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A Question of Taste? Findings from a Survey of class distinction in Northern Nigeria Aminu Aliyu Abdullahi Department of Computer Science Federal University Dutse Nigeria [email protected] [email protected] Abstract— Marxist theory has been the basis of social stratification A lot has changed in Northern Nigeria since the researches in Northern Nigeria, some researchers have sought to use other of Smith and Yeld. A coup in 1966 has upturned regional dialectical theories to explain class notions in terms of pre colonial administration and subsequent reforms by the military have class sensitivities. But northern Nigeria has undergone significant dismantled much of the Native administration that once socio political changes since those theories were applied and there controlled local and provincial governments. Today, while the has been little effort to define class in contemporary Northern Emirates still run in parallel with elected and (more often Nigerian society. This paper presents the findings of the largest appointed local administrators), financial resources and indeed quantitative investigation into class distinction in Northern Nigeria. much of administration is held in offices that are supposedly Framed around the theories of Pierre Bourdieu, we demonstrate the existence of class boundaries defined prominently by cultural democratically elected or meritoriously appointed. capital as opposed to the hereditary and religious definitions This, has affected the underlying conditions of the works of proposed by previous researches. Smith, Yeld, Dudley and others, who have modeled class and class behavior based on the strict advantages of birth and Keywords- Class Distinction, Northern Nigeria, Habitus, hereditary titles. A class of military rulers had controlled state Cultural Capital resources for many decades forming new conditions of class behavior and social definitions. Years of corruption by the I. INTRODUCTION military and bureaucrats have created a new segment of The interest of sociologists in class dynamics in Northern wealthy people with little or no links to the hereditary Nigeria has been dominated by its aristocratic past. Great structures once defined as the main indicators of class endeavors by Yeld (1960) and Smith (1959) have focused on distinction (Last,2005 ) explaining class relationships along the religious and tribal But as Newman (2013) has suggested, Class in Nigeria and lines of the dominant aristocratic structures of colonial in Northern Nigeria is not merely a function of economic Northern Nigeria. But as Azarya (1978) recorded, by the 1970s capital, indeed if such were the case, modern Nigeria and changes in power structures have already started to erode those Northern Nigeria in particular would be considered a classless class boundaries . society Newman (2013). So in the absence of well defined Other local Nigerian researchers have attempted to project indicators for social classification and with wealth being a fluid Marxists theories and define Northern Nigeria's class dynamics factor in contemporary Nigerian society, is Northern Nigeria in dialectical terms, but as Fienstein (1973) noted, much of becoming classes or do we need new measures of class those endeavors have been clouded with leftist expectations of distinction that will adjust correctly to the new realities of a coming class struggle, an event that is still yet to materialize. Northern Nigerian society as happened in other post The classical indicators used to treat class dynamics in these aristocratic societies such as modern Britain? previous endeavors had been mostly hereditary links. One's This article contributes to this debate by proposing a new heritage as a prince of an Emirate or his family's hereditary model of social class which, using the theories of Pierre claim to the seat of a district, town or city usually qualifies Bourdieu adjusts class distinction using social , economic and him/her as a member of the upper class. As Smith (1959) also cultural and academic capital. We analyze the data generated noted, education, another of such indicators had been from the largest surveys of of Northern Nigeria from 2016- predominantly the preserve of the upper and middle classes, 2017. Using Bourdieu's theory as framework, we would show with princes and other male nobles given priority at schools. that apart from the upper and lower lasses proposed in colonial This was also not a conspiracy to keep the lower classes researches, and the middle class being suggested in uneducated as some later leftist literature have suggested government statistics, there exists other classes that shape (Usman, 1987), rather, the education of the next generation of modern Northern Nigerian society with cultural capital being Native administrators was a pragmatic attempt by the the primary currency of class mobility. government to ensure that leaders and administrators have the skills and tools necessary to cope with the changing patterns of governance and administration. (Bello, 2008). II. STUDYING SOCIAL CLASS IN NORTHERN NIGERIA Political interference in state institutions (Igbokwe, 2016) has Research into class stratification in Northern Nigeria was eroded public confidence in the data they present (Omotayo, pioneered by Lady Flora Lugard and the first generation of 2017). administrators of Northern Nigeria (Lugard, 1964), this first The early generations formed a pragmatic scheme of class generation researches where heavily speculative endeavors and distinction based on true measures of qualifications to power, mostly dominated by a sense of Moorish romanticism. The where hereditary structures guard access to power and to some influx of more administrators from the political bureau soon degree also wealth. allowed the works of Visher and Jhonston (1910) and Charles Lindsay Temple (Temple, 1912). These first generation Latter generations adopted these same schemes but even in anthropologists relied heavily on existing caliphate era texts in the face of changing power dynamics, chose to amplify the forming a model of the social structure of the Nigerian North, earlier theories borrowing heavily from dialectical theories and and as Tibenderana (1988) noted, it was mostly marred by emphasizing on a class struggle. These scholars usually errors which had serious administrative and social dismissed records of social mobility in terms of the “rising consequences, for instance the the creation of Sole Native slave” theory of Mamluks or further amplified influential Administrator on the false assumption that the caliphate era model of class while still maintaining assumptions of class Emirs had unchecked powers had negative consequences to the conspiracy. Thus, we can see that at present, the question of administration of the region (Tibendrana, 1988). Subsequent class in northern Nigeria is dominated by four prevailing colonial administrators such as Herbert Palmer soon succeeded scholarly traditions: these researchers with more informed undertakings at assessing 1) The ABU Circle the society of Northern Nigeria (Palmer, 1967) The Ahmadu Bello University Circle dominated by A second generation of Sociologists and historians such as strong ties to Marxist tradition continues to emphasize a John Paden (Paden, 1968), E. Yeld (Yeld, 1960), Sidney John dialectical framework. These scholars dominate the Zaria, Hogben (Hogben, 1930), Micheal Garfield Smith (Smith, Illorin academic axis. 1958), Billy Dudley (Dudley, 1963), Murray Last (Last, 2) The Jos Circle 2005),William Keith Rodely Hallam (Hallam, 1996), Abdullahi Smith (Smith, 1970), Anthony Hamilton Millard The Jos Circle dominated by the traditions of Kirk-Greene (Kirk-Greene, 1965) Ronald Cohen (Cohen Elizabeth A Isichie and her students who focus more on the 1961), Micheal Crowder (Crowder. 1964), David Muffet smaller tribes of Northern Nigeria. Drawing from Ishichie's (Muffet, 1964), Philip Shea (Shea, 1984), the Americans: own experiences in Oceania they frame class notions around Cleophaus Sylvester Whitaker (Whitaker, 1967), John Paden an aboriginal framework (Paden, 1968) etc soon established, using prevailing scientific 3) The Bayero University Circle methods a model of class relations in Northern Nigeria. But The Bayero University Circle, heavily reliant on the also using those prevailing realities of hereditary rule (in the traditions of Philip Shea, this circle extends its influence to native administrations) working in symbiosis with party Usman Danfodio University of Sokoto and still relies on democracy dominated by an oligarchy under the Northern framing class discussions around a romantic notion of the Peoples Congress (Dudley. 1963). In the wake of the upheavals Caliphate and Sultanate periods (Yakubu, 1996). in 1966 that saw swift changes in power relations, a few from 4) The Emergent Traditions this generation like Philip Shea and Murray Last were to refine These are the emergent traditions of class that differ from or their theories. Others like Elizabeth Allo dealt only sparsely branch out of the established dominant narratives of class in with the subject (Isichei, 1983). Norma Perchonock Northern Nigeria. Norma Perchonock further liberalized the (Perchonock, 1985) branched out from Ishcei's tradition by narratives first hinted at by Ishcei with concepts built around hinting at a gender dimension. cultural relativism. Her attempts at framing class around a This generation was followed by a third generation of gender dimension are the first sociological

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