Vladimir Putin and Russia's Newest
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A Call to Join in the International Days of Solidarity Against Political Repression in Russia
A Call to Join in the International Days of Solidarity Against Political Repression in Russia An appeal from the Russian leftists to their comrades in the struggle: Today we, the representatives of Russian leftist organizations, turn to our comrades all over the world with an appeal for solidarity. This call and your response to it are very important to us. Right now we are facing not just another instance of dubious sentencing by the Russian “justice” system or another case of a human life broken by the encounter with the state’s repressive apparatus. Today the authorities have launched against us a repressive campaign without precedent in the recent history of Russia, a campaign whose goal it is to extinguish the left as an organized political force. The recent arrests, threats, beatings, aggressive media attacks and moves towards declaring leftist groups illegal all point to the new general strategy on the part of the authorities, much more cruel and much less predictable than that of recent years. The massive protest movement that began in December 2011 radically changed the atmosphere of political and social passivity established during the Putin years. Tens of thousands of young and middle-aged people, office workers and state employees, began to appear on the streets and to demand change. On December 10th and 24th 2011, and then on February 4th 2012, Moscow, Petersburg and other large cities became the sites of massive rallies, demonstrating a new level of politicization of a significant part of society. The “managed democracy” model crafted by the ruling elite over many years went bankrupt in a matter of days. -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2015
INSIDE: Experts analyze efforts of Ukraine’s new prosecutor – page 3 Congressional delegation meets with Poroshenko – page 4 Special section: Ukrainian Debutante Balls – pages 9-11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXIII No. 12 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 22, 2015 $2.00 Senate Foreign Relations Committee Ukraine’s minister of fi nance visits hears testimony on Ukraine policy D.C. to seek assistance for Ukraine Appearing on the first panel were Victoria Nuland, assistant secretary of state Frustration mounts for European and Eurasian affairs; Vice as Obama declines Admiral Frank Pandolfe, director for strate- gic plans and policy for the Joint Staff to provide lethal aid Pentagon; Brian P. McKeon, principal depu- ty undersecretary of defense for policy; and Ukrainian National Information Service Ramin Toloui, assistant secretary of trea- sury for international finance. WASHINGTON – The chairman of the Despite arguing that Ukraine figures Senate Foreign Relations Committee prominently in U.S. strategy in Europe and (SFRC), Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.), called recounting the ways in which the U.S. is into session two panels to hear testimony offering economic support to Ukraine, the on President Barack Obama’s policy toward panelists did not say the U.S. is prepared to Ukraine to repel Russian aggression and offer Ukraine military assistance. It was push reform. Word of the president’s state- clear that the administration’s objective is ment in diplomatic channels in February to affect Russian behavior by diplomatic that his administration will not offer mili- means, which includes imposing sanctions tary assistance to Ukraine was the back- that will hurt Russia economically. -
Joseph Stalin Revolutionary, Politician, Generalissimus and Dictator
Military Despatches Vol 34 April 2020 Flip-flop Generals that switch sides Surviving the Arctic convoys 93 year WWII veteran tells his story Joseph Stalin Revolutionary, politician, Generalissimus and dictator Aarthus Air Raid RAF Mosquitos destory Gestapo headquarters For the military enthusiast CONTENTS April 2020 Page 14 Click on any video below to view How much do you know about movie theme songs? Take our quiz and find out. Hipe’s Wouter de The old South African Goede interviews former Defence Force used 28’s gang boss David a mixture of English, Williams. Afrikaans, slang and techno-speak that few Russian Special Forces outside the military could hope to under- stand. Some of the terms Features 34 were humorous, some A matter of survival were clever, while others 6 This month we continue with were downright crude. Ten generals that switched sides our look at fish and fishing for Imagine you’re a soldier heading survival. into battle under the leadership of Part of Hipe’s “On the a general who, until very recently 30 couch” series, this is an been trying very hard to kill you. interview with one of How much faith and trust would Ranks you have in a leader like that? This month we look at the author Herman Charles Army of the Republic of Viet- Bosman’s most famous 20 nam (ARVN), the South Viet- characters, Oom Schalk Social media - Soldier’s menace namese army. A taxi driver was shot Lourens. Hipe spent time in These days nearly everyone has dead in an ongoing Hanover Park, an area a smart phone, laptop or PC plagued with gang with access to the Internet and Quiz war between rival taxi to social media. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
The Russian Job
The Russian Job The rise to power of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation “We did not reject our past. We said honestly: The history of the Lubyanka in the twentieth century is our history…” ~ Nikolai Platonovich Patrushev, Director of the FSB Between August-September 1999, a series of explosions in Russia killed 293 people: - 1 person dead from a shopping centre explosion in Moscow (31 st August) - 62 people dead from an apartment bombing in Buynaksk (4 th September) - 94 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (9th September) - 119 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (13 th September) - 17 people dead from an apartment bombing in Volgodonsk (16 th September) The FSB (Federal Security Service) which, since the fall of Communism, replaced the defunct KGB (Committee for State Security) laid the blame on Chechen warlords for the blasts; namely on Ibn al-Khattab, Shamil Basayev and Achemez Gochiyaev. None of them has thus far claimed responsibility, nor has any evidence implicating them of any involvement been presented. Russian citizens even cast doubt on the accusations levelled at Chechnya, for various reasons: Not in living memory had Chechen militias pulled off such an elaborated string of bombings, causing so much carnage. A terrorist plot on such a scale would have necessitated several months of thorough planning and preparation to put through. Hence the reason why people suspected it had been carried out by professionals. More unusual was the motive, or lack of, for Chechens to attack Russia. Chechnya’s territorial dispute with Russia predates the Soviet Union to 1858. -
Projecting Bolshevik Unity, Ritualizing Party Debate: the Thirteenth Party Congress, 1924
Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 31, pp. 55‒76 Projecting Bolshevik Unity, Ritualizing Party Debate: The Thirteenth Party Congress, 1924 TAKIGUCHI Junya The Thirteenth Congress of the Bolshevik Party – the first Party congress since V. I. Lenin’s death – was convened in Moscow in May 1924, thirteen months after the Twelfth Congress.1 The Congress promoted an atmosphere of mourning by adorning the auditorium of the Bol’shoi Palace in the Kremlin (the venue of the plenary session) with portraits of Lenin. The accompany- ing publicity emphasized how the great Party leader had uncompromisingly worked for the Soviet state throughout his life.2 In preparing the Congress re- ports, party officials scrutinized Lenin’s writings and speeches, and the Central Committee reports constantly referred to “what Lenin said” in order to repre- sent itself as the legitimate heir of Leninism.3 Nearly all speakers representing the central Party institutions mentioned Lenin’s name in their reports. Grigorii Zinoviev said in his opening speech that the Party ought to be united, and should be “based on Leninism.”4 However, the Thirteenth Congress was not merely one of grief and con- dolence. The Bolshevik leadership orchestrated the Congress to project Party unity, to propagate the achievements and the glorious future of the Soviet gov- ernment, and to mobilize Soviet citizens into Bolshevik state-building. There were few attempts to inject this kind of drama before 1924 when the Party congress instead acted as a genuine debating forum with little propaganda.5 The Thirteenth Congress hence represented a new departure in terms of the structure, function and significance in the history of the congress during the early Soviet era. -
2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity
CI-18/COUNCIL-31/6/REV 2 2018 DG Report on the Safety of Journalists and the Danger of Impunity INTRODUCTION This report is submitted to the Intergovernmental Council of the International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) in line with the Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the issue of Impunity adopted by the Council at its 26th session on 27 March 2008, and renewed at subsequent sessions in 2010, 2012, 2014 and 2016. In its latest Decision, adopted in November 2016, the IPDC Council urged Member States to “continue to inform the Director-General of UNESCO, on a voluntary basis, on the status of the judicial inquiries conducted on each of the killings condemned by the Director-General”. The present report provides an analysis of the cases of killings of journalists and associated media personnel that were condemned by the Director-General in 2016 and 2017. It also takes stock of the status of judicial enquiries conducted on each of the killings recorded by UNESCO between 2006 and 2017, based on information provided by Member States. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Executive Summary 2 2. Background and Context 2 3. Journalists’ killings in 2016 and 2017: key findings 7 3.1 Most dangerous regions 8 3.2 Rise in number of women journalists among fatalities 9 3.3 Highest number of killings among TV journalists 11 3.4 Majority of victims are local journalists 11 3.5 Freelance and staff journalists 12 3.6 More killings occurring in countries with no armed conflict 12 4. Member States’ responses: status of the judicial enquiries on cases of journalists killed from 2006 to end 2017 13 4.1 Decrease in Member State response rate to Director-General’s request 18 4.2 Slight reduction in impunity rate, but 89% of cases remain unresolved 19 4.3 Member States reporting on measures to promote safety of journalists and to combat impunity 22 5. -
Freedom of the Press 2005
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 FREEDOM OF THE PRESS 2005 A Global Survey of Media Independence EDITED BY KARIN DEUTSCH KARLEKAR FREEDOM HOUSE NEW YORK WASHINGTON, D.C. ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. LANHAM BOULDER NEW YORK TORONTO OXFORD ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC. Published in the United States of America by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, MD 20706 www.rowmanlittlefield.com P.O. Box 317, Oxford OX2 9RU, United Kingdom Copyright © 2005 by Freedom House All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1551-9163 ISBN 0-7425-4028-6 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN 0-7425-4029-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992. Table of Contents Acknowledgments, vii The Survey Team, ix Survey Methodology, xvii Press Freedom in 2004, 1 Karin Deutsch Karlekar Global and Regional Tables, 11 Country Reports and Ratings, 19 Freedom House Board of Trustees, 225 About Freedom House, 226 Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2005 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. The following section, entitled “The Survey Team,” contains a detailed list of writers and advisers without whose efforts and input this project would not have been possible. -
IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice
Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language and Justice May, 16-18, 2017 Hangzhou, China and Montréal, Québec, Canada Chief Editors: Ye Ning, Joseph-G. Turi, and Cheng Le Editors: Lisa Hale, and Jin Zhang Cover Designer: Lu Xi Published by The American Scholars Press, Inc. The Proceedings of The Fifteenth International Conference on Law, Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law (IALL2017): Law, Language, and Justice is published by the American Scholars Press, Inc., Marietta, Georgia, USA. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means including information storage and retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the publisher. Copyright © 2017 by the American Scholars Press All rights reserved. ISBN: 978-0-9721479-7-2 Printed in the United States of America 2 Foreword In this sunny and green early summer, you, experts and delegates from different parts of the world, come together beside the Qiantang River in Hangzhou, to participate in The Fifteenth International Conference on Law and Language of the International Academy of Linguistic Law. On the occasion of the opening ceremony, it gives me such great pleasure on behalf of Zhejiang Police College, and also on my own part, to extend a warm welcome to all the distinguished experts and delegates. At the same time, thanks for giving so much trust and support to Zhejiang Police College. Currently, the law-based governance of the country is comprehensively promoted in China. As Xi Jinping, Chinese president, said, “during the entire reform process, we should attach great importance to applying the idea of rule of law and the way of rule of law to play the leading and driving role of rule of law”. -
Sergei Udaltsov and Levyi Front: a Plethora of Potential
Sergei Udaltsov and Levyi Front: a Plethora of Potential BA Thesis Julie Jojo Nielen June 30, 2014 1169785 BA Russian Studies Da Costastraat 101 1053 ZJ, Amsterdam [email protected] word count: 9319 Contents 3 Introduction 5 The Poltical Arena 8 Levyi Front, an organization 8 Establishment and hard-line radicalism 9 The refounding and coming of age 13 I. Staying in, or coming into, existence 17 II. Resisting integration into the regime 19 III. Guarding zones of autonomy against the regime 21 IV. Disputing the legitimacy of the regime 23 V. Raising the cost of authoritarian rule 26 VI. Creating a credible democratic alternative 28 Conclusion 31 Bibliography 2 Introduction The Russian political left is often, and not unjustly, seen as a heavily fragmented tangle of niche parties and micro organizations, adept at occasionally making (international) headlines, but not so much at implementing the change they so fiercely propagate. This is mostly due to the fact that they are forced to function in a proverbial minefield of restricting, authoritarian legislation and are often subject to arbitrary prosecution and slander. Additionally, they seem to be greatly divided amongst themselves, and thus unable to create the union between parties, civil society movements and civilians that is so crucial when trying to overthrow an authoritarian regime. However, there is one organization currently active in Russia that seems to be transcending from the trenches of impotent opposition towards a position of greater power and possibilities of effectuating actual change. This organization is Levyi Front (Left Front), under leadership of the illustrious Sergei Udaltsov. -
Russian Media Policy in the First and Second Checen Campaigns
Laura Belin (doctoral candidate, University of Oxford) e-mail: [email protected] Paper given at the 52nd conference of the Political Studies Association Aberdeen, Scotland, 5-8 April 2002 RUSSIAN MEDIA POLICY IN THE FIRST AND SECOND CHECHEN CAMPAIGNS The military campaign in Chechnya from December 1994 to August 1996 became the "first real test of journalists' freedoms" since the end of the Soviet Union1 and loomed large in perceptions about the Russian media for the rest of the 1990s. Though some journalists had condemned "shock therapy" in 1992 and the shelling of the parliament in 1993, the Chechen war prompted the journalistic community to desert Boris Yel'tsin en masse for the first time. Moscow-based television networks were the public's main source of information on the fighting.2 The private network NTV exposed official lies about how the war was waged. Newscasts on state-owned Russian Television (RTR), which reached a nationwide audience on Channel 2, soon followed NTV's lead. Virtually all privately owned newspapers also raised their voices against the military campaign. The predominant slant of war coverage became a source of pride for many journalists. Though damning news reports did not end the bloodshed, steadfast public opposition to the war impelled Yel'tsin to pursue a ceasefire agreement while running for reelection in 1996.3 Both supporters and opponents of the military campaign believed that media coverage fostered and sustained the majority view. Yel'tsin rarely retreated from unpopular policies, but his turnaround on Chechnya arguably demonstrated that journalists had helped bring some degree of transparency and therefore accountability to 1 Frank Ellis, From Glasnost to the Internet: Russia's New Infosphere, London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1999, p. -
Investigating Russia's Elite: Maria Zholobova in Profile
investigative journalist Paul Klebnikov by bringing promising Russian journal- INVESTIGATING ists to New York for three weeks and introduces them to various experts and media professionals. RUSSIA’S ELITE Founded by Klebnikov’s widow, Musa, shortly after his death, the fel- lowship continues Klebnikov’s efforts Maria Zholobova in Profile to support the creation of a free and independent Russian press and to help Russian journalists expand their BY MASHA UDENSIVA-BRENNER professional networks in the U.S., learn Western journalistic techniques, and publish in Western publications. Musa Klebnikov hopes it will produce “a n a hot, sunny morning in (HTRU), which prosecutes sex and whole cadre of Russian journalists who late April, Maria Zholobova, labor trafficking crimes and provides think more of themselves because they a Moscow-based investiga- support for victims, Zholobova mar- have been abroad.” tive journalist on her first vels at the pleasant atmosphere—the Otrip to the United States, walks into the children’s play area, the calming tree Holderness walks Zholobova down the cavernous halls of the New York Coun- painting mounted above the soft beige wide hallway to her spacious, sunny of- ty District Attorney’s Office in lower chairs. She’s there to meet with the fice and explains that the center’s pleas- Manhattan. Waiting to go through HTRU chief—a friendly blond woman ant atmosphere is intentional, designed the metal detector, she looks up at named Carolina Holderness—for an to avoid the cold, bureaucratic feel of the cylindrical lamps suspended from information session about the unit; it’s government offices so as not to “retrau- a golden sun decorating the white, part of a series of meetings and classes matize” trafficking victims.