ANNUAL REPORT Russia the Chamber's Most Important Assets Are N Its Members
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The Meltdown of the Russian Federation in the Early 1990S Nationalist Myth-Building and the Urals Republic Project Alexander Kuznetsov
The Meltdown of the Russian Federation in the Early 1990s Nationalist Myth-Building and the Urals Republic Project Alexander Kuznetsov Abstract: In the early 1990s after the collapse of the USSR, the new Russian state faced strong nationalist claims for sovereignty and increased autonomy from the side of regional elites. These nationalist challenges at the sub-national level were seriously considered by many experts to be a potential cause for the further breakup of Russia into a number of new independent states. The nationalist movements in ethnic republics like Chechnya, Tatarstan and Sakha-Yakutia, and their contribution to possible scenario of the disintegration of the Russian Federation, have been researched frequently in post- Soviet-studies literature. However, the examination of the impact of nationalistic ideas in ethnically Russian regions (oblasts) at the beginning of the 1990s has not received the same level of attention from political scientists. The Sverdlovsk oblast is a case study for this research. In the early 1990s, the creation of the Urals republic began in this region. This paper argues that the Sverdlovsk oblast’s claims for increased autonomy included elements of myth-construction within a sub-state nationalist ideology. The first section of this paper briefly contextualizes the events that occurred during the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s that led to the growth of strong sub-nationalist movements in post-Communist Russia. The second section gives details of the Urals republic project, launched in the Sverdlovsk oblast in 1993, and defines the presence of nationalist myth- making elements in this regional movement. -
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY the Infrastructure of Authoritarianism
NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY The Infrastructure of Authoritarianism: State‐Society Relationships, Public Sector Organizations, and Regime Resilience in Putin's Russia A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Field of Sociology By Natalia Forrat EVANSTON, ILLINOIS September 2017 2 Abstract This dissertation uses the case of Putin’s Russia to examine how authoritarian regimes build relationships with their societies in a way that strengthens authoritarian rule. In contrast to the existing scholarship, which concentrates on redistributive politics, that is, on the autocrat’s capacities to buy the loyalty of the masses, I suggest an infrastructural mechanism of authoritarian resilience, which is alternative and complementary to redistribution. This infrastructural mechanism is linked to Michael Mann’s concept of infrastructural state power, i.e. the ability of the state to penetrate society to the grass roots level. I argue that the embeddedness of state organizations in people’s everyday lives allows an autocrat to control lower level political processes even without redistributing significant amounts of goods. Particularly valuable for such infrastructural control are organizational hierarchies and networks in the social public sector – education, healthcare, community and social services. In societies similar to the Russian one, such organizations share three important qualities that allow them to enhance infrastructural state power significantly. These qualities are (1) embeddedness in people’s everyday lives, (2) population’s trust, and (3) direct connection to the state apparatus. They make social public sector employees more convenient and effective agents of the regime than police officers, bureaucrats, or party activists. -
The Role of Regional Executives in Russian Politics
The Role of Regional Executives in Russian Politics Robert Orttung East-West Institute The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 910 17th Street, N.W. Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20006 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Robert Orttung Council Contract Number: 814-23f Date: October 2, 2000 Copyright Information Scholars retain the copyright on works they submit to NCEEER. However, NCEEER possesses the right to duplicate and disseminate such products, in written and electronic form, as follows: (a) for its internal use; (b) to the U.S. Government for its internal use or for dissemination to officials of foreign governments; and (c) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the U.S. government that grants the public access to documents held by the U.S. government. Additionally, NCEEER has a royalty-free license to distribute and disseminate papers submitted under the terms of its agreements to the general public, in furtherance of academic research, scholarship, and the advancement of general knowledge, on a non-profit basis. All papers distributed or disseminated shall bear notice of copyright. Neither NCEEER, nor the U.S. Government, nor any recipient of a Contract product may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under Title VIII (The Soviet-East European Research and Training Act of 1983, as amended). -
All Sides Claim Victory in 1996 Gubernatorial Elections
ALL SIDES CLAIM VICTORY IN 1996 GUBERNATORIAL ELECTIONS Although they did not receive nearly as much international attention as the July presidential election, the 48 Russian regional elections held between 1 September and 5 January were closely watched by Russian politicians and commentators. Gubernatorial elections were held in 45 oblasts, krais, and autonomous okrugs, forcing leaders appointed by President Boris Yeltsin to face the voters. Three ethnic republics also elected top executives. Both the Kremlin and opposition leaders have portrayed the elections as a success, but many new governors have pledged to use their mandates to benefit their own regions, and it is difficult to predict where their primary loyalties will lie. Who are the new governors? Of the 48 incumbent regional leaders who faced elections in 1996, 20 held on to their jobs and 24 were defeated. Another three continue to serve pending repeat elections in their regions, and Tyumen Governor Leonid Roketskii will contest a runoff on 12 January. (A complete list of election results is attached to this issue of the Russian Regional Report.) Fifteen of the 24 new governors were elected mainly with the backing of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) and its left-wing umbrella movement, the Popular-Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR). Of the successful Communist-backed candidates, seven were chairmen of regional or local legislatures immediately before being elected governor (Krasnodar and Altai krais and Voronezh, Volgograd, Kaluga, Vladimir, and Kurgan oblasts). Four others were State Duma deputies (Kirov, Bryansk, and Chelyabinsk oblasts and Stavropol Krai), and one (Ryazan) worked in the parliament's Audit Chamber. -
Russia Presidential Pre-Election Assessment Report March 20, 2000
I R I Advancing Democracy Worldwide RUSSIA PRESIDENTIAL PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT REPORT MARCH 20, 2000 INTRODUCTION For the second time in just over three months, the Russian electorate will go to the polls in a national election. On March 26, 2000, Russia will hold its third democratic election for president and complete an election cycle that began with the State Duma election of December 19, 1999. This election is being held earlier than was initially scheduled (June 2000) due to the surprise resignation of then-President Boris Yeltsin on December 31, 1999. In preparation for the post-Yeltsin era, the Kremlin has undertaken a well-orchestrated campaign to ensure the transfer of power to its own hand-picked candidate. The State Duma election was used by the Kremlin as a means to remove all serious opponents for the presidential election. Prior to the start of the campaign for the State Duma in August 1999, presidential aspirants former Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov were polling 22 percent and 9 percent respectively (polls by Public Opinion Foundation.) Considering both potential candidates were leaders of the broad-based Fatherland-All Russia alliance and had no intention of running against each other, either of their candidacies was considered extremely formidable. Now eight months later, neither Primakov nor Luzhkov is running and the Kremlin’s candidate of choice – acting President Vladimir Putin – sits atop the polls with an approval rating around 59 percent (VCIOM -- All Russia Center for Public Opinion.) If nothing else has been proven in this campaign cycle, it is that the Kremlin is still the most formidable campaign organization in Russia. -
Russian Geopolitical Visions and Argumentation
SIRKE MÄKINEN Russian Geopolitical Visions and Argumentation Parties of Power, Democratic and Communist Opposition on Chechnia and NATO, 1994–2003 ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Tampere, for public discussion in the Lecture Room A1 of the Main Building, Kalevantie 4, Tampere, on February 23rd, 2008, at 12 o’clock. UNIVERSITY OF TAMPERE ACADEMIC DISSERTATION University of Tampere Department of Political Science and International Relations Finland Distribution Tel. +358 3 3551 6055 Bookshop TAJU Fax +358 3 3551 7685 P.O. Box 617 [email protected] 33014 University of Tampere www.uta.fi/taju Finland http://granum.uta.fi Cover design by Juha Siro Layout Marita Alanko Acta Universitatis Tamperensis 1293 Acta Electronica Universitatis Tamperensis 696 ISBN 978-951-44-7219-0 (print) ISBN 978-951-44-7220-6 (pdf) ISSN 1455-1616 ISSN 1456-954X http://acta.uta.fi Tampereen Yliopistopaino Oy – Juvenes Print Tampere 2008 CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION 15 2 RESEARCH AGENDA 22 2.1 Geopolitical tradition 22 2.2 Critical geopolitics concepts 24 2.3 Comparison of previous research 26 2.4 General research questions 31 3 BOOM IN (EURASIAN) GEOPOLITICAL THINKING 34 3.1 Modern geopolitical imagination 34 3.2 Geopolitical thinking in Russia/Soviet Russia 36 3.3 Geopolitical thinking in the Russian Federation: Westernism vs. Eurasianism? 40 3.3.1 Aleksandr Dugin as an example of extreme New Eurasianism 44 3.4 Impact of (Eurasian) geopolitical thinking 47 4 POLITICAL CONTEXT AND PARLIAMENTARY -
20 Years Without the Berlin Wall: a Breakthrough to Freedom Edited by Natalia Bubnova
20 Years Without 20 Years the Berlin Wall: Enormous societal and political shifts twenty years ago opened prospects for a new, united Europe and put an end to the Cold War and the nuclear standoff. Despite Russia’s enormous role in this peaceful departure from totalitarianism, the country’s course in the subsequent two decades has not been so straightforward. The book focuses on the outcome of transformation in Russia and other post-communist nations, Without the Wall: Berlin comparing Russia’s experience with that of the Central and Eastern European states. The book’s authors, including leading Carnegie Moscow Center experts, pose the question: what was the reason behind Russia’s stalled reforms? They argue that A Breakthrough to Freedom A Breakthrough Freedom to a policy that leads to the dismantling of civil liberties in the country and uses strong- arm tactics externally is a dead-end. While the demolition of the Berlin Wall is no guarantee of success, democratic transformations are a necessary precondition for the country’s modernization and strong, modern international profile, as well as for citizens’ welfare. A Breakthrough to Freedom Edited by Natalia BuBNova Carnegie MosCow Center 20 Years Without the Berlin Wall: A Breakthrough to Freedom Edited by Natalia Bubnova Moscow 2011 Electronic version: http://www.carnegie.ru/publications. This publication has been produced by the Carnegie Moscow Center, a non- commercial, non-governmental research organization, with the support of the Oak Foundation. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace or the Carnegie Moscow Center. -
Putin's Federal Reforms: a Legal-Institutional Perspective
Jeff Kahn Putin's Federal Reforms - A Legal-Institutional Perspective Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. Leo Tolstoy, Anna Karenina No one argues that Russian executive power must be enforced, but what does that have to do with the rights ofthe regions? It is impossible to form a strong family by force; one can do so only with consent and mutual affection. Farit Mukhametshin, Chairman, Tatar State Council, 3 August 20001 On the eve of the new millennium, Tolstoy's description of the state of affairs at Oblonsky's house seemed an accurate pronouncement on Boris Yeltsin's federal relationships: everything was in confusion.2 Federal authority was as Often openly flaunted as resentfully acknowledged. The eighty-nine presidential envoys that Yeltsin dispatched to the regions in 1997 to enforce federal law easily corrupted by the regional authorities on whom they and their Electronic copy available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3090586 BEYOND THE GARDEN RING families depended for housing, education and even their own offices. By 1999 they had been all but forgotten by the federal centre. Yeltsin's regional poli~ • had regressed from one of hesitant negotiation with a few regional powers to .. incessant deal-making. With each new bilateral deal, Moscow weakened its power to enforce its will, and muddied the constitutional authority to assert its rights. The Federation was held together by two unstable forces: personal agreements between elites (many of whom were in power since Soviet times), and the economic necessity born of desperate times. The inauguration of Vladimir Putin led almost immediately to substantial · changes for Russian federalism, though no one at the time predicted the reforms that would spring from the colourless chekist who replaced Sergei Stepashin as ·. -
Federalism and Democratisation in Russia FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page Ii FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page Iii
FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page i Federalism and democratisation in Russia FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page ii FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page iii Federalism and democratisation in Russia CAMERON ROSS Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page iv Copyright © Cameron Ross 2002 The right of Cameron Ross to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed exclusively in Canada by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 0 7190 5869 4 hardback 0 7190 5870 8 paperback First published 2002 100908070605040302 10987654321 Typeset in 10 on 12 pt Palatino by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong Printed in Great Britain by Biddles Ltd, Guildford and King’s Lynn FADPR 10/17/2002 5:39 PM Page v Contents List of tables, boxes and appendices page vi Abbreviations viii 1 Introduction 1 2 The Soviet legacy and Russian federalism, 1991–93 17 3 Federalism and constitutional asymmetry 29 4 From ethnic -
Russian Nuclear National Dialogue
GREEN CROSS RUSSIA GREEN CROSS SWITZERLAND GLOBAL GREEN USA RUSSIAN NUCLEAR NATIONAL DIALOGUE ENERGY, SOCIETY, AND SECURITY Moscow, 18–19 april, 2007 Moscow, 2007 This collection presents research and presentations as well as questions and answers from the Russian Nuclear National Dialogue “Energy, Society and Security” organ- ized by Green Cross Russia, Green Cross Switzerland, and Global Green USA on 18-19 April 2007 in Moscow. Participants included representatives of federal and regional organizations, state and public structures, science and project institutes, leaders and specialists of the Russian nuclear fuel cycle complex enterprises, and international representatives participating in the discussion of overcoming the nuclear arms race legacy, nuclear energy devel- opment, and alternative and renewable energy sources. In their presentations, the conference speakers offered various options of solving key problems regarding the safe use of nuclear technology. These problems affect state policy development in terms of the ecological safety of the nuclear energy complex. They also affect the process of building public consensus on nuclear energy issues. Organizers: Green Cross International, the Federal Agency for the Atomic Energy (Rosatom), the Rosatom Public Council. Co-organizer: The Elektronika Bank Corporated Enterprise. General Partner: “SOGAZ” Insurance Company. Sponsors: The organizers wish to express their gratitude to the Federal State Uni- tary Enterprise (FSUE), Corporate Group “Rosenergoatom,” Joint Stock Compa- ny (JSC) “TVEL,” FSUE ISK “Rosatomstroy,” the governments of Switzerland, Canada, France, Sweden and Norway, as well as the Trust for Mutual Understand- ing of the USA that provided financial support in conducting this Forum. Special thanks to the editing and translation team are noted on the last page of the book. -
Networks and Regional Leadership in El'tsin's Russia: the Case of Eduard Rossel' in Sverdlovsk Oblast, 1989-1999
Networks and regional leadership in El’tsin’s Russia: the case of Eduard Rossel’ in Sverdlovsk Oblast, 1989-1999 Thomas Carter UCL PhD I, Thomas Carter, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 1 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the regional leadership in Sverdlovsk Oblast between 1989 and 1999. Focusing on the identity of the regional governor, Eduard Rossel’, who rose to power at the end of the Soviet period and dominated the region throughout the El’tsin decade, the research considers the role and use of networks as critically important to the exercise of regional power. The research questions consider the nature of the political system that Rossel’ installed, focusing on how his involvement in different vertical and horizontal networks, both as patron and client, facilitated the construction of a personalised power system in this heavily industrialised region. It finds that the activation and use of different relationships at the numerous critical junctures that emerged in centre-regional relations during the El’tsin decade protected Rossel’’s grip over regional power, through use of a ‘boundary control’ model that ensured he was the only actor capable of leading the region in this decade. Whereas many previous studies of regional politics in the 1990s have focused on the development of institutions, this research considers that the ability of the Sverdlovsk leader to participate in, and lead, overlapping networks outweighed the consolidation of institutions, resulting in his personal domination of the regional political space. -
Russia's Elected Governors
Russia’s Elected Governors: A Force to Be Reckoned With MARC ZLOTNIK ith some fifty gubernatorial races taking place in the second half of the Wyear, Russia’s busy 1996 electoral season has drawn to a close.1 Although these elections received much less attention than the national contests for the Duma and the presidency, they could prove to be the most important in terms of Russia’s future. Now, for the first time, the leaders of virtually all of Russia’s eighty-nine regions have been popularly elected and no longer serve at the plea- sure of the Russian president. As the governors themselves have been quick to recognize, this change promises to sharply enhance their leverage in dealing with Moscow and change the dynamic of center-periphery relations. It is also possi- ble that it will more profoundly affect the political system in Russia as a whole. Fearing the greater independence of the governors, Yeltsin delayed these elec- tions until after the presidential race. Consequently, the vast majority of guber- natorial elections have taken place since last summer. Previously, gubernatorial elections were allowed by the president only on a highly selective basis.2 They occurred in several waves: •The first elections, in April 1993, were a disaster for Yeltsin, with opposi- tion candidates winning seven of the eight elections. This experience dampened Yeltsin’s enthusiasm for further gubernatorial elections. • No other elections were held until March 1994, when the popular governor of Irkutsk, Yuri Nozhikov, easily defeated two opponents. The election appeared to be a reward for Nozhikov’s support in Yeltsin’s 1993 struggle with Parliament, even though the two had previously been at loggerheads and the president had twice tried to remove Nozhikov.