfriends–oldandnewprepared Vita Augustini feriae , 9.2.4. , 1.1.1. See: P. Brown, , 1.1.1.See:P.Brown, 274 ilan tryingtoestablishhimself asthenew ThusendedAugustine’ssecularcareerin he notified the officials inMilanthathe he notifiedtheofficials demanding; he spentth Augustine of of Hippo Augustine , 1.6.
e Christianlife,” itions hehadeverinthisworld: 271 that Augustine could , 2.4.Lancelsurmised could Augustine that InSeptember,duringthe to theNewAcademy:through tine turnedtoNeo-Platonism; ly undertheinfluenceof Augustine of Hippo of Augustine , 85. in hischestaffected Saint Augustin Saint 275 aChristian uita e first half of the 268 Completely , 146. , 146. , 102, 109, feriae 270
CEU eTD Collection obligations. contemplatiua , the life of contemplating theEternalTruth,unburdenedbybusinessand , thelifeofcontemplating 39 CEU eTD Collection communicatesome meaning ina distinctmodern complete treatise. Thetranslation of thetitleof thisworkhasneverbeen aneasy task. almost thirtyyears.Around426headdedthef heretics, likethePelagians,and were published.Duetotime constraintsandhisc 278 277 276 keep thetitleof thetreatise inLatin. doctrina effect; however,theword“teach Teaching “doctrine” wouldonlyleadto them) thatthemodern –andsomewhat alteredor, some (especiallyolder sources) translate itsimply as unless otherwise indicated. Patrologia Latina Quando nihil quaerimus nisi patere quod clausum est. the Greek παιδεία see99–100. ofscholars views Augustine’s Foramore detailed study into Augustine’s use of the word be that itshould Edmund Hill insisted Quid enim prodest clauis aurea, si aperire quod uolumus non potest? Aut quid obest lignea, si hoc potest? , especiallyinAugustine’suse, Augustine’s treatise 277 De DoctrinaChristiana”in (cf.KarlaPollmann’s translation: ts or of Augustine, to use the word the word use to . “From ofAugustine, the pointof view oftheancientsor vol. 34, ed. Jacques Paul Migne (Paris: Migne, 1841). TheEnglish translations are my own, THE FOURTH BOOKOF THE FOURTH For Press the word’s manifold meanings, in its specific cultural setting, equate itto equate setting, itsspecific cultural meanings, in manifold Pressthe word’s For De DoctrinaChristianawasbegun397,whenthefirstthreebooks
confusion.Some havede ing” doesnotdoenoughtoencapsu the Donatistschism), Augustinele What istheuseinagoldenke On How to Teach Christianity toTeach On How Philosophy and Rhetoric andRhetoric Philosophy 278 When wewantnothingmorethantoopenwhatisclosed. A CHRISTIANRHETORIC:
which is why I deem itequallyinadequate and chooseto whichiswhyIdeem language; it was to invoke what is,from what invoke itwasto language; 40 Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius ourth book,thusfinallyo Die christlicheBildung ountless duties(notthel at the least, differently DE DOCTRINACHRISTIANA [3] Or what is lacking in a wooden one if it can? Or whatislackinginawoodenoneifitcan? On Christian Doctrine 17, No 2 (1984): 98–120; specifically onthe , seeGeralddoctrina A.Press, “ cided totranslateitas , or simply, or y if it cannot open what we want? y ifitcannotopenwhatwewant? De DoctrinaChristiana late themeaning oftheLatin ft the treatise unfinished for unfinished the treatise ft Teaching Christianity ), orsomething tothat coloured–meaning of ffering hisreadersthe east thefightagainst , many feel(Iamong our doctrina
point of a view, of point On Christian in Doctrina in . was not to to wasnot , 4.11.26,
While 276
CEU eTD Collection were traditionalists when it came to culture and education. education. and culture itcameto when were traditionalists of who upper-class Christians notions (old) the itconfronted cause;”atbest, cultural arguments for a “Christian Doctrina Christiana Press’ar though Even 108. Ibid., culture.” ‘pagan’ and Christianity between the dispute sides of to both speak and side his for simultaneously argue to standpoints cultural Press, 1992), 30. Cf. Henri-Irénée Marrou, Marrou, Cf. 30. Henri-Irénée 1992), Press, 282 281 280 279 advantage of the variety ofits [ aswell(e.g. Augustine works of other titlesof same for the The true cf.105. holds meanings.” Ibid., 103, related logically spectrum of detail); and novelisticproseusuallyhad was repletewithdemons, idols,fals for thatmatter). Another signifi proportion ofallChristians(compared tothenumber ofeducatedChristians,ornon-Christians speak of,butwereinfact craftsman, shepherds,andfishermen, took issuewith theexclusivityofexistingcu multitude of the common people ( a barbarian, sopolishedspeechseparatedtheliterati speech separatedman from animal, theGreekan (literary) language,andathoroughknowledgeofth late antiquity–foronetoendeavourbeapa was aprerequisitetocertain A ChristianRhetoric? Apuleius’ Brown, To find an example one need only flick through the poems of Catullus, the satires the ofCatullus, the poems flickthrough need only one example Tofind an Tertullianus, Florens Septimius Cf. Quintus one. mention only Peter,to music.” Peter classical elevating, into organism political ofan unwieldly creaking the transposed “Rhetoric Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity: Towards aChristian EmpireWisconsin of University (Madison: 282 Golden Ass How didthetriumphant Christianityaffectth It ismanifestClassical andlateantiquitythatrhetoric toanyonestudyingtheworldof andphilosophywasoftenregardedasdangerousratherblasphemous. would be of interest to a non-Christian or that it was meant to be used as a collection of asacollection used be itwasmeant that to or anon-Christian interest to of be would , and so on. Confessiones
doctrina style ofliving.Itwasunimaginabl , cant problem waspaganliterature De Civitate Dei DeCivitate ] meanings] and the variations in how it would be understood from different uulgus a salaciousnature,atleast Histoirel’Éducation de dans l’Antiquité e heroes,andtheirappallingbehaviour; De Idolatria ). 279
gument is somewhat to the point, it is highly unlikely that that unlikely it ishighly point, the issomewhat to gument 41 ). Cf.“He[Augustine,in lture; Christandhisapostleshadnoeducationto d theLatintonguesaHelleneor aRoman from , 10. , 10. rt ofhighersocietyw e culturetowhichitwasrelated.Justas is? Asanegalitarianreligion itcertainly , thebestandbrightest, e –withstillfewexceptionsin 280 times (butofteningraphic . For a Christian, epic poetry . ForaChristian,epicpoetry justliketheoverwhelming (Paris: Du Seuil, 1958), 271. Seuil, 1958), Du (Paris: De DoctrinaChristiana ithout amastery ofthe 281 of Horace Juvenal, or bothlyricpoetry
from the from the ] took De
CEU eTD Collection 287 286 285 284 283 guidelines whichcoveredreading its entirety!)isauniqueandoriginalwork. medieval, andearlymodern), andsoon. scholars, medievalists,patristic treatise made itinteresting toawidevariety of content andvalueofthistreatisecame under Augustine andhisworks transformation of theculture in theincreasi Saint AugustineandtheFa interest inlateRoman wasundoubtedly culture antiquity andcreatedane the twentiethcentury; evenbeforePeterBrown, works tobeprinted. copied more thananypre- the wholetreatisewasheldinhighregard)quite message. needed rhetoricandeloquenceasameans of Christiana Antiquity and in the Middle Ages], trans. Ralph Manheim (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965), 31–32. & Kegan 31–32. Paul, 1965), Routledge Manheim Ralph (London: trans. Ages], Middle in the and Antiquity imMittelalter und Spätantike lateinischen der in Publikum und Henri-Irénée Marrou, Harald Hagendahl, “The D.Schaeffer, John Augustinus, Aurelius Cicero, Cf.MarcusTullius Rhetoric, however,couldnot In my opinion,Marrouwascorrectwhenhejudgedthat ” in 284 Therefore,(esp Publications of the Modern Language Association 1134b. of (1996), America 5 no , 111 Augustine and the Classics the and Augustine 286 Saint Augustin et la Fin de la Culture Antique De DoctrinaChristiana
Dialectic of Orality and Literacy: Oralityand Dialectic of There wasarenewedinterestinAugustine’s De Oratore in thisprocess, w andevenmore widespreadinterestintheworks ecially) theFourth Christian workonrhetoric;
ll oftheAncientCulture and Christianscholars,historians and interpretationaswellexpression.TheFourth bookwas , 1.14. be ignoredorleftbehind. vol. 2 (Gothenburg: Humanities Press, 1967), 568. 568. Press, 1967), Humanities (Gothenburg: 2 vol. , 4.2.3. Cf. Erich Auerbach, “ Auerbach, , 4.2.3.Cf. Erich De DoctrinaChristiana,among others.Asaresult,the 287 bookofAugustine’s Augustinecreatedacomplete bookofexegetical 42 sparked by Henri-Irénée Marrou’s seminal book sparkedbyHenri-IrénéeMarrou’sseminal book ngly Christianworldandthesignificanceof scholars: Latin language scholars, late antique scholars:Latinlanguagescholars,lateantique new scrutiny.Furthermore,thehistoryof achieving its goals: the furtherance of that achieving itsgoals:thefurtheranceofthat so tospeak,rehabilitat relevantinthemedieval LatinWest.Itwas The Case of Book 4 of Augustine’s 4 CaseofBook of Augustine’s The [Literary Language and Its Public in Late Latin LateLatin in Its Public and [Literary Language 285 , which paid special attention tothe (Paris: De Boccard, 1938), 519. 519. 1938), Boccard, De (Paris: itwasalsothefirstofAugustine’s De DoctrinaChristiana Sermo Humilis Sermo De DoctrinaChristiana(NB 283 of rhetoric(esp.ancient, De DoctrinaChristiana TheChristianmessage ed theworldoflate of Augustine.The ” inLiteratursprache De Doctrina (NB in in CEU eTD Collection originality; 292 291 290 289 288 Cicero’s reputation(especiallyin basis foranyconsiderationsA or anyonepersoninparticular.Itwouldbepoin same results,becauseeloquenceand rhetoricdonot rhetoric; ingenuity createditlong beforeitwaseverwrittendownandsystematized itintotheartof needs ofaChristianspeaker, aChristian teacher. courts oflaw;Augustinediddrawthisdivision remove from him.” sounds most like Cicero,tothepointofreproducing it: “Theparadoxof quoting him)heneverthelesshadhisownusefor but ignoresthefactthateventhoughAugustine so much Thatjudgment, toCicero? however,not the easiesttodismiss asunoriginal.
Isocrates to discover in it topics which are nowise the same asthose used by others.” Isocrates, in art amanneryetisable this and mostwho contrary, in speaks worthy subject the skilled heof his on isaccounted “ Christiana Augustinus, Aurelius entity: asaseparate book fourth the envisage not did himself Augustine Even consideration that he was, in this, was Cicero. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, MarcusTullius this, was Cicero. Augustine’s and the ProblemofChristianRhetoric”in Doctrina Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. “Arhetoric that is old inits principles andorganization but newin itsmethods and aims.” G.A.Press, Augustinus, Aurelius Ernest L. Fortin, “Augustine and the Problem ofChristian Rhetoric” in H. Hagendahl, , trans. George Norlin, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1928). 1928). Press, University Harvard (Cambridge: Classical Library Loeb Norlin, George , trans. , 292 The veryrulesofrhetoriccannotbe , 4.1.1, 31.64. 31.64. , 4.1.1,
” 98.“For what has beensaid by onespeaker is not De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina therefore,Augustinecouldhaveusedanot 291 AugustinequotedCicerotodemonstrat , Classics the and Augustine 289 Book IVofthe De DoctrinaChristiana De DoctrinaChristiana Cicero’s styles ofspeakingweremean fact, speaking of the wholeof
” in ugustine hadonrhetoricandeloque Philosophy and Rhetoric Rhetoric and Philosophy De Oratore the Latinschoolsof 288 De DoctrinaChristiana Augustinian Studies Howcanitbeoriginal whenthestructureandcontent owe
566–568. Their dismissal ofMarrou’s judgment does not take into , , 4.7.21.The “most el
4.17.34–26.58. For more on this, see: Ernest L. Fortin, “Augustine “Augustine L.Fortin, see:Ernest this, moreon For 4.17.34–26.58. , 1.146. 43 tless to even wonder why Cicero should form the tless toevenwonderwhyCiceroshouldformthe 290 from Cicero,butheadaptedthestylesto only appliesamodern a had followedCiceroinword(sometimes even Cicero’s words.AsErnestFortinsuitably puts De DoctrinaChristiana
belongtoAugustine,orCicero,Isocrates, his ownwords,thathestandsatthefurthest subjected toanyperiod’sdemands for equally usefulforthespeaker whocomesafterhim; her sourceandstillwouldhavegottenthe 5 (1974): 85–100; Gerald A. Press, Press, “ A. Gerald 85–100; (1974): 5 17, No 2 (1984): 98–120. 98–120. No 2 (1984): 17, rhetoric), Augustine’s e thateloquenceis oquent and intelligent man,”oquent andintelligent whoalready saw is thatitpreciselywhenAugustine Augustinian Studies Studies Augustinian t for aspeaker in the forum, inthe nce. Evenifonedisregards , and not only the fourth book. book. the fourth not only , and In Sophistas In ssessment oforiginality poorknowledgeof innate, thathuman 5 (1974), 99. , 12. Quoted from from , 12. Quoted De Doctrina De Doctrina Doctrina in CEU eTD Collection culture evenbeforehehad–quiteunexpectedlyputonthefrock. 296 295 294 293 need tospreadhisconversion. been acertain“apostolic zeal,” medieval cloister.Thisfactcer monasticism entailed;Augustine’smonastic comm antiquity), butcanjustaswellbe Perhaps becauseapreacherneednotnecessarily be that henever qualifies“clergy”: abi apriest? Hagendahl –asidefromthefactthatheiscons clergy, becauseitsadvice,forthemo Fourth bookof) Hagendahl andseveralotherschol uniquely suitable whom InMarrou’sopinion wasthisbookintended? The FourthBookofDeDoctrinaChristianaand ItsInteded Reader familiar withQuintilian’s work. Greek effectivelycut him offfrom anyGreeksour 21–24 Septembre 1954 : Communications Communications : 1954 Septembre 21–24 Doctrina Christiana Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius the unquestionable.” clergyremains of theinstruction for written and purposes intents clericorum Institutione H-I. Marrou, H. Hagendahl, Marrou, H-I. in Quintilian” und “Augustin SeePaul Keseling,
An important questioninth Saint Augustin Saint Saint Augustin “La , 381–382. Augustine and theClassics , 4.4.6, 4.10.25,4.13.29. De DoctrinaChristiana De only ; il n’y arien de spécifiquement ecclésiastique for theclergy;whatismore,A , 381–382. , 381–382.
tainly shinesalightonMarrou’s 293 296 alayman or,morelikely,a“monk,”
thataChristian,especiallyan (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1954): 201–204. 201–204. 1954): Études Augustiniennes, (Paris: ars havetakenissuewithMarro e studyoftheFourthbook st part,doesnotconcernlaymen. , 566. Esp.: “The prevailing opinion that the fourth book was to all de Doctrinachristiana n’est donc passimpleun manuel could nothavebeenwrittenforanyoneoutsidethe Augustinus Magister: Congrès International Augustinien, Paris shop? Onecannotevenfindthewordshop? “preacher.” 44 idering theFourthbookas amember oftheclergy(especiallynotinlate there isnothinginthisbookwhichmakes it ce, andthereislittle unity in Thagaste had little to do with a unity inThagastehadlittletodowitha ugustine sawtheneedforaChristian dans ceprogramme deculture.” Ibid., 381. suggestion that there may have suggestion thattheremay have De DoctrinaChristianais:For adultconvert,couldfeelthe u’s view, insisting that(the inallthefluiditythatearly 295 What isinteresting in 294 evidence that hewas a separateentity–is However,Harald De de CEU eTD Collection unmistakably had later passage there areseveral occurrences ofthe word used by Hagendahl as an argumentagainst Marrou. or inclearercontexts,sometimes coupledwithecclesia and teacherofthe nor couldone reallycallhim apreacher,butcoul (or correspondence),withoneormany, need Hagendahl referredtoforhisargument, Augustin advice forthosewhobynomeans needbepriests. preacher when hediscussed religion inhis retreatatCassiciacum. 302 301 300 299 298 297 treatise, atreatisewhichheconsideredunfinis it wasnonethelessanintegralpartofthework, keep inmind that,although almost decadeshadpassedbeforetheFourthbookwaswritten, three Christiana –asHagendahlclearlydoes Augustine’s proposedChristianculture,he century) may havedrivenHagendahlandothers Christiana (independently) usedth being abouttheman whostandsup,elevate discipulum doctor ad utique loquens Apostolus, dicit idem et Timotheo ipsi (Vnde adisciple.” to teacher asa certainly speaking Scriptures necessarily priests Forinstance: Aurelius Augustinus, Forinstance: Augustinus, Aurelius, fromBible. the the word arein quotations of occurrences only The Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Diuinarum Scripturarum tractator et doctor. Aurelius Augustinus, Certainly, theappealofFourthbookto While some oftheadviceundeniablyconcerns ; 300 hepreferred theword“teacher”( .) Aurelius Augustinus, .) Aurelius Augustinus, doctor Divine Scriptures?” De Vita Beata De Vita Christiana De Doctrina in the simplermeaning oft or preachers: Ibid.,4.8.22. or e word“priest” (sacerdos
De Doctrina Christiana, 4.16.33, 4.18.35, 4.18.37,so and on. , 1.6. De DoctrinaChristiana De Doctrina Christiana 298 , 4.10.25. – butallfourbooksofthetreatise.Onemust always TheApostlePaul?Norwas has inmind notonlytheFourthbookof d, andspeakswhileall eacher: “Therefore tothatvery Timothy theApostlesaid, hed withoutthebookonhowtoexpresswhat 45 and all four books form Augustine’s vision of the and allfourbooksform Augustine’svisionofthe doctor , andwhilesomei clearly e speaksofconversations.Theseconversations to ignorethefactthat notimply priesthood. Jero d anyonedenyhim thetitle Inthebeginningofsame passagewhich modern scholars(especiallyinthetwentieth ) intheFourthbookofDeDoctrina , 4.4.6 (used by Hagendahl), 4.7.21, 4.10.24. In a In 4.7.21, 4.10.24. by Hagendahl), , 4.4.6(used , 4.16.33, PL 34. Neither are the 302 ), whichwasusedeitherambiguously onlyaproperpriest–themost obvious (orwords derivedfrom it). De DoctrinaChristiana others keepsilent 299 Infact,Augustinenever whenMarrouspeaksof Augustine a priest ora priest a Augustine ndicated priests, onequite me was not apriest, ofan“interpreter , 4.4.6, PL34. Again of the the expositores of De Doctrina Doctrina De 297 –thereis 301
CEU eTD Collection is 306 305 304 303 speakers areequallygifted, incl views exclusivelyontheFourthbook. scholars (suchasMarrouandPress)speakofana Christian culturewhichshouldsproutanddevelopfromtheideassetforththerein.When itself doeslesstosupportthenotionthat(ent when onedecidestodisregardtheentiretreati the clergy –willderive thegreatest usefrom its clergy, iffornootherreasonthanthesimple f not –doubtthattheFourthbookof unquestionably –forlackofabetterwordencouragedtodoso. commanded (tobeprecise,thereisnocommandment) tospreadtheGoodNews,theyare News, theChristianisteaching thecontent exclusively totheclergy, buttheideaof“a conclusion supportsnotonlyMarrou’sideaofage Press came to thesameconclusion asMarrou. meaning oftheword Christian hadlearnedwith theaidoffirstthreebooks. forth what has been understood, which is exactly what that istosay,aChristian – monks – but of all Christians.” G. A. Press, “ of tractatio scripturarum Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Esp.“What aChristian needs to learn andthe learning of knowledge that would beacultural ideal for aChristian “To be aChristian, therefore, is tospreadthe goodnews, Forinstance: Aurelius Augustinus, tractatio scripturarum Towards theendof I cannotstressenoughthat,rega .” G.A.Press,“ De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina meet meet doctrina doctrina essential essential – is, therefore, learning how to discover what is to be understood and how to set
theFourthbook, – inpre-ChristianLatinandDeDoctrinaChristianaGerald De Doctrina Christiana, 4.31.64. uding thosewhoarevestedwith needs, not onlyof Christian teachersin a special sense– bishops, priests, or Doctrina,” 114. Doctrina 305 De DoctrinaChristiana , 4.29.62.
rdless ofallthesearguments ,” 113. se byfocusingsolelyontheFourthbook,which tractatio scripturarum teaches. 46 of theBook;and,although Christiansarenot guidelineson preaching. Aproblem arises only 306 postolic zeal” as well.Byspreading theGood act thatapreacher–whoin 304 and this is to teach what is in the book. So the sides So two thebook. isin what teach isto this and ire) treatise is,one c scent Christianculture theydonotbasetheir Augustinemade acon neral Christianculture Eventhoughhenowherestatesthis,his 303 was intended Afteracarefulanalysisofthe theobligationtospeak.There , onecannot–andshould ould say,thegerm ofa Doctrina christiana , innowayconnected cession thatnotall factisamember of primarily , insum, for the for the CEU eTD Collection Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius 308 307 doctor doctrina regardless ofwhatapersondoeswiththisknow to any(educated)Christian,whetherhechoo context –the preacheris moreover, hecanbejusta“performer.” man whom Augustinehas described is,infact,to Christianus discussed above,andtheverywordingofthisstatement, itisclearthatthisman isa Christian –doctrine,notonlyforhimself butforothersaswell.” whose faultsaremany: “butaman asheshouldbe off aspriestsandbishopstovarious this monastery became averitableseminary from allowed him to form asmall monastery within become priests themselves. When Augustinewasconsecratedasapriest only washeapreacher,priest Christiana – betterthantheycanperform. Byth are those whocanperformbetterthantheysp (o Agostiniana Agostiniana “Per il motivo dell’utilità del popolo a ... èessenziale del popolo “Perilmotivodell’utilità doctor Qualis esse debeat qui in doctrina sana, id est Christiana, non solum sibi sed aliis etiam laborare studet. laborare etiam sed aliis sibi solum non estChristiana, id sana, in doctrina esse qui debeat Qualis is ), ma praedicator In theveryconclusionofthisbook,Augustinest apraedicator,heisnecessarily amagister is a Christiandoctor (Rome: Instituto Patristico “Augustinianum,” 1994), 98 (Rome: 98 “Augustinianum,” 1994), Patristico Instituto hisexperiencewith . InhisanalysisoftheFour De Doctrina Christiana, 4.31.64.PL 34. . ... può bastare l’essere. ...puòsolo theteacher.Thefi
(but if hedoesnotshareit,isa , andthenbishop,buthewa preaching, especially towns andvillagesinRoman Africa. e time AugustinewrotetheFourthbookof th book,Luigi Pizzolato came to 308 I,however,contendthat–in(Augustine’s)Christian rst three ll’ecclesiastico, in ultima analisi, non tanto l’essere tanto non in ultima analisi, ll’ecclesiastico, 47 the cathedralofHippoRegius.Throughyears ledge, someone whohasworkedintheChristian ses toprofesshisknowledgepubliclyornot; pronuntiator which many ofAugustine’sprotegés weresent eak, andthosewhocanspeak–orratherwrite agreaterextentpreacher than ateacher; ifhestrivestoworkinthesound–thatis books of as well:Christians –especially theilliterate in church,hadgrownconsiderably.Not ates thathedoesnotdescribehimself, .” Luigi F. Pizzolato, Pizzolato, F. .” Luigi s surroundedbymany whowereto De DoctrinaChristiana magister 307 theconclusion Fromwhathasbeen his bishop,Valerius, ). However,if this Capitoli di Retorica di Capitoli De Doctrina De Doctrina areuseful thatthis magister doctor
CEU eTD Collection 34. 311 310 309 noticed forthefirsttime onlyinthelateRoman Republicand notinthecenturies precedingit,in more, CiceroofferedthisadvicethroughCrassus. not imply authorship:“Itdidnotgrieveth eloquence” –heisnotofferingte bolsters thisclaim bycallingonanauthorityof that eloquenceshouldnotbestudiedbyanyonew by Augustine’swork. view closertotheancientidea Augustine’s rhetoricisin rhetoric isentirely unori impact onChristianoratory.While some, such Cicero’s rhetoricaltreatiseshas Talent andWisdom:Cicero orAugustine? scholars nor,onecansafely presume, byAugustine. teacher doing thesame inhisclassroom. Thecorrelationis so evident that itwasnever missed by cathedra andspeakingtohiscongre masses –were taughtthroughpreaching. (quoted above). Cf. E. Auerbach, “ “ Cf. Press, A. G. oratory. in Christian use andtheir speaking styles of of speaks Augustine in which book the of segment the in attest it,especially to which instances the tolistall tedious be Itwould on. so Marcus Tullius Cicero, MarcusTullius Augustinus, Aurelius Ipsos Romanae principes eloquentiae non piguit dicere non piguit eloquentiae principes Romanae Ipsos While writing thistreatise, Augustinewasnot The connexionbetweenthe De DoctrinaChristiana De Oratore ginal andcopiedfrom Cicero,others, fact original,duetohisapproach Sermo Humilis Sermo
of originality,butitis(inmy , 3.89, 146. been oneofthemost discussedsegments ofthisbookandits stimony from the inventorofthis stimony from the gation isextraordinarily simila Fourth bookofAugustine’s , 4.4.6,4.10.24–25, 4.11.26,4.12.27 (where hequotesCicero), and ,” 32. 309 e veryprincesofRoman eloquencetosay;” Theimage ofthepriestorbishopseatedupon 48 as Hagendahl, support the view that Augustine’s as Hagendahl,supporttheviewthatAugustine’s . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius ho cannotlearnitquicklyandwithease, Latin rhetoric–“the 311 Itwouldbefollytoimagine thatitwas “re-inventing thewheel.”Whenheclaims opinion) thecorrectview,supported thesubjectmatter. Notonlyisthis most notablyPress,assertthat truth.Thewordingitselfdid r tothe image oftheancient De DoctrinaChristiana De DoctrinaChristiana very prince of Roman very princeofRoman Doctrina
310 ,” 112, 114 114 ,” 112, , 4.3.4, PL whatis and CEU eTD Collection opinion thateloquencedevoidofwisdom is 318 317 316 315 314 313 312 that oneofthecomponents ofAugustine’spersuasive found inClassicalauthors something everyreader willknowandrecognize;without adoubtsuchobservations canbe made bypeoplefrom thecountryside. language willspeakitcorrectlyandpurely,that eloquence arenotnewororigina men, andthe artofrhetoric. to move. certain diligent negligence;” want otherstosupporttheircauseusepowerfulspeech, arguments, andevidence. that totheunknownauthorof all probabilitygoingbacktothetime ofCoraxand Tisias(fifthcenturyBC),andevenbefore Augustinusin Rhetorik und Gnadelehre Orator est diligens. neglegentia Augustin 14–18; 10, 1.14, 3.74–75; the importance oflistening, reading, and practising: art sur lequel depuis des siècles tant d’attention aété d’attention des siècles tant depuis art surlequel l’éloquence de la rhétorique, concevoir toute une formatio for eloquence, Cicero and Isocrates insist upon both 3.55. Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Cicero, MarcusTullius Docere, delectare, mouere Quaemdam diligentem neglegentiam diligentem Quaemdam , 69. Foranin-depth analys , 517. These, liketheonesoneloquence,aremerely – simpleobservations–commonsense As fororiginality,thesame canbesaidabout 316 Antidosis Thesame can besaidabouthismusings 189; cf. cf. 189; Marcus Tullius Cicero, Tullius Marcus De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina De DoctrinaChristiana Christiana De Doctrina De Oratore , 188,Antidosis 190. However, only Augustine claims thattalent and practice is enough . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius as well(ifoneofthem hasbotheredto 315 317 Docere Delectare Movere: Die Officia Oratoris bei bei Oratoris is, see:Barbara DieOfficia Kursawe, Movere: Docere Delectare
the firstrhetoricaltreatise. orhisuseofCicero’sduties EvenAugustine’sexamples whic , 1.91. (Munich: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2000). 2000). Schöningh, Ferdinand (Munich: l; itwasnotnewsthatchildren .
Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius 318 Orator
, 4.3.5. , Marcus Cicero,4.4.6–7. Tullius , 4.7.21. Marcus Tullius Cicero,, Marcus Tullius 4.7.21. Cicero, Tullius Marcus , 4.5.7. De DoctrinaChristiana , 78. eitherofusetonooneorharmful; concentrée, c’était làvraiment innover.” H-I. Marrou, and 49 n de l’orateur qui délibérément ignorera ces recettes,cet proper schooling in the the ar in schooling proper city-dwellersalways ness isthatheab on theinnatenatureofeloquence,eloquent De DoctrinaChristiana, 4.10.24. thestatement thatne 312 De Oratore
a speaker:toteach,delight,and whogrowuplisteningtogood writethem down).Itstrikesme , 4.12.27; cf. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, , cf.Marcus Tullius 4.12.27; h furtherhisopiniononnative 1.95, 1.158. Isocrates, De Inuentione De Oratore De Oratore le tousecommonsense: t ofrhetoric. Cf.“Séparer recognize themistakes arly allpeoplewho , 1.146; cf. 1.131–133, 1.131–133, cf. , 1.146; , 2.80. , 2.80. , 1.1;cf. Quaedam etiam 314 In Sophistas In 313 De Oratore about“a Orthe Saint , , CEU eTD Collection (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2004), 89. 322 321 320 319 any more importantwork tobedone,rh it; evenwhenoneistalentedenough tolearnrhet rhetorical education;ifitistobepursuedby it atall. repeated therhetorician’struththatonlythosew relationship withthetruthis (Quintilian’s included),buttheywe same causefrom bothsidesoftheargument ca a tool.Infact,rhetoricalexerciseswhicharede that Augustinesawmorenegativetra “unarmed” against awell-armed host (pagans,schismatics, heretics). who knewthismust alsorealizethat itwouldbe sheerfolly toleavethe defenders of theTruth An EducationinRhetoric:Why,When,Who,andHow? Christian teachercanbe classified assuch to statehispointclearlyandcontextualizeit. Sophistas Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Aurelius Augustinus, Cicero, Tullius Marcus Augustinus, Aurelius , 10, 17. 17. , 10, 321 Furthermore, theteaching ofrhetoric is Rhetoric isfundamentally neutralbecause it Butthisdoesnotmean thateveryone De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina De Oratore notsuitedtoaChristian.
, 2.130. Cf. Elaine Fantham, The Roman World of Cicero’s its inrhetoricaltrainingthan re heartilyrecommended byCicero. etorical educationcanbedispensedwith , 4.3.4. , 4.2.3;cf. , 4.3.4. Cf. Marcus Tullius Cicero, Cicero, , 4.3.4.Cf. Marcus Tullius any, itshouldbebythosewhohavetheleisuretodo well, anditwouldbeusefultoconsiderthem. 50 Some oftheadvice hegivestotheprospective ho canlearn theartofrhetoricquickly canlearn Contra Cresconium signed totrainafuture nnot befoundinmost textbooksofrhetoric overrated. Augustinerefe oric quickly,itstilltakes time andifthereis whoistalentedenoughshouldpursuea can defendeitheralieortruth; anyone , 1.1.2. in rhetoricitse 319 De Oratore From thisonecan infer orator topleadforthe 320 rred toCicero,who That sort of lax , 3.146; Isocrates, Isocrates, , 3.146; 322 lf: rhetoricwas because itis De Oratore In In CEU eTD Collection secondary; thosewit the most fromarhetoricaleducati benefits tradition maintained that schooling rhetorical schooling are scarcely able to 331 330 329 328 327 326 325 324 323 better learnedbyadopting it naturallythanbyincu the “maid-servant” ofwisdom. because theyusedtobe eloquent, but because they are eloquentwithouttrainingin trying tosay; andforaChrist themselves.” can speakby therulesandatsame time th rhetoric doeslittletohe only fosterexclusivity,foolishva and exerciseiswhatmakes agr boys only;thereisnoneedforadults only ameans andnotanendinitself. Cicero, possunt eacogitare cum dicunt, si non de his disputant. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Quandoquidem etiam ipsi qui eadidicerunt et copiose ornateque dicunt, non omnes ut secundumipsa dicant, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. H-I. Marrou, Famulam … eloquentiam. labore Magno De Oratore The ancientrhetoricaltradition–Augustine included–realizedthat The factthatarhetorical educationisunn 328 . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius Ifaspeakeristooanxiousabouttherule , 1.113, 1.150, 2.90, 2.131, 2.131, 3.146. 2.90, , 1.150, 1.113, Saint Augustin Saint De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina hout talentwillgetnothing De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Confessiones Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius lp inspeaking:“Sincenotevenal , 517–518. , 517–518. ian speaker sayingisteaching.
330 eat orator,theschoolisirreleva eloquence; theeloquenceonefinds De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Eloquence,therefore,isasin inglory, andcauseexcessivepride. , 3.4.7. is secondarytonature and thatatalentedspea towastetheirtime inclasses. 323 , 4.3.5. , 4.3.4. , 4.3.4. Lastly,studyingtheartofrh , 4.3.4. Cf. Isocrates, , 4.3.4.Cf.Isocrates, De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina overcome alackoftalentandnaturalwit. on. However,forAugustineschoolingwasnoteven 51 ink ofthem, unlesstheyarediscussingtherules from their“greatlabour.” lcating itfromwithout. ecessary isattestedbynumerous authorswho are , 4.3.4. PL34. eloquent; l amongthosewhohavelearnedthem s, hemight losetrackofwhatheis In Sophistas In , 4.6.10. nate aslanguage,andlanguageis De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina nt; whatismore, thoseschools 329 324 intheseworks,eloquenceis 327
intheirworksistherenot
etoric shouldbelimited to Memorizingtherulesof , 10, 14–18; Marcus Tullius Tullius Marcus 14–18; , 10, 331 326 Insteadofseatinga allthemethods of If aninborn talent ker willderive , 4.3.4. PL 34. 325 This CEU eTD Collection justification forthestyle style alsoconcealsthe mysteries ofthefaithfrom unbelievers. Thethird, andweakest, 338 337 336 335 334 333 332 written inamoreconcealing style can intrigue A textwritteninaclearand style employed bytheOldTestamen always immediatelyevident.Augustineexplains Speaking Clearly better; thiseloquenceisperfectly is inaccordance withtherulesofrhetoric displayed in theScriptures andinthe writingsof Christian authors – anatural eloquence, which and wisewordswillfurther theTrut less talentedspeaker,Augustinerecommends a important to aChristian teacher. eloquently, butthatthiseloquent listening toworksofel talented boyinaclassroom, Augustinerecommends dulcescunt. when they are uncovered.” ( 3.55. more “The they the words About ofthe Prophets: seemcovered by figura Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius
The Scriptureswerecomposed withana ) Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, ) Aurelius De Doctrina Christiana DeDoctrina De DoctrinaChristiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina oquent men, andexercising. is thatitprovidedinte Quanto magistranslatis uerbis uidentur operiri,tanto magiscum fuerint aperta De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina
simple stylemight become m 333 suitedforwhatithastosay: textalsocarrieswisdom; wi The Bible itself willinstilboth t writers wasintended tosharpen theminds of thefaithful. h through thevesselofspeaker. , 4.5.8.Cf. supra,Cicero. , 4.7.14. , 4.6.9; cf. Ibid., 4.7.21. Cicero, cf. , Marcus Tullius 4.6.10; , 4.5.8. , Cicero, Cf. 4.5.8. Marcus Tullius 335 –isabundantandbeautiful,itwise, the readerand incitehim tofurtherwork. 52 lligent men withanopport , 4.7.15,PL 34. thorough knowledgeofth ppropriate eloquencewhich,nonetheless,isnot that thedifficult,metaphorical, andmysterious 332 that heratherdevotehimself toreadingand Itisbest if the mate onotonous andvexing,whileatext 336 temperate, notostentatious. sdom, Augustinesays,ismuch tive words, thesweet eloquence andwisdom. Toa De Oratore De Inuentione unity toexcelandgain rial isnot only written e Bible;itseloquent 334 , 3.146. Theeloquence , 1.1, DeOratore er theybecome 338 That 337
, CEU eTD Collection 345 344 343 342 341 340 339 words, notthewordsthemselves; in whatever form itcomes,because the teacher’s efforts might become futile.Onlyafewpeoplearereadyto is nottoconvince,butrevealwhatwashi away ornamentinsuchaway technique referredtoby Ciceroasacerta sounds, oneshouldavoidspeakin make aspeechlesselegant;eventhoughthemessage speaking infrontofa because one cannotanswereverybody’s question teaching salvation.Apreacherespeciallyhas people unlesstheyar better suitedforaselectfew,andtheyshouldne that either the recipient istoo dim orthepassage isexceptionally difficult; intelligible. AChristianteachermust speak sothat mentioned; men whointerpretthesewordsforothershavetobeclearandimmediately however, isnottobe imitated; these workswere some second-hand respect intheChurchbyinterpreting theunclear passages. When we want nothing more than to open what is closed.” ( “What isthe use in a golden key ifitcannot ifitcan? open one ina what we wooden want? Or islacking what Cicero, MarcusTullius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Haec tamen sic detrahit ornatum ut sordes non contrahat. Clarity inspeechisvitalforanyteacher,but De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina e trulyessential. Orator group ofdiverse“pupils.” ,
78. 78.
that itdoesnotbringmeanness.” 345 it isaninbornqualityinintel g tooblandly.Inthesecas 341 Christianteachingsaremore
, 4.10.25. , 4.9.23. , 4.8.22. , 4.8.22. in “diligent (or careful) negligence,” dden; however,iftherevelationsoundscharmless 53 need forclarityandimmediateunderstanding, 342 writtenin such awayforthereasons already ver bebroughtupinfr Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius itisnothisfaultifhe isnot understood, but or stayonthesame subjecttoo longwhen However,aferventdesireforclaritymight Quid enim prodest clauis aurea, si aperire quod quod siaperire aurea, clauis prodest enim Quid itselfismore important thanthewayit especiallytheChristian teacher:heis 344 ligent peopleto love thetruth in ThegoalofaChristianteacher es, Augustinerecommends a De Doctrina Christiana, powerful eveninthis case ont ofalargegroup appreciate themessage 340 thesepassages are 343 339 “whichtakes Thisstyle,
4.10.24. 4.10.24. CEU eTD Collection 4.11.26. Non congregabo conuenticula eorum de sanguinibus de eorum conuenticula 4.10.24; congregabo Non etiam ipsa sine quibus uiui non potest alimenta condienda sunt 352 351 350 349 348 347 346 Augustinus, Aurelius uolumus non potest? Aut quid obest lignea, si hoc potest? Quando nihil quaerimus nisi patere quod clausum est solecisms orbarbarism whennosynonym canbefound. otherwise) findsappropriatesynonyms where if itcausesthespeakertobemisunderstood; it distinguish theshortnessorlengthofavowel.” word ridiculed by anygrammarian,arefullyjustifiable; avoid anylackofclarity(w understanding. Therefore,aChrist justifies theuseofgrammaticallyimproper wo The Teacher’sGrammar faithful needtoliveinblesse chance, the metaphors are clear;theteachings of even theregularfoodwit learn have not few similarities between them, forthetastes ofthemany oneneeds tospiceup because theycarrytruth Christiana Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, Aurelius In Classical Latin, two words had this same nominative singular: os, ossis, word Classical the In Latin, Augustinus, Cf. Aurelius Augustinus, Aurelius Sed quoniam inter sehabent nonnullamsimilitudinem uescen Vbi Afrae aures decorreptione uocalium uel productione non iudicant sanguis Any teachermust avoidwordswhichdonotteachand bringaboutconfusion;this , 4.10.24. , 4.10.24. 349 orusetheword De Doctrina Christiana, 4.11.26. De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina De 346 hout whichonecannotlive.”
Doctrina Christiana (moreover, the Truth sanguis hich isthesame reasonthe d eternity,justasregular ossum was asingularia tantum ian teachermay useincorrect , 4.10.24. , 4.10.25. for “bone”insteadof for ,
4.28.61–29.61. 54 possible, anduseimme rds byChristianteachers becausethegoal is 347 351 aChristianteachercanusethepluralof . aChristianteacher arethe foodwhichthe would bebestiftheteacher(Christianor Psalmus ). “Butsincethosewhoeatand Maintainingthepurityofspeechisuseless food keepspeoplealiveinthe tes atque discentes, propter fastidiaplurimorum, . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius 348 . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius 352 uulgus
Nowordinthis sentence is there by 15.4 uses them). Solecisms, whichare os nt . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius 350 . (bone); os, oris, words if,byusingthem, they “whenAfricanearscannot diately understandable De DoctrinaChristiana De DoctrinaChristiana nt. (mouth). saeculum De Doctrina . .) , ,
CEU eTD Collection barbarisms andneologis nature oftheBibleandearlydevelopment cringe; evenifhedoe 355 354 353 have chosentorepeatat understood wouldbespeakinginvain. They donotsobecausetheycannotspeak properly,but becausespeakingwithoutbeing When theyspeaktosmall childrentheylowe Augustine compared theneedforaclarityinte punishment andtotheonewhoproposediteitherde on deafearsintheclassroom ofagrammarian longitudine non queratur qui habe eumlegat est, per partes longus est. Cui autem Écrite et Communication Orale du du IV Orale Écrite etCommunication Augustinus, Aurelius Cf. H-I. Marrou, Longior euasit liber hic quam uolebam quamque putaueram. Sed legenti uel audienti cui gratus est, longus non est, longus cuigratus audienti uel legenti Sed putaueram. quamque uolebam quam liber hic euasit Longior loathe toknowitshouldnot but wantstoknowit,hemay readitinparts.One,ontheotherhand,whois reader orhearertowhomitispleasing, Augustine concludedhistreatisewitharather A Christianteacherisdestined touse num “This book has run longer than I had wanted or expected. But to the “This bookhasrunlongerthanIhadwantedorexpected.Buttothe Saint Augustin Saint . Aurelius Augustinus, Augustinus, . Aurelius In Euangelium Ioannis Tractatus Ioannis Euangelium In s notupholdtherecommendationof(“vu the endof this chapter. ms (especiallycalques). , 536–539. , 536–539.
e au IX au complain ofthelength.” e siècleen Occident Latin 354 De Doctrina Christiana De Doctrina
re uult cognitum. Quem uero cognitionis eius piget, de piget, eius cognitionis Quem uero cognitum. re uult r theirlanguagetothe 55 of theChristianfaithhecannotavoidingusing aching tothebehaviourofmothersandnurses. 353 is notlong.However, , 7.23; cf. Michel Banniard, erous wordswhichwouldmake agrammarian Counselssuchasthes ; theywouldcertainlybringitsadherent rision orfrustrateda nicevariationonausualformula,I which (Études Augustiniennes: Paris, 1992), 74. , 4.31.64. PL 34. , 4.31.64. 355
lgar”) clarity,becauseofthe to whom itislong children’s understanding. Viva Voce: Communication Communication Voce: Viva nger. Inanotherwork, e wouldprobablyfall CEU eTD Collection basic tenetswould,nevertheless, based culturewouldbesharedbyallChristianRomans. which was,indeed,sharedacrosstheRoman lands–butonlyby most likely,ceasetoform thebackboneofaRoma those works,insteadof(sinful,lascivious,bl Christian writings(theBibleincluded),Augustine Bible replaces the displays apreference forChristianwritings: theBibl Doctrina Christiana replace thiscommon,pagan,Roma as ageneralreligiousknowledge Roman sharedthesame lore,thesame mythology, depending ontheperson,hisor they allhadanin-depth education andapassionateloveforthelettergave literary textsithadproducedan what hasbeendiscussedinprev Augustine sawthis.Theculturehehadproposed This culturewould,cert Augustine’s proposedculturecannotberegarded Iliad , Augustine’svisionmay toleratepa knowledge ofthemost influentiallitera and theAeneid d whichhad maintained itfor cen ious chapters, one canseethatRoman culture wasbasedonthe her proclivitiesandabilities).Everycultured(sc.Latinophone) besharedbyeveryone. Educat (regardless ofpersonalbeliefs). ainly, notbesharedbyeveryCh n culture.Accordingtothe A CHRISTIANCULTURE . Bysayingthatonecanbecome eloquentbyreading CONCLUSION CONCLUSION asphemous, idolatrous)poems. Theseworkswould, 56 theeducated class ofRomans ashared culture; says thateducationcanbeginandbebasedon n Latinculture.UnlikethelateRoman culture history, oratory,scien e andthe ChurchFathers. In this culture, the was was asdilettantishor gan literature, butitunequivocally wording oftheFourthbook ry works(more orless,ofcourse, new inthesensethatitsoughtto ed paganRomans didsharethe the aristocracy – theScripture- turies. Almost identical formal ristian tothesame extent.Its ce, philosophy,aswell unoriginal.From De De CEU eTD Collection driving force oflateRoman affairs–social only onehecouldturnto,hadeffectively love forwisdom. ThefactthatCicerowasallar established sourceofphilosophyinLatinwasCicero, theman w lover ofwisdom, wasgreatlyimpeded byhislimited knowledgeofGreek,andthemost dedicate hislifetowisdom,bym unparalleled model; Augustine’slifechangedwhen tedious, butthereareafewthatneedtobementioned. IntherhetoricalschoolCicerowas all theways CiceroinfluencedAugustine’s edu eloquence oftheScriptureswouldbecome th not beginwithCicero–asithadinthesecularcu eloquent speaking–soimportanttoateacher, spoke, education,andlevelofliteracy(ifany). of theRomanempire theycame from (oreven andEveorMa Yet, everyChristianknewofAdam and soon)–noteveryRoman knewtheadvent Augustine lovedsomuch asaboy)–especiallyth language. NoteveryRoman citizen knewofthe congregation), butthissh knowledge ofChristianityby,forinstance, Augustine andanilliteratepeasantinhis same culture withapproximately thesame knowle Augustine, aboyfromtheboundsofhi Augustine’s debttoCiceroismanifest. Itwouldfarexceedthelimits ofthisworktolist ared culturewaslimited eans ofasmall treatis prevented Augustinefrom e modeluponwhichallel mobility –became thegreatmind ofLatinlate 57 ound him tobeginwithandthathewasoftenthe doctor Christianus The more exclusivepart outside ofit),regardle lture –butwiththeBible.Thesacredandwise cation; onlytomention them wouldbecome e onesintheEast(Greeks,Egyptians,Syrians, in thenumberofpart dge (atleastwhencomp ry, Joseph,andJesus,re this superblyeloquentman convincedhim to ures ofOdysseus(Gauls,Berbers,Libyans). adventures ofAeneasandDido(thestory e; Augustine,asawould-bephilosopher, nterland ofRoman Africathroughthat ho introducedAugustinetothe “choosing”Cicero. , inAugustine’svisiondoes oquence isfounded. icipants, andhinderedby ss ofthelanguagethey ofthenewculture– gardless ofwhatpart ared to the disparate ared tothedisparate CEU eTD Collection ueritas etuita are love,truth,andsalvation,followingin His the which undoubtedlystartedtodevelopinCassiciacum whenAugustin Augustine toconvertCicero’s orator optimigeneris ancient systemofeducation,anditdidwhat Augustine’s intellectualdevelopment. Cicero’sdoc high culture–the or whenCicerosimply speakfrom Augustine’swo when hecreditsCiceroor“theprinceofRo décadence. Augustine’sindebtedness to Cicero can late Roman societyandcultureor antiquity, theexquisitelyeloquentChristian,yet, saeculum doctor optimigeneris , Augustine’steacherisamore natural,amo . sine quanon–and,because ofthe . ChristianityandtheLord,recipientofhis is dedicated tothe orator , as Marrou called him (following along tradition), lettréde la to a thefootstepsofonewhosaid man eloquence” for his influence or sound judgment man eloquence”forhisinfluenceorsoundjudgment doctor Christianus doctrina sana,idestChristiana 58 it wasdesignedtodo:makehimintoCicero’s one must alwayskeepinmind, stillaman of trine was inclucatedintoAugustinebythe rks. Cicero was the corner-stone of ancient rks. Cicerowasthecorner-stoneofancient be observedfrom hisownworks; either Hortensius re organicsortofteacherandspeaker. . Certainly,withnewpriorities , additionally significant for e leftallhopeforalifein Confessions , whosepriorities Ego sumuiaet , inspired CEU eTD Collection Starohriš secular schools. 361 360 359 358 357 356 to classicalnorms; thiswas,nevertheless,an programme thatreplacedthetradi and Luke. they havetheirreligionandth expected toteachchildren poetry–sacredpagan school –slowlybegantoloserespectinthelate Western Roman empire. only whenitwasimpossible tomaintain itbecause highly reveredatradition. pagan) culture and Christianity; itwas inconceiva l’Éducation dans l’Antiquité dans l’Éducation (Belgrade: Book] Ancient the Towards Authors ofEarlyChristian Attitudes Positive Classicism: H. M. Jones, TheLater Roman Empire Ristovi Homeric hexameter, various other metres, Platonic dialogues, and so on. Henri-Irénée Marrou, Iulianus, Claudius Flauius 17 the June from force In J. H. W. G.Liebeschuetz, J. H. W. G.Liebeschuetz, Liebeschuetz,J. H.W. G. ć , The lastpaganemperor, forbadetheChristiansfrom JuliantheApostate, teachingin Somewhat unexpectedly, atfirsttherewere ć Starohriš anski Klasicizam: Pozitivni Stavovi Starohriš Stavovi Pozitivni Klasicizam: anski 360 Twomen didjust that; a certain A ć 359 anski Klasicizam anski The reason was that the Christians were inferior and that they could not be ThereasonwasthattheChristianswereinferiorandtheycouldnotbe th (Paris: Du Seuil, 1958), 429. Cf. A.H.M.Jones, CHRISTIANS ANDSCHOOL , 225–239. 225–239. , Fall and Decline , 318. Fall and Decline 362 to January 11 the toJanuary 362 , 61. Epistolae Decline and Fall of the Roman Roman City the Fall of and Decline 357 356 IntheEastern empire, Classicalculture –andwithit,theclassical Thedeclineoftheancientschool system wasafactintheWest
, 115. , 115. eir books,soletthem openthei CHRISTIANITY AND THE CLASSICS: CHRISTIANITY ANDTHECLASSICS: tional pagantextswithBiblical (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1964), 1005; Nenad Ristovi th 364. APPENDIX APPENDIX exceptionthatdidnotprovetobeenduring. 59 fifthcenturyandthendrasticallyinthesixth. ć Codex Theodosianus anskih Pisaca PremaAnti poetry –whentheydo notbelieve inthegods; oftheGermanic conquestsandthe endofthe ble tosimply discard such anancientand so pollinarius andhissoncreated aschool no major conflicts between Classical (i.e. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 225; A. 225; Press, 2001), University Oxford (Oxford: S IN LATEANTIQUITY S IN r ownschoolsandteachMatthew texts, whichtheyhaveadapted , The Later RomanEmpire, 1006; N.
13.3.5 13.3.5 č koj Knjizi Knjizi koj Č igoja, 2005), 113. 113. 2005), igoja, [Early Christian [Early Christian Histoire de 358 361
ć ,
CEU eTD Collection allowed that their children remain uneducated. What ismore, itishardtobelievethat wealthy was itis quiteprobable thatitwas not enforced, from teaching,therewas nomention ofChrist However, littleisknownabouthowsuccessfulthebanwas;eventhough itforbadeChristians 365 364 363 362 required forthefaithandChristianmessage to was Augustine,inhissmall monastery inHippoRegius. and hewasthesame yearslaterinhismonastery Christianthinkersandjoininthei find famous knowledge bytheirown devices. programmes foraspiringtheologians;would-be was flourishinginthefourthandfifthcenturies,therewerenoschools,academies, or birth totheearlyepiscopalschool, though noChristian schoolfo education process, Julian forced them toturnin although quiteshort-lived,hadlong Julian’s banwasexceptionallyunpopular,evenamong theemperor’s pagansupporters. Christian measures.” A. H. M. A.D. 337–425 in Literary Culture” and “Education Cameron, Averil Caesarea and, in the East, Edessa and Ni Starohriš Antiquity Late in Society and Grammarian The “Surprisingly, perhaps, and despite the Christian intell Christian the despite and perhaps, “Surprisingly, For more on this,see: H-I. Marrou, A. H. M. Codex Theodianus, Since theChristian faith wasbased onthe written word, aminimum of literacy was There werenoattempts toorganizeahighe ć , 135. , 135. Klasicizam anski
Jones, , ed. Peter Garnsey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 667; A. H. M. Jones, 1010–1011. M.Jones, 1010–1011. H. A. 667; 1998), Press, University Cambridge (Cambridge: , ed. Peter Garnsey The Later Roman Empire Roman Later The
13.3.6). “His [Julian] action aroused a greater storm ofprotest than any of his other anti-
The Later Roman Empire Jones, Roman Later The
r thegraterpublicwascreatedin , 435–447; cf. A. H. M. Jones, M.Jones, Histoire cf. A. H. , 435–447; 365 sibis, for the vast majority, Christian training remained largely informal.” largely informal.” majority, Christian vastremained training sibis, forthe and thesixth-centurymonastic school. Theclosestthingtoanorga er lastingconsequences;bys , 1006. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 72; N. Ristovi The CambridgeAncient History 60 r discussions;Jerome didthesame hisyouth, in ian students;seeing how unpopularthe measure and educatedChristiansagreedwiththeban ectual traditions of a few centuries such as Alexandria, asAlexandria, afewcenturies such of traditions ectual wards anddeviseaschool 363 in theHolyLand;another example ofthelatter especially inthefarthe r-level Christianedu beupheldandspreadto Christian thinkershad toattain theological MarrouinferredthatJulian’sprohibition, , 1006; cf. Robert A. Kaster, The Later Roman Empire Roman Later The late antiquity, this process gave late antiquity,thisprocessgave nized educationsystem wasto hutting Christiansoutofthe cation. Althoughtheology r regionsoftheEmpire. 364 vol. 13:Empire, TheLate
others.Therefore,a Guardians of Language: Language: of Guardians oftheirown;even , 1007. 362 ć ,
CEU eTD Collection 371 370 369 368 367 366 because Jesus andtheApostles wereuneducated: therefore its basis–classical literature –as pervaded byChristianity. Chrysostom, forinstance. his famous rhetoricalschoolinAntioch,Libani almost unaffected; cultured men became culturedinth sacred languages from theworksof sacrilegious writers. education withthepagans,insecularschools; Christianized schoolprogramme;theywe instead Christian). pagans beforethem, continuedtosupporteduca (e.g. lifes,homilies), sermonswerewrittendown, erudition; numerous bookswerecopied(noton throughout thetwoRomanempires. a model tobeimitated; inrabbinicschoolstheJe educationhadtobethestudy part ofaChristian историјску антички reality.( historical new Christian the into wasintegrated literary culture ancient the said, better or, literary culture ancient old the into itselfcompletely integrated Cf.“Christianity A. Cameron, “Education,” 669; cf. R. A. Kaster, N. Ristovi 677–678. 670, “Education,” Cameron, A. H-I. Marrou, Actus Apostolorum
With onlyafew(quitelimited) exceptions,Chri Nonetheless, therewas alsoacertainresistance towards theclassical culture, and књижевну
реалност 367 ć , Starohrišć
Histoire .) N. Ristovi , 4.13. , 4.13. културу , 420. , 420. , 118–119. , 118–119. Klasicizam anski 370 , 369 боље
ć BothpagansandChristiansshar , 207. , 207.
речено 366 Christianscholarship even
античка Guardians of Language of Guardians well.Usingpolishedlanguagebecame aproblem, 61 of theScriptures.Jewishreligiouseducationwas us hadbothpaganandChristianstudents,John књижевна ly Christianones),new literaryforms emerged tion andculturefinancially(bothClassical ws studiedsacredtexts ἄνθρωποι there theylearnedwhatwerenowbecoming and soon;wealthyChristians,like re contenttolettheir childrensharean e same schools,regardless oftheirfaith; in stians inlate antiquity didnotcreate a
368 култура Χришћанство
ἀγράμματοι Theculture, the ed thealready formed cutlurenow , 72–73 (note 168). 168). (note 72–73 , се aided (secular)educationand утопила [ ; and thesacredlanguage се] 371 Paul said for himself forhimself said Paul сасвим
у παιδεία, remained
нову
утопило
хришћанску
у
стару
CEU eTD Collection Cerf, 1957). 1957). Cerf, Praescriptione Haereticorum essence, inaccordancewithJulian’s laterdecision). avoid theClassics andthe schoolsbecauseoftheidol precautionary measures) becausethere wasno nevertheless thoughtthatitwasimportant forchild using arguments ofpaganphilo culture hehadbelongedto,whil culture and thenascent Christianculture. Here these wordsTertulliandenied understand. language andtheartof rhetoric;iffornoother preacher wasuneducatedsimple folkwhodid not Christianity waspreached notonly toeducated 377 376 375 374 373 372 unrefined languageagreeable which hewasmore thancapableofdoing; Latin-speaking Christians,Jerome didnotattempt that hewas “uncouthin sp 114, 166; Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus, Cf. Sophronius Eusebius Hieronymus Stridonensis, Stridonensis, Hieronymus Eusebius Sophronius Cf. Sophronius Eusebius HieronymusStridonensis, , 22.30. Epistolae A. Cameron, “Education,” 672. 670–671. “Education,” Cameron, A. Ἰδιώτης Quid ergo Athenis et Hierosolym Tertullianus, is? Florens QuidAcademiae et Septimius Ecclesiae? Quintus “What hasAthenstodowithJerusalem?
τῷ 373
λόγῳ Inordertomake theBibleaccessible andunderstandable toalltheclassesof , ἀλλ ’ οὐ
, 7.9. Quoted from , 7.9. Quoted τῇ
γνώσει eech, but notinknowledge.”
after theLatinclassics. any connexion–ortheneedforonebetweenoldpagan e atthe same time writinginthe language of that culture, even . Ad Corinthios 2 sophy: ascienceherejectedasfalseanddangerous.He De De Idolatria
Praescriptione Haereticorum 374 62 Epistolae he admitted even that he didnot find suchan , 11.6. , 11.6. What theAcademy alternative. Adults, jected theeducationhehimself hadandthe people, butthatmost oftheaudience to createatranslationin reason thanthattheywereoftendifficultto 377 , 10. ren tobeeducatedinsecularschools(with caremuchforthe heights oftheliterary 375 atrous natureofpagan “Itiseasier nottoteach letters than notto , 21.13; N.Ristovi
372
One must alwayskeep in mind that , ed. François Refoulé (Paris: Du with theChurch?” on theotherhand,should ć , Starohrišć theliterarylanguage, literature (hewas,in , Klasicizam anski 376 With De
CEU eTD Collection (Vienna: F. Tempsky, 1890). F. Tempsky,1890). (Vienna: from Quoted 384 383 382 381 380 379 378 Christian teacherswerereve who gainedanyrespectwereChristianteacher ethics. instance, the moralistic linesfrom Menanderor Terence) wasnotthatdifferent than Christian everything theyfeltwaswronginthem; yetthemoralaspectoftextsreadinschools(for and studentswhonotonlydid the programmes thegreatestchange oftheschools; incresing number ofChristianteachers and students. grammar school c.203, learn them;” H-I. Marrou, Cf. N. Ristovi A.H.M. Jones, See, for instance: Eusebius, Eusebius, Cf.supra. See: A. H. MJones, 1005. Facilius est litteras non docere quam quam non discere docere non estlitteras Facilius The tradition ofclassicaleducation remain 383 Therewasno change in thestatus ofthete Historia Ecclesiastica Historia De Idolatria 378 Histoire ć , Starohriš thisopinionwassharedbyotherChristianauthors. , 1006. Empire Roman Later The , 448. , 448. , Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 380 ć anski Klasicizam Historia Ecclesiastica Historia andtherewereotherChristianswithsimilar occupations. red aspeoplewhocanuncoverth ,
6.2.15. believe thetalesofgodsandheroes,butdisagreedwith , 202. , 202. ,
6.3.3, 7.32.6. . Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus, 63 s; liketherabbisamong in theschoolsisthattherewerenowteachers ed thenorminlateantiquity, despitethe 382 achers in secular scho Christianityalmost innowaypermeated e secretsoftheScriptures. , ed.A. Reifferscheid, andG.Wissowa. 379 However,Origenopeneda ols; theonlyteachers the Jewishfaithful, De Idolatria, 10.7. 381
384
CEU eTD Collection Biblia SacraIuxtaVulgatam Clementinam Ausonius, Decimus Magnus. ______. Soliloquii ______. Sermones ______. Retractationes. InPatrologiaLatina ______. ______. Epistolae ______. De ______. ______. De ______. ______. DeCivitateDei ______. ______. Augustinus, Aurelius. Asconius, QuintusPedianus.InMilonianam XII PanegyriciLatini Sources: Bibliography: Classical Library.Ed.HughG.Evelyn-White. Migne, 1841. 1841. 1841. Paul Migne.Paris:Migne,1841. 1841. Press, 1992. Ed. Simon Squires.Wauconda, IL:Bolchazy–Carducci, 2006. De Doctrina Christiana.InPatrologiaLatinavol.34.Ed. De In EuangeliumIoannisTractactus Contra Academicos Contra CresconiumGrammaticumDonatistam VitaBeata Ordine
Quantitate Animae . InPatrologiaLatina . InPatrologiaLatina . InPatrologiaLatina . Ed. Emil Baehrens.Leipzig:Teubner,1874. . InPatrologiaLatina . In Augustine:Confessions.Ed.J.J.O’Donnell.Oxford:Clarendon Confessiones. In . InPatrologiaLatina . InPatrologiaLatinavol.41.Ed.Jac Commemoratio Professorum Burdigalensium. InAusonius . InPatrologiaLatinavol.32.Ed. . In Patrologia Latina vol.33.Ed.JacquesPaul vol.32.Ed.JacquesPaul vol.38.Ed.JacquesPaul . Ed.MichaelTweedale. EditionElectronica:London,2005. vol.32.Ed.JacquesPaulMigne.Paris:Migne,1841. . In
. InPatrologiaLatina vol.32.Ed.JacquesPaul Migne. Paris:Migne,1841. vol. 32.Ed.JacquesPaulMigne.Paris:Migne,1841. Asconius:CommentariesonFiveSpeechesofCicero Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1921. 64 vol. 32.Ed.JacquesPaulMigne.Paris:Migne, . InPatrologiaLatinavol.43.Ed.Jacques ques PaulMigne.Paris: Migne,1841. Migne.Paris:Migne,1841. Migne.Paris:Migne,1841. Migne.Paris:Migne,1841. Jacques PaulMigne.Paris:Migne,
Jacques PaulMigne.Paris:Migne, vol. 35.Ed.JacquesPaulMigne. vol. 1.Loeb . CEU eTD Collection Gellius, Aulus. ______. Epistolae Hieronymus, SophroniusEu Fronto, MarcusCornelius.EpistulariumFrontonis:Frontoni s EpistulaeadMarcumAntoninum Eusebius. HistoriaEcclesiastica ______. ______. Cicero, MarcusTullius. Catulus, GaiusValerius. Carmina.In Cassiodorus, FlauiusMagnusAurelius.Institutiones Edictum Diocletiani ______. ______. DeOratore Digesta Iustiniani Codex Theodosianus ______. DeNaturaDeorum ______. Epistulae Haines. Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1920. Jacques PaulMigne.Paris: Migne,1863. Oxford: OxfordUniversityPress,1990. Imperatorem and ItalyoftheEmpire Library. Ed.H.M.Hubbell.Cambri Ed. G.P.Goold.Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1913. 1937. Diocletian 1735. Ed. ChristianThomas, LüderMencke University Press,1968. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1952. De Inuentione De Partitione Oratoria Orator Noctes Atticae . Ed E. R. Graser. InT.Frank. . EdE.R.Graser. . In Praelectionum. In Juris CivilisTomiIIIS . In . InPatrologia Latina . adFamiliares.Ed.D.AlbertWesenberg. Leipzig:Teubner,1885. ( . Ed. TheodorMommsenandPaulM.Meyer.Berlin:P.Krüger,1905. Marcus CorneliusFronto: Correspondence Edictum dePretiisRerum Venalium). . Ed.Wilhelm Friedrich.Leipzig:Teubner,1892. Ad Atticum Cicero: BrutusandOrator. LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.H.M.Hubbell. . In sebius Stridonensis. Cicero:OnInvention,TheBe . InAuliGelliiNoctes Atticae . Ed.W. Teubner,1933. Ax.Leipzig: . Baltimore: Johns HopkinsPress,1940. . Barcelona:EditorialNova,1950. . Ed.L.C.Purser.Oxfo . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.H. Catulus, Tibullus,Pervigilium Veneris vol.23.Ed.JacquesPaul dge: HarvardUniversityPress,1949. , andUlrikHuber.Leipzig: Jo.Friderici Gleditschii Filli, An EconomicSurveyofAncientRome Vita Hilarionis . Ed.R.A.B.Mynors.Oxford:ClarendonPress, 65 rd: ClarendonPress,1901–1902. . OxfordClassicalTexts.
ecundum Institutiones etDigestaJustiniani st KindofOrator,Topics A TextandTranslationoftheEdict Migne. Paris:Migne,1846. . InPatrologiaLatina . LoebClassical Library. Ed.C.R. Rackham. Cambridge: Harvard . LoebClassicalLibrary. Ed. P. K. Marshall. Ed.P.K.Marshall. . Loeb Classical Vol. 5: vol. 23.Ed. Rome . CEU eTD Collection Ovidius, PubliusNaso.“Amores.” In Origenes secundum translationem Rufini. Martianus Capella. Martialis, Marcus Valerius. Macrobius, Ambrosius Theodosius. Liuius, Titus. Licentius. Libanius. Lactantius, LuciusCaeciliusFirmianus. Iuuenalis, Decimus Iunius. Iulianus, FlauiusClaudius. ______. ______. Horatius, QuintusFlaccus. ArsPoetica Isocrates. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press,1939. Berolinense, 1921. Ker. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1968. University Press,1919. Teubner, 1879. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1977. Laubmann. Vienna:F.Tempsky, 1890. Omnia Morton Braund.Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,2004. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1913. Press, 1928. 1928. Library. Ed.H.RushtonFairclough.Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1929. Rushton Fairclough.Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1929. Antidosis In Sophistas Sermones Orationes. In Carmen Ab VrbeConditaLibri vol. 1.CorpusScriptorum Ecclesiasticorum . InPoetaeLatiniMinores . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.GeorgeNor De NuptiisMercurii et Philologiae . In . LoebClassical Library. Horace: Satires,EpistlesandArsPoetica Libanius: SelectedOrations Epigrammata Saturae Epistolae Saturnalia . InJuvenalandPersiusLoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.Susanna Ovid: Heroides,Amores . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.B. . InJulianLoebClassicalLibrary. Ed.Wilmer C.Wright. . In . InMartial: Epigrams Diuinae Institutiones In NumerosHomiliae Horace: Satires,EpistlesandArsPoetica . Ed.LudwigvonJan.Lepizig:GottfriedBass,1852. . Ed.Emil BaehrensandFriedrichVollmer. Lepzig: Ed.GeorgeNorlin.Camb . Ed.James Willis. Leipzig: Teubner,1983. 66 . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed. A.F.Norman. BrandtandGeorg Latinorum.Ed.Samuel lin. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress, . LoebClassicalLibrary.CharlesW.Ryle. . InL.CaeliFirmianiLactantiOpera . LoebClassicalLibr . Ed. W. A. Baehrens. Berlin: Corpus . Ed.W.A.Baehrens.Berlin:Corpus . Loeb ClassicalLibrary.Ed.H. O.Foster.Cambridge: Harvard ridge: HarvardUniversity ary. Ed.W.C.A. . LoebClassical CEU eTD Collection ______. ______. Seneca, LuciusAnnaeus(Philosophus). DeBeneficiis Scriptores HistoriaeAugustae Quintilianus, MarcusFabius. “InstitutioOratoria.”InQuintilian:InstitutioOratoria Prudentius, Clemens Aurelius.LiberPeristephanon Possidius. “VitaAugustini.”In ______. ______. Plutarchus, LuciusMestrius. Plinius, GaiusCaeciliusSecundus. Plautus, TitusMaccius. “Mercator.” In Petronius. “Satiricon.”InPetronius,SenecaApocolocyntosis.LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.E.H. Paullinus Pellaeus. “Eucharisticon.”In ______. “Tristia.” Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press,1917. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1935. Ed. JohnW. Basore.Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress, 1935. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1921. Library. Ed.G.P.Goold.Cambri Thompson. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1949. Weiskotten. Princeton:Princeton UniversityPress,1919. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1927. Harvard UniversityPress,1919. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1919. Classical Library.Ed.BettyRadice.Ca 1896. Warmington. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press,1925. White. Cambridge:HarvardUniversityPress,1921. Harvard UniversityPress,1939. Quaestiones Romanae . In Plutarch’s Lives.Cato Minor.In LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed. De VitaBeata. In Epistolae
. In In Ovid: Tristia,ExPonto Seneca: Epistles . In Plutarch’s Lives Cicero. In Seneca: MoralEssays . In . InPlutarch:Moralia Sancti AugustiniVitaScriptaaPossidioEpiscopo Epistolae Historia Augusta Plauti Comoediae Ausonius dge: HarvardUniversityPress,1920. . Loeb ClassicalLibrary.Ed.RichardM.Gummere. . In mbridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1969. . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.T.E.Page.Cambridge: Vol. 2.LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.HughG.Evelyn- Pliny theYounger:Le . InPrudentius. LoebClassicalLi . InSeneca:MoralEssays 67 . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed. JohnW. Basore. . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.DavidMagie. . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.FrankColeBabbit. . LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.BernadottePerin. vol. 1.Ed. Friedrich Leo. Berlin: Weidmann, Bernadotte Perin.Cambridge: tters andPanegyricus . LoebClassicalLibrary. . LoebClassical . Ed.HerbetT. brary. Ed.H.J. . Loeb CEU eTD Collection Brown, Peter. andSecondaryBooth, AlanD.“Elementary Écrite Banniard, Michel.VivaVoce:Communication Auerbach, Erich.“Sermo Humilis A Greek–EnglishLexicon Literature: ______. De Tertullianus, QuintusSeptimius Florens. ______. Tacitus, Publius Cornelius. “Annales.” In Sylloge InscriptionumGraecarum ______. ______. Suetonius, GaiusTranquillus. Seruius, MaurusHonoratus. Seneca, LuciusAnnaeus(Rhetor). (1979): 1–14. Occident Latin Ages]. Trans.RalphManheim. L und imMittelalter Ed. A.ReifferscheidandG. Classics. Ed.RolandMayer.Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress,2001. Charles DennisFisher.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1906. Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1914. Harvard UniversityPress,1914. HarvardUniversityPress,1914. Rolfe. Cambridge: Leipzig: Teubner,1864. Library. Ed.M.Winterbottom. Cambri Dialogus deOratoribus De Rhetoribus.InSuetonius De VitaCaesarum PraescriptioneHaereticorum Augustine ofHippo:ABiography . ÉtudesAugustiniennes:Paris,1992. . Ed.H.G.Liddell,R.Scott, H.S.Jo [Literary LanguageandItsPublicinLateLatinAntiquitytheMiddle Explanationes inArtemDonati De Grammaticis . InSuetonius . Ed.Wilhelm Dittenbergeretal.Leipzig:B.G.Teubner,1915–1924. .” In LiteraturspracheundPublikuminderlateinischen Spätantike In .” Controuersiae Wissowa. Vienna:F. Tempsky, 1890. . In Tacitus:DialogusdeOratoribus . In ondon: Routledge&KeganPaul,1965. De Idolatria.CorpusScriptorumEcclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vol. 2 Loeb Classical Library. Ed. J. C. Rolfe. Cambridge: Vol. 2LoebClassicalLibrary. Ed.J.C.Rolfe.Cambridge: Cornelii TacitiAnnaliumab . Ed.FrançoisRefoulé.Paris:DuCerf,1957. Education intheRoman Empire.” In dge: HarvardUniversityPress,1974. . Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress, 2000. Suetonius Suetonius . In Vol. 1–2LoebClassicalLibr . InTheElderSeneca.Controversiae etCommunicationOraleduIV 68 . In nes, etal.Oxford:ClarendonPress,1996. Vol. 2LoebClassicalLibrary.Ed.J.C. Grammatici Latini Excessu DiuiAugustiLibri. Ed. . Cambridge GreekandLatin ary. Ed.J.C.Rolfe. vol. 4.Ed.H.Keil. Florilegium Florilegium e auIX . LoebClassical
e siècleen No 1 No 1 CEU eTD Collection ______. SaintAugustinetlaFin de CultureAntique Marrou, Henri-Irénée. Liebeschuetz, J.H.W. G. Lancel, Serge. Kursawe, Barbara. Keseling, Paul.“AugustinundQuintilian.”In ______. “Noteson‘Primary’ and‘Seconda Kaster, RobertA. Jones, ArnoldHughMartin.“EducationandCulture.”In Harris, William V. Hagendahl, Harald. Gemeinhardt, Peter. Gabillon, Aimé. aliasCornelius–Du “Romanianus Fortin, ErnestL.“Augustineandth Fantham, TheRomanWorldofCicero’sDeOratore Elaine. Cribiore, Raffaela. Cameron, Averil.“EducationandLiteraryCulture.”InTheCambridgeAncientHistory ______. Gnadelehre. Munich:FerdinandSchöningh,2000. Paris 21–24Septembre1954:Communications American Philological Association University ofCaliforniaPress,1998. University Press,1964. Siebeck, 2007. Augustin.” 100. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress,2001. Late Empire,A.D.337–425.Ed.PeterGarnsey.Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress,1998. of Wisconsin Press,1992. Power andPersuasioninLateAntiquity:TowardsaChristianEmpire Saint Augustin Revue desÉtudes Augustiniennes Guardians ofLanguage:TheGrammarianandSocietyinLateAntiquity Ancient Literacy Augustine andtheClassics Docere DelectareMovere:DieOfficiaOratorisbeiAugustinusinRhetorikund Gymnastics oftheMind:GreekEduca Das lateinischeChristentu Histoire del’Éducation dans l’Antiquité Decline and Fallofthe RomanCity . Paris:Fayard,1999. e Problem ofChristianRhetoric.” . Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress,1989. 113 (1983):323–346. Augustinus Magister . Vol.2.Gothenburg:Humanities Press,1967. ry’ SchoolsinLateAntiquity”Transactions ofthe m unddieantikepaganeBildung
vol. 24,No1–2(1978):58–70. . Vol.1.Paris:ÉtudesAugustiniennes,1954. 69 . Paris:DeBoccard,1938. Nouveau surleBienfaite . Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2004. The LaterRomanEmpire . Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 2001. . Paris:DuSeuil,1958. tion inHellenisticandRomanEgypt : CongrèsInternationalAugustinien, Augustinian Studies
ur etl’Ami deSaint . Madison:University . Tübingen:Mohr . Oxford: Oxford . Oxford:Oxford 5 (1974):85– vol. 13: . Berkeley: The . CEU eTD Collection Ristovi Pizzolato, Luigi F. Paulys Realencyclopädie derCla Oxford LatinDictionary Mohler, S.L. “Slave Education intheRoman Empire.” In Vössing, Konrad.SchuleundBildungimNordafrikaderRömischenKaiserzeit Traina, Alfonso.L’alfabeto elapronunzia dellatino.Bologna:R.Pàtron,1967. Testard, Maurice. Schaeffer, JohnD.“TheDialecticofOralitya Press, GeraldA.“ ć 1997. 2 (1984):98–120. al. Stuttgart:J.B.Metzlersche,1942. American Philological Association 5 (1996):1133–1145. Doctrina Christiana the AncientBook].Belgrade: Knjizi , Nenad. [EarlyChristianClassicism: ThePositive Starohriš Doctrina inAugustine’s Saint AugustinetCicéron Capitoli diRetoricaAgostiniana . Oxford:ClarendonPress,1968.
ć anski Klasicizam:PozitivniStavoviStarohriš .” InPublicationsoftheModernLanguageAssociationAmerica ssischen Altertumswissenschaft Č igoja, 2005. 71(1940):262–280. De DoctrinaChristiana.”In . Vol.1.Paris:Études Augustiniennes,1958. De nd Literacy:TheCaseofBook4Augustine’sDe
. Rome: Instituto Patristico “Augustinianum,” 1994. 70 Attitudes ofEarlyChristianAuthorsTowards . Ed.AugustPauly,GeorgWissowa, et Transactions andProceedingsofthe PhilosophyandRhetoric ć anskih PisacaPremaAnti . Brussels: Latomus, 111,No 17, No č koj