Towards the Establishment of Constitutionalism in Russia
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Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia's Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 64 Number 1 Internationalism and Sovereignty Article 3 (Fall 2019) 4-23-2020 Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine. Igor Gretskiy [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Igor Gretskiy, Lukyanov Doctrine: Conceptual Origins of Russia’s Hybrid Foreign Policy—The Case of Ukraine., 64 St. Louis U. L.J. (2020). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol64/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW LUKYANOV DOCTRINE: CONCEPTUAL ORIGINS OF RUSSIA’S HYBRID FOREIGN POLICY—THE CASE OF UKRAINE. IGOR GRETSKIY* Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kremlin’s assertiveness and unpredictability on the international arena has always provoked enormous attention to its foreign policy tools and tactics. Although there was no shortage of publications on topics related to different aspects of Moscow’s foreign policy varying from non-proliferation of nuclear weapons to soft power diplomacy, Russian studies as a discipline found itself deadlocked within the limited number of old dichotomies, (e.g., West/non-West, authoritarianism/democracy, Europe/non-Europe), initially proposed to understand the logic of Russia’s domestic and foreign policy transformations.1 Furthermore, as the decision- making process in Moscow was getting further from being transparent due to the increasingly centralized character of its political system, the emergence of new theoretical frameworks with greater explanatory power was an even more difficult task. -
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2007 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1986 http://www.nsarchive.org January 1st, 1986. At the department1 everyone wished each other to celebrate the New Year 1987 “in the same positions.” And it is true, at the last session of the CC (Central Committee) Secretariat on December 30th, five people were replaced: heads of CC departments, obkom [Oblast Committee] secretaries, heads of executive committees. The Politizdat2 director Belyaev was confirmed as editor of Soviet Culture. [Yegor] Ligachev3 addressed him as one would address a person, who is getting promoted and entrusted with a very crucial position. He said something like this: we hope that you will make the newspaper truly an organ of the Central Committee, that you won’t squander your time on petty matters, but will carry out state and party policies... In other words, culture and its most important control lever were entrusted to a Stalinist pain-in-the neck dullard. What is that supposed to mean? Menshikov’s case is also shocking to me. It is clear that he is a bastard in general. I was never favorably disposed to him; he was tacked on [to our team] without my approval. I had to treat him roughly to make sure no extraterritoriality and privileges were allowed in relation to other consultants, and even in relation to me (which could have been done through [Vadim] Zagladin,4 with whom they are dear friends). -
Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2011 Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/49 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Mikhail Gorbachev and His Role in the Peaceful Solution of the Cold War Natalia Zemtsova May 2011 Master’s Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of International Affairs at the City College of New York Advisor: Jean Krasno ABSTRACT The role of a political leader has always been important for understanding both domestic and world politics. The most significant historical events are usually associated in our minds with the images of the people who were directly involved and who were in charge of the most crucial decisions at that particular moment in time. Thus, analyzing the American Civil War, we always mention the great role and the achievements of Abraham Lincoln as the president of the United States. We cannot forget about the actions of such charismatic leaders as Adolf Hitler, Josef Stalin, Winston Churchill, and Franklin D. Roosevelt when we think about the brutal events and the outcome of the World War II. Or, for example, the Cuban Missile Crisis and its peaceful solution went down in history highlighting roles of John F. -
2 Russia and Democracy
RUSSIA AND 2 DEMOCRACY By Jeremy Kinsman, 2013 INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE RUSSIAN EXPERIENCE he Russian struggle to transform from a totalitarian system to a homegrown T democracy has been fraught with challenges. Today, steps backward succeed and compete with those going forward. Democratic voices mingle with the boorish claims of presidential spokesmen that the democratic phase in Russia is done with, in favour of a patriotic authoritarian hybrid regime under the strong thumb of a charismatic egotist. Meanwhile, excluded by Russian government fat from further direct engagement in support of democratic development, Western democracies back away, though they are unwilling to abandon solidarity with Russia’s democrats and members of civil society seeking to widen democratic space in their country. Russia’s halting democratic transition has now spanned more than a quarter of a century. The Russian experience can teach much about the diffculties of transition to democratic governance, illuminating the perils of overconfdence surrounding the way developed democracies operated with regard to other countries’ experiences 20 years ago. This Russian case study is more about the policies of democratic governments than about the feld practice of diplomats. It is a study whose amendment in coming years and decades will be constant. RUSSIAN EXCEPTIONALISM As the Handbook insists, each national trajectory is unique. Russia’s towering exceptionalism is not, as US scholar Daniel Treisman (2012) reminds us, because the country has a particularly -
Perestroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1993 Contracts in Conflict: erP estroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy Karl Glenn Hokenmaier Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the European History Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hokenmaier, Karl Glenn, "Contracts in Conflict: erP estroika and the Decline of Soviet Legitimacy" (1993). Master's Theses. 775. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/775 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONTRACTS IN CONFLICT: PERESTROIKA AND THE DECLINE OF SOVIET LEGITIMACY by Karl Glenn Hokenmaier A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1993 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONTRACTS IN CONFLICT: PERESTROIKA AND THE DECLINE OF SOVIET LEGITIMACY Karl Glenn Hokenmaier, M.A. Western Michigan University, 1993 Gorbachev’s perception of the Soviet Union’s socio-economic crisis and his subsequent actions to correct the economy and reform the political system were linked with attempts to renegotiate the social contract between the state and the Soviet people. However, reformulation of the social contract was incompatible with the conditions of a second arrangement between the leadership and the nomenklatura-the Soviet ruling class. -
Draft—August 1995
“RUSSIA’S TINDERBOX” Conflict in the North Caucasus And its Implications for The Future of the Russian Federation Fiona Hill September 1995 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Background to the Report Introduction Executive Summary Section I The Structural Legacy of the USSR Section II The Crisis of National and Regional Leadership in the North Caucasus Section III The Failure of Russia’s Regional Policy Section IV Territorial Disputes in the North Caucasus Section V Chechnya Appendix 1 The Refugee Crisis in the North Caucasus Appendix 2 The Islamic Factor in the North Caucasus Bibliography Selected Works in English for Additional Reading on the North Caucasus PREFACE Background to the Report In the Summer of 1993, the Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project began an inquiry into the conflicts in Russia’s North Caucasus region, as part of a broader study of post-Soviet ethno- political conflicts. In the course of this inquiry, it became apparent that there were practically no contemporary English-language studies of the North Caucasus. Although the new Transcaucasian states of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan were beginning to be studied more closely as a consequence of their new status as independent states after 1991, information on the Russian North Caucasus region was only available from news wires and the occasional flying visits of Western correspondents. This was in spite of the prevalence of violent conflict in the Caucasus as a whole, the involvement of North Caucasian groups in these conflicts, and Chechnya’s 1991 declaration of independence from the Russian Federation. By 1993, Azerbaijan and Armenia had been in a de facto state of war over Nagorno- Karabakh for almost five years; an armed conflict had flared between Georgia and South Ossetia sending a wave of refugees into North Ossetia in the North Caucasus; North Caucasian mercenaries were fighting on the side of Abkhazia in its war with Georgia; and a violent conflict had erupted within the North Caucasus itself between Ossetians and Ingush. -
The EU Border Mission at Work Around Transdniestria: a Win-Win Case?
n°21, janvier 2010 Daria Isachenko Université Humboldt de Berlin & Université de Magdeburg The EU border mission at work around Transdniestria: a win-win case? Until recently little was known about Transdniestria, a small piece of territory situated between Moldova and Ukraine. What was mostly known is that this place is a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational criminals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, ranging from cheap submachine guns to high-tech missile parts”.1 In brief, it is a “gunrunner’s haven”, where “just about every sort of weapon is available” upon request.2 Moreover, to arms production and smuggling, many experts add human trafficking and drug smuggling.3 Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse. Since then, Transdniestria remains a contested territory which officially belongs to Moldova, but has managed to create its own attributes of statehood, seeking international recognition. The claim to statehood of this entity presents a great challenge to Moldova’s territorial integrity, whose officials mostly view this statelet as a puppet, created by the “certain circles” in the Kremlin with the sole purpose of keeping Moldova under Russia’s sphere of influence. Since no progress was made in settling this “frozen” conflict over the years, Moldova started to search for allies in the West. By 2005 the Moldovan government managed to persuade the European Union to 1 G. P. Herd, “Moldova and the Dniestr region: contested past, frozen present, speculative futures?”, Central and Eastern Europe Series, 05/07, Conflict Studies Research Centre, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Febuary 2005. -
Cyclical Dynamics in Economics and Politics in the Past and in the Future Leonid Grinin, Tessaleno Devezas, Andrey Korotayev
Cyclical Dynamics in Economics and Politics in the Past and in the Future Leonid Grinin, Tessaleno Devezas, Andrey Korotayev To cite this version: Leonid Grinin, Tessaleno Devezas, Andrey Korotayev. Cyclical Dynamics in Economics and Politics in the Past and in the Future. Leonid Grinin. Kondratieff Waves. Juglar – Kuznets – Kondratieff. Yearbook, 2014, Leonid Grinin, pp.5 - 24, 2014, 978-5-7057-4282-0. hprints-01863129 HAL Id: hprints-01863129 https://hal-hprints.archives-ouvertes.fr/hprints-01863129 Submitted on 28 Aug 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Public Domain Introduction Cyclical Dynamics in Economics and Politics in the Past and in the Future* Leonid E. Grinin, Tessaleno C. Devezas, and Andrey V. Korotayev Nikolay Kondratieff is known primarily for his theory of long cycles. However, it is worth recalling that he was among the first who started to investigate the nature of different economic cycles and their systematic interaction. Actually the primary classification of cycles into short, medium and long belongs to Kondratieff. In 1922, in his book The World Economy and its Conjunctures during and after the War Nikolay Kondratieff formulated for the first time the basic tenets of the theory of long cycles (Kondratieff 1922 [2002]). -
By George Gerbner Tbe August Coup
1 MEDIA AND MYSTERY IN. THE RUSSIAN COUP; By George Gerbner Tbe August Coup: Tbe Trutb and tbe Lessons~ By Mikhail Gorbachev. HarperCollins. 127 pp. $18.00 Tbe Future Belongs to Freedom~ By EduardShevardnadze. New York: The Free ,Press, 1991. 237 pp. Eyewitness; A Personal Account of the Unraveling of tbe Soviet Union. By Vladimir Pozner. Random House. 220 pp. $20.00 . Seven Days Tbat Sbooktbe World;Tbe Collapse of soviet communism. by stuart H. Loory and Ann Imse. Introduction by Hedrick Smith. CNN Report, Turner Publishing, Inc. 255 pp. Boris Yeltsin: From Bolsbevik to Democrat. By John Morrison. Dutton. 303pp. $20. Boris Yeltsin, A Political Biograpby. By Vladimir Solvyov and Elena Klepikova. Putnam. 320 pp. $24.95 We remember the Russian coup of A~gust 1991 as a quixotic attempt, doomed to failure, engineered by fools and thwarted by a spontaneous uprising. As Vladimir Pozner's Eyewitness puts it, our imag~ of the coup leaders is that of "faceless party hacks ••• Hollywood-cast to fit the somehow gross, repulsive, and yet somewhat comical image" of the typical Communist bureaucrat.(p. 10) Well, that image is false. More than that, it obscures the big story of the coup .and its consequences for Russia and the world. By falling back on a cold-war caricature ' and . accepting what Shevardnadze calls "the export version" of perestroika, the U.s. press, and Western media generally, may have missed the story of the decade. .' The men who struck on August 19, : 1991 were, as Pozner himself · argues,,"far from inept ,and, indeed, ' ready to do whatever was necessary to win. -
Latvia 1988-2015: a Triumph of the Radical Nationalists
The Baltic Centre of Historical and Socially Political Studies Victor Gushchin Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists Political support of the West for Latvian radical nationalism and neo-Nazismand the import of this ideology into Latvia after the West’s victory in the Cold War. Formation of a unipolar world led by the USA, revision of the 1945 Yalta and Potsdam treaties and the 1975 Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe as main reasons for the evolution of the Republic of Latvia of May 4th, 1990,from elimination of universal suffrage to relapse of totalitarianism: establishment of the so-called «Latvian Latvia», Russophobia, suppression of ethnic minority rights, restriction of freedom of speech and assembly, revision of the outcome of World War Two and propaganda of neo-Nazism. Riga 2017 UDK 94(474.3) “19/20” Gu 885 The book Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists» is dedicated to Latvia’s most recent history. On May 4, 1990, the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Council) of the Latvian SSR adopted the Declaration on the Restoration of Independence of the Latvian Republic without holding a national referendum, thus violating the acting Constitution. Following this up on October 15, 1991, the Supreme Soviet deprived more than a third of its own electorate Latvia 1988 - 2015: of the right to automatic citizenship. As a result, one of the most fundamental principles of a triumph of the radical nationalists democracy, universal suffrage, was eliminated. Thereafter, the Latvian parliament, periodically re-elected in conditions where a signif- icant part of country’s inhabitants lack the right to participate in elections, has been adopting Book 1. -
Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia
Democracy and Institutional Design in Russia EUGENE HUSKEY he stunning political comeback of Boris Yeltsin serves as a reminder of the T vital role of the individual in politics. A disengaged and irresolute president through much of his first term, Yeltsin revived himself in time to capture the sup- port of the nation in the 1996 presidential elections. These elections also high- lighted the many informal sources of power in Russia that lie beyond the consti- tution. One of the most influential of these was the media. Through a careful manipulation of the tone and content of campaign coverage, Yeltsin’s backers managed to portray the contest between candidates as a referendum on good ver- sus evil. Personality, informal politics, and circumstance—these are the forces that come to mind during periods of political transition. But a country’s institutional arrangements also shape its development, often in profound though less obvious ways. Put simply, Russia’s particular pattern of institutions and rules has favored certain political outcomes over others.1 The decision to adopt an unusual variant of semi-presidentialism, for example, has had fateful consequences for the sta- bility and efficacy of the new regime.2 This article examines the impact of semi- presidentialism on Russia’s post-communist transition as well as the ways in which the logic of semi-presidentialism has adapted to the distinct circumstances and culture of Russian politics.3 The Origins of Semi-Presidentialism in Russia, 1989-1991 At the end of the 1980s, faced with broad-based resistance to reform within the Communist Party apparatus, Mikhail Gorbachev sought alternative institutional arrangements that would at once enhance regime legitimacy and offer the leader an additional base outside of the party.4 Invoking a variant of the Leninist slogan “All Power to the Soviets,”5 Gorbachev settled upon a reinvigoration of the mori- bund legislature.