Mal J NutrPostpartum 22(2): Dietary 207 -Restrictions 218, 2016 and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular 207

Postpartum Dietary Restrictions and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular Malaysia: A Qualitative Study

Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah1*, Pamela Nilan2 & John Germov3

1 Centre for Research on Women and Gender (KANITA), Universiti Sains Malaysia, 11800 USM, Pulau Pinang, Malaysia 2 School of Humanities and Social Science, Faculty of Education and Arts, The University of Newcastle, Callaghan NSW 2308, Australia 3 SRS22 – Social Science, Social Science Annex. The University of Newcastle, Callaghan NSW 2308, Australia

ABSTRACT

Introduction: The Temiar who ethnically belong to , one of the major groups of (indigenous people) in Peninsular Malaysia, have their own distinctive food taboos and avoidances during the postpartum period. These traditions are deeply rooted in their culture, customs, values and beliefs system. Methods: A qualitative research method involving five focus group discussions were conducted to compare and contrast four different locations: the communities of Pos Tohoi, Pos Simpor, Rancangan Pengumpulan Semula Orang Asli (RPSOA) in and the community at Batu 12 in Gombak, Selangor, representing different lifestyle experiences and food practices of Orang Asli Temiar in Peninsular Malaysia. All the transcripts were coded and categorised and then ‘thematised’ using the software package for handling qualitative data, NVivo 8. Results: Despite variations in locations, there were five agreed prohibited food items during the postpartum period: cooking oil, salt, monosodium glutamate, sugar, and meat from game or domesticated animals. Dietary restrictions begin immediately after childbirth and varied from seven, eight, and fourteen days to one month. Besides food restrictions, there were other prescribed avoidances for mothers after delivering a baby. Conclusion: Prohibitions placed upon women during the postpartum period are intended to protect the new mother, the newborn baby and also the community. It appears that regardless of whether they live in the most traditional or the least traditional locations, the Temiar lineage and societal norms in the form of taboos during the female reproductive cycle are handed down to the new generation by their elders.

Key words: Dietary restrictions, focus group discussion, food taboos, Orang Asli Temiar, post-partum women

INTRODUCTION the remote forests. Nowadays, although The Temiar is one of the sub-ethnic groups most still live a tradition-bound lifestyle, that can be found under the Senoi, one of others have moved out of the forest to three three major groups of indigenous settle in more accessible locales. They people (Orang Asli) besides the Negrito live by various combinations of swidden and Proto Malay (see Table 1). Once, the farming (‘slash and burn’ agriculture and Temiar could only be found scattered in crop rotation), hunting, gathering, fishing,

* Correspondence: Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah; Email: [email protected] 208 Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah, Pamela Nilan & John Germov

Table 1. Groups and sub-ethnic groups of the indigenous people of Malaysia and their locations

Groups Sub-ethnic groups Location Senoi Semai , , Kelantan, Selangor, Terengganu Temiar Jah Hut Mah Meri or Ma’ Betisek Che Wong Semoq Beri Negrito Jahai Kelantan, Perak, Pahang, Kedah, Terengganu Kintak Kensiu Lanoh Bateq (nomadic) Mendriq Proto Malay Semelai Pahang, Johor, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan Temuan or Belandas Jakun

Source: JHEOA (1997) and trading forest produce. More recently, in their reproductive cycle, when their some men have started to undertake waged energy requirements are highest (Aunger employment as day labourers. A few have 1994), for example during the postpartum become lawyers, teachers, doctors or period. They are usually related to cultural government staff. perceptions, customs, and superstitious As an animistic people, they believe beliefs of health risk (Wilson 1980; that all entities, human and non-human, Osemeobo 1994). seen and unseen, are embodied with a As suggested by Laderman (1984), soul or spirit. Temiar people have a rich the term taboo implies a rule that may not spiritual life in which these many different be broken upon pain of supernatural or entities are recognised and reconciled. societal retribution, thus evoking obedience They follow sets of rules to maintain an from all but the most daring or foolhardy. equal and balanced harmony between all She also states that unquestioning entities and to prevent any misfortune or obedience to postpartum prescriptions and calamity from happening. proscriptions, if not followed, were feared Women are often subject to taboos, to result invariably in grave consequences especially dietary taboos, with specified for the mother and/or child. In addition, consequences or penalties for breaking women who are lactating must avoid foods them. Douglas (1994:10) states that “these considered ‘indigestible’ or ‘cold’, or foods taboos, inspired by fear, precautions that are considered difficult to digest, for against malignant spirits, were common fear the nursing infant may become ill. to all primitive peoples and often took the Jennings (1995) reported that the form of rules of uncleanness.” According to Temiar, as one of the ethnic groups among Spielmann (1989), avoidances are usually the Orang Asli, maintain a wide range of placed on women during critical times food prohibitions in order to avoid illness, Postpartum Dietary Restrictions and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular Malaysia 209 for physical reasons or due to beliefs in cohorts of women and men. A list of the supernatural. Hence, the aim of the criteria was drawn up and verified by each research is to gain an understanding of the potential participant just before the group food taboos and avoidances that Temiar convened to ensure validity. Each session women follow during the postpartum was conducted in Bahasa Malaysia and period and the rationale underpinning was audio-taped and video-recorded to such practices. allow the facilitator to focus on the group The Orang Asli Temiar are certainly responses and non-verbal behaviour for undergoing dietary change, whether they later transcription. Data collection took live in forest, resettlement, or urban areas. place between January and June 2008. Considering the limited research so far available on the postpartum food taboos of Ethical considerations the Orang Asli, the present study attempts The questionnaire and the questions for to redress the gap in the literature through the focus groups were general rather gaining an understanding of how Orang than personally probing in nature. It was Asli Temiar relate to their traditional food important that participants felt at ease and taboos and avoidances during the post- not threatened by the researcher or the partum period in modern times. data-collection instruments. Every effort was made to achieve this. The research METHODS procedures were fully approved by the Four different locations were selected: the Human Research Ethics Committee of communities of Pos Tohoi and Pos Simpor the University of Newcastle, Australia in Kelantan represented the experiences (approval number H-592-0907). of Temiar who live in a traditional site; the community of Rancangan Pengumpulan Data analysis Semula Orang Asli (RPSOA) in Kuala Betis, Focus group discussions were audio-taped Kelantan represented a transition from and video-recorded (with permission) forest to rural living; and the community at and these tapes were then transcribed Batu 12 in Gombak, Selangor, represented from oral language to written language. the Temiar who live in an urban area. Observation notes were analysed for In each fieldwork location, participants patterns, themes and categories. All the were identified using a snowball approach. transcripts were coded and categorised A total of five focus group discussions were as either a main category or sub category conducted: one group in Pos Simpor; one and then ‘thematised’ using the software group in Pos Tohoi; two in RPSOA in Kuala package for handling qualitative data, Betis; and one group in Batu 12, Gombak. NVivo 8 with each participant identified For the purpose of this comparative study, by a pseudonym. each focus group represented a location in which different lifestyle experiences of RESULTS AND DISCUSSION the Orang Asli Temiar sub-ethnic group Overview of Temiar postpartum food indicated that something different might restrictions be said about food and food practices. Table 2 presents the lists of the forbidden food items and behavioural avoidances Data collection in all research locations including their Focus group discussions (FGDs) consisted supposed effect if violated, and the focus of of the selected key informants (Tok Batin risk. It was notable that the food restrictions and midwives), and older and young seemed to be based on the belief that post- 210 Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah, Pamela Nilan & John Germov

Table 2. Restricted food items and other avoidances during the postpartum period in all locations Restricted food items Locations Reasons or supposed Focus of risk and other avoidances effect if violated Cooking oil All locations • To prevent aches and pains in future Mother • Sawan or convulsion Salt All locations • To prevent aches and pains in future Mother • Sawan or convulsions Monosodium All locations • To prevent aches and pains in future Mother glutamate • Sawan or convulsions Sugar All locations • To prevent aches and pains in future Mother • Sawan or convulsions Meat (Game and other All locations • Sawan or convulsions Mother domesticated animals) • Manifestation of prohibited animals Eat alone All locations • Mother is deemed impure/polluting Father and other people/ community Father’s restrictions All locations • Sawan or convulsions Baby Other people’s All locations • Sawan or convulsions Baby restriction • Attract a tiger Other people/ community Not going to the river RPSOA Kuala • Malevolent spirit attack Mother Betis only Work restriction RPSOA Kuala • Mother needs to recuperate Mother Betis only

partum women are weak and their bodies consumes in most other indigenous cannot handle most foods. The threat of cultures. For example, Vietnamese women sawan (convulsions) was often mentioned. are often encouraged to consume food in There was also a fear that forbidden foods large quantities to rebuild their strength might contaminate the infant. and improve breastfeeding (Lundberg & Thu 2010). Similarities of food restrictions during the postpartum period at the four locations Emphasis on Carbohydrates For the Temiar, postpartum food Postpartum women are advised to eat restrictions seem severe. Despite meat, poultry, and soup among Palestinian variations in locations, there were five Bedouin in the Negev (Hundt et al., 2000). agreed prohibited food items during Sweet drinks and meals are advised for the postpartum period: cooking oil; salt; women in South Eastern Turkey (Geckil, monosodium glutamate; sugar; and meat Sahin & Ege, 2009). A special gruel from game or domesticated animals. Many containing a large amount of lake salt societies nominate a special diet for women containing sodium carbonate and spicy after childbirth, but Temiar restrictions nutritious food are recommended for post- were different in the low level of nutritional partum women in northern Nigeria (Iliyasu value available for a woman following et al., 2006). However, in Temiar society, the restrictions, compared to what she women are not allowed to consume high- Postpartum Dietary Restrictions and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular Malaysia 211 protein or restorative foods to support their may not accept certain kinds of food; hence recovery during the postpartum period. they consume rice gruel because it is said The only meal that is allowed to be eaten to be easily digested and absorbed (Oishi by postpartum Temiar women is a bland et al., 2000). and tasteless gruel made from ground cassava root or rice. This gruel consists of Salt carbohydrates only without other essential The taboo regarding salt during the post- nutrients needed to assist with the recovery partum period has been widely accepted process. since ancient times. It is not only common As animists, the Temiar believe that in Temiar society but in other indigenous every living thing has a spirit. Meat from communities as well. All participants from a hunted animal is dangerous as it has all locations agreed that salt should not be a soul and most likely can cause sawan. consumed during the postpartum period. In addition, meat from a reared animal It was explained that salt is prohibited is avoided because the Temiar believe because it is a resource from the outside that it is wrong to kill and eat an animal domain. In order to bring the salt into the they have reared (at least during the post- human domain, some participants from partum period). No other reasons for FGD Batu 12, Gombak mentioned that it these two prohibitions against meat were should be fried until it turned a colour like given. The woman was supposed to only brown sugar. However, others said that eat gruel without any side dishes. Some even fried salt should not be consumed FGD participants from the least traditional before first being treated by the Halaq community of Batu 12, Gombak said that (shaman) to avoid any harm to the baby. in the old days, the postpartum woman Participants at all locations mentioned was not allowed to even eat rice because of the taboo on salt. Yet the practice of the hard texture, for example: altering the forbidden salt through frying Halaq “when we look back, eating and treatment by the so that it rice was forbidden because it is could be consumed was mentioned only considered hard, she has to eat by Batu 12, Gombak participants who cassava root. Put it in the bamboo live in an urban area and are exposed stem then it was… compress, to modernisation. This finding supports compress, compress… ha… Rice’s (2004) argument based on her study pound, pound, pound, only juice in Chiang Mai, northern Thailand, that was given, the root itself was not being ‘modern’ makes women challenge allowed to be consumed.” (Minah, traditional practices and modify them to female, 52 years old) some extent. It is believed that drinking the Isolation during the postpartum period cassava root juice will help to enhance the and eating alone production of breast milk. This belief is Besides food restrictions, there were other found in some other societies. prescribed avoidances for mothers after The practice of eating a bland, having a baby. These avoidances were carbohydrate-based diet is common meant to protect the mother, the baby and among Ife women in Western Nigeria also the community from supernatural (Odebiyi, 1989). Like the Temiar, they danger. Participants from all locations believe that this will aid the flow of breast mentioned that during the postpartum milk. Japanese women have a similar period, the woman must be isolated from practice: they believe that after delivering the general community, but she receives a baby, they are weak and their stomachs social support from the midwife and 212 Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah, Pamela Nilan & John Germov female relatives, especially the woman’s participant in Pos Simpor, he explained mother and mother-in-law. Support from that: female family members is important in “Let’s see, for example, pig, not helping a woman cope with her new status everyone can eat it. If I, like I as a mother and this is also the time for said before, when I want to hold them to share their postpartum traditions my baby, I cannot eat the pig.” with the new mother (Lundberg & Thu (Ahmad, male, 32 years old) 2010; Rice 2004; Park & Dimigen 1995), or modify them in some cases. The Temiar Besides food restrictions, the father of emphasise the isolation of the postpartum the baby was also forbidden from using a woman because she is a potential source of gun or a trap to hunt animals during the pollution for the community. postpartum period. Focus group participants in all research locations agreed that after birth, the Reasons and consequences if the woman must eat alone, separated from the restrictions are not observed rest of the family. In this regard, there was Among Pos Simpor FGD participants, the a difference of opinion in rural, traditional rationale given for a woman’s observance FGD Pos Tohoi. Some agreed that the of these prohibitions was to prevent any woman must eat separately while others aches and pains that might appear later said the husband could eat together with in the mother’s life if they were violated. his wife, if he wanted to. The woman must Whereas participants from FGD Pos Tohoi eat separately from others because she said some foods were restricted because is believed to be unclean and can pollute they could cause sawan or convulsions other people during the postpartum in either the mother or the baby. Often period. This is a common belief among when participants at all locations were indigenous peoples. For example, a study asked the reason why certain foods were by Hundt et al. (2000) amongst Palestinian forbidden during the postpartum period, Bedouins in Negev found that some they would respond by simply saying husbands regarded their wives as polluted sawan. When I tried to probe for a more or unclean during the postpartum period. detailed answer, rather than describing the The woman can pollute others and make nature of the convulsions, they explained them sick. Typically, a Temiar woman is the risk of convulsions based on the kind not allowed to cook for other people or of restricted food that a person consumed, share eating utensils. A taboo on cooking alluding to the category of homeopathic for the husband during the postpartum taboos. For example, it was stated that if period was also observed by Sasak women a woman consumes pig meat postpartum, in Lombok, Indonesia (Hunter, 2002). she will fall to the ground immediately and If the husband chooses to spend time “convulse like a pig”. However, as noted and eat with his wife during the post- above, pig meat is forbidden to women partum period, the husband must also anyway. It is hard to understand the notion follow the same food taboos, according of a pig convulsing, but it is the Temiar to the participants. Participants from all notion. if the restriction is not observed. locations agreed that the father would Generally, they refer to any disastrous also want to hold the newborn baby and condition or behaviour that happens after so needs to follow the food avoidances; if consuming restricted foods as sawan, or in he does not, he might affect the baby with their own language, sabat. disease, or harm the baby by contact with Participants from RPSOA Kuala Betis, restricted foods that he has consumed. who live between traditional and sedentary In the following excerpt from one male lifestyles, were unable to explain the Postpartum Dietary Restrictions and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular Malaysia 213 reasons behind post-partum avoidances. during the postpartum period. One female Rather, one female participant simply said: participant said: “I don’t know, but there are taboos “Should not go to the river. It is practised by our ancestors, so we taboo… ha … if we want to wash have to follow them.” (Sarina, our ‘things’.” (Timah, 40 years female, 43 years old) old). There was also agreement about this by Here, “things” refers to cloth that is study participants from Batu 12, Gombak used as a substitute for a maternity pad. where they live a modern lifestyle. They Another female participant from RPSOA said that many of these restrictions exist Kuala Betis implied there were also some because of what happened during their postpartum physical work restrictions: ancestors’ time. Even though they could “If the midwife can, she will help not elaborate on reasons for the traditional washing our “things”, the cloths, dietary restrictions and other avoidances, because after delivering a baby, we they still believed in the benefits of obeying can’t do the laundry, doing heavy them. Obviously since certain food work is not encouraged.” (Kinah, restrictions and other avoidances during 36 years old) the postpartum period were common to all four locations, these represent traditional Nevertheless, these two last post- partum behavioural avoidances were Temiar food taboos and avoidances. mentioned only by FGD participants at Despite variation in all four locations RPSOA Kuala Betis. FGD participants from from most traditional to least traditional, other research locations did not mention beliefs about food restrictions and other river avoidance or heavy work avoidance. avoidances descended from their ancestors It is possible that the other FGD participants still prevail and can be observed to a greater forgot to mention them. On the other hand, or lesser extent in each location (Sharifah the FGD participants at RPSOA Kuala Zahhura, Nilan & Germov, 2012). Betis who mentioned about the river and work avoidances were from the FGD that Avoidances relevant to physical features consisted of only female participants. Since of the landscape I am also a female, it is possible that they During the postpartum period, a woman felt more open to freely answer questions and her baby are considered to be in a regarding female personal hygiene. Yet, state of great vulnerability and danger. although the FGD participants at Batu 12, At this stage the woman is especially Gombak, were also all female, they did not vulnerable to, and at risk of attack by, mention the river and work avoidances. malevolent spirits who are attracted by This is probably because they were no blood, especially the blood of parturition longer dependent on the river to supply (Samuel 2002; Whittaker 2002). The Temiar their essential washing and other needs. believe that particular places, for example, rivers, lakes, caves, and hills are guarded Differences in length of the postpartum by spirits and should not be disturbed period and bukak pantang (PPK & UNICEF 1998). According to the The duration of the designated confinement participants at RPSOA Kuala Betis, there period varies among cultures. For example, are spirits inhabiting rivers and forests. Chinese traditions recognise the first 30 or Hence, in accordance with avoiding risk 40 days postpartum as a special time period of attack by spirits, a woman is forbidden for convalescence (Liu et al., 2006). The from going to the river for any purpose Palestinian Bedouin women in the Negev 214 Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah, Pamela Nilan & John Germov

(Hundt et al., 2000), Turkish women (Geckil (Jamilah, female, 40 years old, Batu et al., 2009) and Hausa women in Nigeria 12, Gombak) et al., (Iliyasu 2006) observe a 40-day post- However, the female participants partum period following childbirth. In the from FGD RPSOA Kuala Betis offered Southeast Asian region, the duration of different opinions. Some stated that the postpartum restrictions in the Chiang Mai food avoidance lasted for seven days; community as reported by Rice (2004) is while some participants mentioned that the dependent on the sex of a newborn baby. length was eight days and that in the old The length is shorter (for example 27 to 29 days it might last as long as one month. days) for a male than a female baby (for In practice, the length of time for example 31 or 32 days). Diet restrictions which the woman must adhere to dietary during the first postpartum fortnight restrictions and other avoidances in all four were strictly observed by women in Laos different locations was determined by the and usually end after three months’ post- midwife, the woman’s family and in-laws et al., partum (Barennes 2009). Grace (1996) with advice sometimes from the Halaq. found that in the past, women in Rajin, a This emphasis on female support matches rural area in East Lombok, Indonesia, were the findings of Rice (2004) in Chiang Mai, confined to their homes for 40 days, but this Northern Thailand, Liu et al. (2006) among practice is no longer observed. Now they Chinese women in Australia, and Geckil et must observe the postpartum period for al. (2009) in Southeastern Turkey. All these the first three to five days only. Cambodian studies imply that post-partum women women are particularly cautious about elicit social support from the midwife, their diet during the postpartum period, the mother, and the mother-in-law. These which lasts for 30 days (Townsend & Rice ‘support women’ often modify postpartum 1996). Meanwhile, Malay women in general practices depending on the situation. restrict their diet for 40 days (Laderman, 1983) or 44 days (personal experience) Bukak pantang during the postpartum period. When the postpartum period is over, the As in other Southeast Asian cultures, woman is allowed to eat all kinds of food. in Temiar society, dietary restrictions begin The end of the period is marked by a ritual immediately after childbirth and vary from known as bukak pantang (breaking food seven, eight, and fourteen days to one restrictions) and is commonly practised in month. All focus group participants from all four locations. The family will celebrate traditional and remote Pos Simpor agreed the day with a feast where the husband that food restrictions during the post- will buy quite a few kinds of food, such partum period lasted for fourteen days, but as chicken, fish, oil, and salt. One male could be extended to one month depending participant from Pos Tohoi commented: on the mother’s condition. Participants from the less traditional locations of Pos “After that aa … after one week Tohoi and Batu 12 Gombak reported that then we have a feast. A feast for mothers should avoid restricted foods for the woman. We celebrate with seven days. ‘cakrayak’ [a feast]. We get foods just for her. “(Halim, 45 years old) “Just for one week refrain, just for one week then we can eat The food is then cooked specially for together.”(Rosli, male, 31 years the woman and the midwife to consume. old, Pos Tohoi). “For seven days Only the woman and the midwife are we just eat porridge. We cannot allowed to eat the cooked foods. One eat rice or anything else, cannot.” female participant from RPSOA Kuala Betis Postpartum Dietary Restrictions and Taboos among Indigenous Temiar Women in Peninsular Malaysia 215 said “she eats together with midwife, other beneficial. For example, a woman would people cannot.” (Kinah, 36 years old) consume rice only without side dishes such After the end of the postpartum period as fish or chicken. One female participant has been celebrated with bukak pantang, from RPSOA Kuala Betis said: the woman can resume her usual daily “Now when we deliver in the activities and chores. The fact that this hospital we can eat anything. Just same structure of belief is to be found in all eat rice if we want to abstain, do four Temiar communities indicates that it not eat the fish.” (Yanti, 41 years is both deeply embedded and significant. old) However, it remains to be seen whether these stated beliefs are always realised in Yet some participants from urbanised practice. Batu 12, Gombak said they still practised the avoidances even though they had given Adherence to the dietary restrictions and birth in the hospital. One female participant avoidances explained: When I inquired about whether all “...even we who deliver in hospital mothers still follow the restrictions placed still adhere to the avoidances… for on them during the postpartum period, one week we do not consume the study participants from Pos Simpor and restricted foods.” (Rohani, 33 years Pos Tohoi, the most traditional locations old) said yes, but only some participants from the less traditional locations of RPSOA However, other female participants in Kuala Betis and Batu 12, Gombak said Batu 12, Gombak said that nowadays they yes. Women from RPSOA Kuala Betis and no longer follow the restrictions, especially Batu 12, Gombak may have chosen not to food restrictions. For them, being modern observe the traditional dietary restrictions means that tradition can be challenged: and avoidances for several possible reasons. “Ha… in the old days yes … but Firstly, some women at these two locations now there are some who do not. gave birth in hospital, so they were unable A woman might not do it because to observe the traditional restrictions and she does not know about it, or she avoidances because they had already knows but she chooses not to follow exposed themselves to forbidden foods. the avoidances. They say, when we Moreover, not all women at these two talk about it, they say just don’t say less traditional locations were willing to anything about it. That was in the comply with the restrictions imposed upon old times, now is modern, ha… them after giving birth. Some of them felt like that… he… he… (laughs). So ambivalent about following the traditional just keep your mouth shut, if you cultural practices because it was more about want to eat anything just keep your the expectations of the family or in-laws mouth shut.” (Jamilah, 40 years rather than the wishes of the woman herself old) (Matthey, Panasetis & Barnett, 2002). According to one participant from Batu Participants from FGD RPSOA Kuala 12, Gombak, she chose not to observe the Betis, the resettlement area that has both dietary restriction after she gave birth in traditional and modern elements, agreed the hospital because she was told that salt that some women still strictly observed would not be damaging. Traditionally, the restrictions but some of them choose salt is a forbidden food item during the not to, especially those who gave birth in confinement period but she was advised the hospital. However, some women chose by the nurses that salt is essential to supply to observe certain traditions believed to be 216 Sharifah Zahhura Syed Abdullah, Pamela Nilan & John Germov energy and restore wellbeing after giving tional status of Temiar women was not birth. Living a modern life, she chose to attempted because it was not in the follow the medical advice because she research objectives and also due to time and felt that her tolerance level for salt would resource constraints. It is suggested that be much higher compared to the older future studies use a combination analysis generations of Temiar. of dietary intake such as food frequency Apart from the traditional dietary questionnaire, food diary and 24-h dietary restrictions and behavioural avoidances recall in determining the actual nutrient that must be observed during the post- intake and nutritional status of the women. partum period by Temiar, which may sometimes be potentially harmful, there CONCLUSION is one practice common to many cultures The postpartum period is one of the (Rice, 2004; Hundt et al., 2000) that we may important stages in a woman’s reproductive consider as unambiguously beneficial for cycle. Prohibitions placed upon women women’s health. The tradition of help and during the postpartum period are intended support from related women and midwives to protect the new mother, the newborn with the daily activity and care of the home and children after delivery proved to be baby and also the community. It seems that very beneficial not only to the women regardless of whether they live in the most but also to their babies during the post- traditional or the least traditional locations, partum period. It is concluded by Matthey, Temiar lineage and societal norms in Panasetis & Barnett (2002) that this practice the form of taboos during the female has protective functions for the woman. In reproductive cycle are handed down this private situation, it is also possible the to the new generations by their elders. midwife can modify the food avoidances to Thus ancestral taboos evolve and change meet the health needs of the woman. according to time, location and generation. 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