DOCSLIB.ORG

DRAFT January 2018

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
DRAFT January 2018 Decentralising under pressure: The Spanish Constitutional Court and the LOAPA ruling Fernando Gil Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Department of Political and Social Sciences [email protected] Abstract In its early stages, the Spanish decentralisation process pursuant to the 1978 Constitution developed in an ad hoc and uncoordinated manner. Shortly after the failed coup of February 23, 1981 the two main statewide parties, UCD and PSOE, reached an agreement to “rationalise” the process and subsequently approved the “Organic Law on the Harmonisation of the Autonomy Process” (LOAPA). The law met with stern opposition from Catalan and Basque nationalist parties, as well as the Spanish Communist Party, which appealed to the Constitutional Court. By examining the framing that political actors made of the upcoming ruling, its influence on public opinion and the final Court decision, this paper analyses the impact of external pressure on a new constitutional court using a process-tracing methodology. The research question addressed in the paper is whether strategic considerations, and more specifically, the preservation and enhancement of the Court’s legitimacy had a significant influence on the LOAPA ruling. It is hypothesised that politicians successfully constrained the Court’s choices by threatening its capital of public support. This assumes that politicians use the media to convey their messages to both judges and the general public and that they are effective in politically framing the public debate and citizens’ opinions. It is argued that both the risk of having its legitimacy eroded and the political consequences of the ruling had a decisive influence on the “Solomonic” decision taken by the Spanish Constitutional Court in the landmark LOAPA case. Keywords: Spanish Constitutional Court. Judicial decision-making. Decentralisation. Federalism. Process-tracing DRAFT January 2018 This is a draft, please do not quote or circulate without the author’s permission. 1 1. Introduction After the 1978 Constitution was approved, Spain became a multilevel political system which has been described as characterized by constant pressures for competition between regions with asymmetric powers and insufficient institutional mechanisms for cooperation (Gunther et al., 2006: 175). In such a system, the arbitraging role of the Spanish Constitutional Court has been of paramount importance for the implementation of the decentralised State of the Autonomies (Moreno, 2002: 405). In the case of federal states, constitutional courts typically play a role in resolving disputes between authorities at the federal and state levels. It has also been claimed that successful constitutional judicial review is caused by and may be requisite to successful federalism (Shapiro 2002: 150), being one of its necessary components (Sala, 2014: 194). This argument can be extended to Spain. Even if lacking the shared-rule characteristics of federations, it has been argued that Spain qualifies as federal as far as its regions self-rule is concerned (Beramendi and Máiz, 2004: 136). The State of the Autonomies functions in practice as an asymmetrical “quasi-federal” state or, in any case, contains federal-like arrangements (Moreno, 1997; Aja, 2003, 2014). These arrangements include the key role the Spanish Constitutional Court plays in arbitrating competence conflicts between the central government and the Autonomous Communities1. The Court itself was aware of its crucial role in contributing to the development of the decentralisation process2, which the Constitution had left largely open and subject to interpretation. That role was particularly important in the early stages of the Spanish decentralisation process, which developed in an ad hoc and uncoordinated manner. Shortly after the failed coup of February 23, 1981 the two main statewide parties, Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) and Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), reached an agreement to “rationalise” the process and subsequently approved the “Organic Law on the Harmonisation of the Autonomy Process” (LOAPA)3. The law met with stern opposition from Catalan and Basque nationalist parties, as well as the Spanish Communist Party, which appealed to the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court ruling4 issued in August 1983 was widely considered “Solomonic”, with both LOAPA opponents and supporters claiming it favoured their respective positions.5 1 Article 161.1.c of the 1978 Spanish Constitution provides that: “The Constitutional Court has jurisdiction over the whole of Spanish territory and is competent to hear: […] c) conflicts of jurisdiction between the State and the Autonomous Communities or amongst the Autonomous Communities themselves.” 2 Mérida, M. (1981, December 6). “El Tribunal puede y debe colaborar positivamente en la estructuración del proceso autonómico”. La Vanguardia, p. 12. 3 Proyecto de Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico (LOAPA), aprobado por el Pleno del Congreso de los Diputados el 30 de junio de 1982. Boletín Oficial de las Cortes Generales. Congreso de los Diputados. I Legislatura. 7 de julio de 1982. Núm. 235-III. 4 Constitutional Court Ruling 76/1983, of August 5, 1983 (BOE n. 197 of August 18, 1983). 5 Díez días de suspense para el desenlace del caso Rumasa. (1983, December 2). La Vanguardia, p. 4. 2 The questions this paper will then try to answer are the following: was Constitutional Court Ruling 76/1983 on the LOAPA bill the result of a purely hermeneutical interpretation of the 1978 Spanish Constitution or were other factors (also) into play? And, more specifically, did strategic considerations, such as the preservation and enhancement of the Court’s legitimacy and/or the possible political consequences of the decision, have a significant influence on the final Court’s decision? The objective is to test the hypothesis that, for constitutional judges, strategic considerations are crucial for adjudicating. More specifically, the hypothesis tested in this paper is that in the LOAPA case politicians successfully constrained the Spanish Constitutional Court choices by threatening its capital of public support. The hypothesis rests on the assumption that politicians do use the media to convey their messages to both judges and the general public and that they are effective in politically framing the public debate and citizens’ opinions. A further key theoretical assumption is that the indeterminacy of legal texts means that judicial decision making is not a purely objective activity and that judges ideologies as well as external factors, most notably the institutional environment, might have a role in constitutional courts’ decisions. The alternative hypothesis postulates that decisions are taken by constitutional judges either by exclusively applying legal hermeneutical techniques or according to their personal, political or social preferences, rather than being influenced by their institutional and political environment. The authority and independence that, according to Moreno (2002), its arbitraging role provided the Spanish Constitutional Court with during its first years of operation later showed signs of having been significantly eroded6. This became acutely clear when on June 28, 2010, after four years of deliberation, the Court issued Ruling 31/20107 on the 2006 Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia (reforming the Statute of Autonomy of 1979), and declared fourteen of its articles unconstitutional and twenty-seven others to be reinterpreted. The same Catalan parties which had taken part in the negotiations leading to the passing of the bill approving the reformed Statute in the Madrid parliament (CiU, PSC, ERC and ICV) firmly opposed the Court’s decision. Tensions subsequently arose within those same political organisations and, together with the increasing mobilization of newly created platforms inside and outside parties, demands for a “right to decide” (equivalent to self-determination) rapidly spread in Catalonia (Nagel, 2015: 392). The Spanish Constitutional Court was accused of being politicized and of not respecting the democratic will of the Catalan voters who had previously approved the new Statute in a 6 Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS): Serie A.1.02.02.005. Escala de confianza (0-10) en instituciones: Tribunal Constitucional. Share of respondents answering “No trust at all in the Spanish Constitutional Court” increased from 7,1% in 1994 to 21,2% in 2015. It is important to mention that the data are not disaggregated per autonomous community. 7 Constitutional Court Ruling 31/2010, of June 28, 2010 (BOE n. 172 of Julio 16, 2010). 3 referendum (Blanke & Abdelrehim, 2015: 60).The action of unconstitutionality brought by the conservative Partido Popular (PP) against the reformed Statute of Autonomy and the possible consequences for Catalonia’s right to self-government of a ruling curtailing the Statute generalized the perception that there was a replay of old impositions by the centre on the periphery (Moreno & Obydenkova, 2013: 160). In this sense, these developments have been repeatedly compared to the tense political situation between the Spanish central government and the Catalan and Basque regional governments caused by the approval in 1981 of the “Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico” (Organic Law on the Harmonisation of the Autonomy Process) (LOAPA). Both before and after the Spanish Constitutional Court issued Ruling 31/2010, Catalan and Basque politicians and media commentators alike have repeatedly referred
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Presentación De Powerpoint
    THE TRUTH ABOUT CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE Last update: 28 November 2019 This document is subject to the evolution of the events it contains and will be periodically updated. Please note the date of the last update and, if necessary, request the latest version from: [email protected] This edition has only been updated to include the sentences of the trial that were published on 14 October. The verb tenses of the previous version have been maintained, without prejudice to the fact that a last update can be made by adjusting the concordances. Contents CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid THE CATALAN INDEPENDENCE BID ON TRIAL 2. The acts of 2017 and their prosecution 3. The five Articles of Spain’s Criminal Code that landed the procès defendants in the dock 4. Safeguards for the accused during the trial 5. Independence and safeguards of the Spanish legal system 6. Private prosecution: What is it? 7. The trial and sentences THE TRUTH ABOUT SPAIN AND ITS CATALAN REGION 8. The secessionists’ falsehoods 9. Spain is a state made up of Autonomous Communities 10. The price Catalonia is paying for the independence bid 11. Spain in international rankings QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS APPENDIX CATALONIA’S BID FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. Timeline of the Independence bid 11 SEPT Massive demonstration day (or Diada) for independence 2012 “Consultative process” • Promoted by the Catalan Regional 9 NOV Government [known as the Govern], presided by Artur Mas. 2014 Suspended by Spain’s Constitutional Court. • According to the Catalan regional administration [known as the Generalitat] 2,305,290 citizens voted and 80.76% of them voted in favour of independence.
    [Show full text]
  • 20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014
    20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia © 2014. FAES Foundation for Social Studies and Analysis ISBN: 978-84-92561-32-2 Legal deposit: M-4316-2014 Cover design and layout by: Paloma Cuesta Translated by: Estefanía Pipino [email protected] www.fundacionfaes.org This activity has been subsidised by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport of Spain Contents Prologue by Javier Zarzalejos, Secretary-General of FAES Foundation...................... 5 Why? The Reasons for Secession.................................................................... 11 1. Can we rightly speak of a history of ‘Spain against Catalonia’? ....................... 13 2. Did the Catalans want the Transition? ............................................................ 15 3. Did the Catalans want the Constitution and the Statute of Autonomy of 1979?. 17 4. Does the 2006 ruling of the Constitutional Court on the 2006 Statute prevent the Catalans from having a satisfactory status in the Spanish constitutional framework?............................................. 20 5. Can we speak in any sense of lack of representation of the Catalans in the constituent process or in the State institutions? ................................... 23 Conclusion: A process without reasons, an invented grievance.............................. 25 How? The Path of Secession ........................................................................... 27 6. Is there a right to decide outside the Constitution and the law? ...................... 33 7. Is the so-called right
    [Show full text]
  • Elena BURÉS GRANDÍO Convergència
    Elena BURÉS GRANDÍO Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC): del nacionalismo moderado al soberanismo bajo el liderazgo de Artur Mas Trabajo Final de Máster dirigido por Oriol BARTOMEUS ICPS 2016 Resumen Este trabajo profundiza sobre el cambio que ha experimentado el partido catalán Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya bajo el liderazgo de Artur Mas, pasando así del nacionalismo moderado a la defensa del soberanismo, por lo que además de repasar la evolución del partido, y realizar una aproximación teórica sobre la personalización de la política y el origen de los nacionalismos, se recurre a los sondeos de opinión para observar que cambios se han producido en el electorado y la evolución en el apoyo a la independencia en el territorio. Resum Aquest treball aprofundeix sobre el canvi que ha experimentat el partit català Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya sota el lideratge d'Artur Mas, passant així del nacionalisme moderat a la defensa del soberanisme i, a més de repassar l'evolució del partit, i realitzar una aproximació teòrica sobre la personalització de la política i l'origen dels nacionalismes, es recorre a els sondejos d'opinió per observar quins canvis s'han produït entre l'electorat i en l'evolució en el suport a la independència al territori. Abstract This paper focuses on the change experienced from moderated nacionalism to sovereignty by the Catalan party Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya under the leadership of Artur Mas so, in addition to reviewing the evolution of the political party and make a theoretical approach on the personalization of politics and the origin of nationalisms, one resorts to the polls to see what changes have occurred in the electorate and the evolution in support for independence in the territory as well.
    [Show full text]
  • EU and US Approaches to the Management of Immigration
    EU and US approaches to the management of immigration Jan Niessen, Yongmi Schibel and Raphaële Magoni (eds.) Spain Ricard Zapata-Barrero CIDOB Foundation Jan Niessen, Yongmi Schibel and Raphaële Magoni (eds.) EU and US approaches to the management of immigration Spain Ricard Zapata-Barrero CIDOB Foundation With the support of the German Marshall Fund of the United States The Migration Policy Group (MPG) is an independent organisation committed to policy development on mobility, migration, diversity, equality and anti-discrimination by facilitating the exchange between stakeholders from all sectors of society, with the aim of contributing to innovative and effective responses to the challenges posed by migration and diversity. This report is part of a series of 18 country reports prepared in the framework of the project EU and US approaches to the management of immigration, which was carried out by MPG with the support of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and in co-operation with partners in the European Migration Dialogue. Countries included in the project are Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, and the UK. Reports on these countries are available from MPG’s website individually or jointly, together with EU-US comparative perspectives and European comparative perspectives. See Jan Niessen and Yongmi Schibel, EU and US approaches to the management of immigration – comparative perspectives, MPG/Brussels, May 2003. All papers were presented and discussed at a transatlantic dialogue meeting preceding the official launch of the European Migration Policy Dialogue attended by Commissioner António Vitorino (Brussels May 2003).
    [Show full text]
  • Plantilla Tesis A4
    Striking the Balance of Powers: The Spanish Constitutional Court and the Battle for Public Support Fernando Gil-Porquet TESI DOCTORAL UPF / ANY 2018 DIRECTOR DE LA TESI Dr. Klaus-Jürgen Nagel DEPARTAMENT DE CIÈNCIES POLÍTIQUES I SOCIALS ii Als meus pares iii iv Agraïments El meu agraïment més sincer i reconeixement al meu director de tesi, el Dr. Klaus- Jürgen Nagel. Sense la seva paciència i els seus bons consells durant un llarg període de temps aquest treball no hauria arribat mai fins aquí. Si les tesis doctorals han de servir en primer lloc per formar científics, també crec que han de ser útils per tal de formar millors persones. En aquest sentit, la tasca del Dr. Nagel i de tants d’altres professors, investigadors, personal d’administració i serveis i companys d’estudis de doctorat de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra ha estat per mi un exemple de com la dedicació als altres, la vocació de servei públic i l’altruisme són essencials per intentar millorar la societat de la qual formem part, tot començant per mirar de millorar-se un mateix. La meva gratitud envers la Universitat Pompeu Fabra i el seu Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials té molts vessants. Un dels més destacats és haver-me donat l’oportunitat de col·laborar com a professor ajudant als graus de Dret i Ciències Polítiques. Cap tasca de les que he tingut oportunitat de desenvolupar fins ara en diferents àmbits professionals, organitzacions i països havien pogut donar-me tantes satisfaccions intel·lectuals i humanes. El tracte amb els meus companys de professorat i amb uns alumnes sempre curiosos, treballadors i plens de ganes d’aprendre m’ha enriquit extraordinàriament.
    [Show full text]
  • L'home Que Va Vèncer
    L'home que va vèncer MANUEL CUYÀS EL PUNT, 12/04/10 La Fundació Rafael Campalans vinculada al PSC acaba de publicar les memòries de Joan Reventós en una edició magnífica. El llibre es titula Tal com ho vaig viure (1927-1958) i a part de les pàgines pròpiament memorialístiques inclou textos de persones que van conèixer el líder històric dels socialistes catalans i un plec de fotografies de gran qualitat. Les memòries s'acaben al 1958 perquè Joan Reventós i Carner (Barcelona, 1927-2004) es va posar malalt molt abans de poder-les acabar i d'enfocar els anys decisius de la seva lluita política en contra de Franco i en favor de la unitat dels socialistes catalans, la fundació del PSC, l'època de la transició, la seva concurrència a les eleccions del 1980 i el seu accés a la presidència del Parlament, entre altres episodis d'una vida molt rica en defensa de la democràcia i de Catalunya. Per sort, Reventós ens ha deixat molts altres textos reflexius o de records, alguns recuperats per la mateixa Fundació Campalans i uns altres, com el relat sobre el seu càrrec d'ambaixador d'Espanya a París, publicats per editorials convencionals. El llibre es va presentar dijous passat a la sala d'actes de la Pedrera. A la taula seien el president de la Generalitat i primer secretari del partit fundat per Reventós, José Montilla; el president del PSC i de la Fundació Rafael Campalans, Isidre Molas; l'eurodiputat i successor de Reventós en la candidatura socialista a presidir la Generalitat, Raimon Obiols; l'advocat i amic personal de l'homenatjat, Francesc Casares, i el fill gran de Joan Reventós, Manuel.
    [Show full text]
  • Les Espines De La Rosa. L'ardu Camí Històric Del Socialisme a Catalunya
    Revista catalana d’història 13 (2020), 261-279 /261 Les espines de la rosa. L’ardu camí històric del socialisme a Catalunya (1945-2010) Jaume Muñoz Jofre Recerques i Assajos Resum Malgrat que l’objectiu de la formació d’un partit socialista unitari a Catalunya es trobés entre les aspiracions fundacionals de moltes de les forces adscrites a aquesta ideologia que van sorgir al Principat des del 1908, no va ser fins set dècades més tard que aquest projecte es va fer realitat, amb la creació del Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (1978). Durant tot aquest temps, els obstacles amb els que va topar aquest espai ideològic van ser múltiples a Catalunya, tant per factors externs com per fac- tors associats a dinàmiques internes dels seus diversos actors. Aquest article estudia el tortuós recorregut que van seguir les diverses famílies socialistes a Catalunya durant aquests primers setanta anys d’història, centrant-se en l’evolució d’aquest espai polític a partir de la fundació del Moviment Socialista de Catalunya (1945), per acabar analitzant breument la vida interna i institucional del PSC entre el 1978 i 2010. Veurem, doncs, com els socialistes catalans van passar de ser una opció mi- noritària però amb representants molt influents sobre el conjunt de la vida política del món antifranquista a esdevenir, a partir de l’any 1977, uns agents claus en la con- fecció de l’Espanya democràtica a nivell municipal, estatal i, finalment, autonòmic. Paraules clau: Socialisme; Antifranquisme; Transició; Catalunya; Federalisme Los aguijones de la rosa. El arduo camino históri- co del socialismo en Catalunya (1945-2010) Resumen A pesar de que el objetivo de la formación de un partido socialista unitario en Cataluña se encontrara entre las aspiraciones fundacionales de muchas de las fuer- zas adscritas a esta ideología que surgieron en el Principado desde 1908, no fue hasta siete décadas más tarde que este proyecto se hizo realidad, con la creación del Partido de los Socialistas de Cataluña (1978).
    [Show full text]
  • Coneixement I Societat Núm. 11
    COBERTA 11 anglès 18/1/07 14:00 Página 1 11 11 CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT 11 Knowledge and Society SUMMARY ARTICLES Ecology, a romantic science? 06 Josep M. Camarasa CONEIXEMENT Science and technology parks and universities in the technology business incubator system: a contribution based on the triple helix model 32 Josep M. Piqué, Sònia González, Joan Bellavista and Victor Alves Cirit. 25 Years 48 Fina Villar i López CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT Knowledge and Society. Journal of Universities, NOTES I SOCIETAT Research and the Information Society. The Barcelona Biomedical Research Park (PRBB) 82 Number 10. January-April 2006. Jordi Camí, Reimund Fickert and Teresa Badia Barcelona Science Park (PCB): http:// www.gencat.cat/universitatsirecerca/coneixementisocietat research and innovation exchange between universities and the private sector 90 Susana Herráiz, Rosina Malagrida and Fernando Albericio Creating new technological knowledge: Analysis of a survey of inventors in Catalonia 102 Walter García-Fontes Ecology, a romantic science? Science and technology parks and universities in the technology business incubator system: a contribution based on the triple helix model CIRIT. 25 Years The Barcelona Biomedical RESÚMENES EN CASTELLANO / RESUMS EN CATALÀ 117 Research Park (PRBB) Barcelona Science Park (PCB): research and innovation exchange between universities and the private sector Creating new technological knowledge: analysis of a survey of inventors in Catalonia. COBERTA 11 anglès 18/1/07 14:00 Página 2 . CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT Knowledge and Society. Journal of Universities, Research and the Information Society. Number 11. May-August 2006 ISSN (english e-version): 1696-8212 ISSN (catalan printed version): 1696-7380 ISSN (catalan e-version): 1696-8212 Legal deposit (english e-version): B-38745-2004 Legal deposit (catalan printed version): B-27002-2003 Legal deposit (catalan e-version): B-26720-2005 Chief editor Josep M.
    [Show full text]
  • Conference Technical Program XXIX Conference on Design of Circuits and Integrated Systems Madrid, Spain, November 26Th – 28Th
    Conference Technical Program XXIX Conference on Design of Circuits and Integrated Systems Madrid, Spain, November 26th – 28th Committees General Co-chairs Michel Renovell, LIRMM, Montpellier Teresa Riesgo, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Teresa Riesgo, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Angel Rodríguez-Vázquez, CNM-IMSE Sevilla Javier Uceda, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Armando Roy, Univ. Zaragoza Program Co-chairs Antonio Rubio, Univ. Politécnica Cataluña Adoración Rueda, CNM-IMSE Sevilla Roc Berenguer, Univ. Navarra Josep Samitier, Univ. Barcelona Eduardo de la Torre, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Roberto Sarmiento, Univ. Las Palmas G Canaria Jorge Portilla, Univ. Politécnica Madrid José A. Silva Matos, Univ. Porto J. Paulo Teixeira, IST- Lisboa Steering Committee Antonio J. Torralba, Univ. Sevilla Unai Alvarado, Univ. Navarra Javier Uceda, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Serge Bernard, LIRMM, Montpellier Tutorial Chairs Salvador Bracho, Univ. Cantabria Marcelino B. Dos Santos, IST – Lisboa José Manuel de la Rosa, Univ. Sevilla Luis Entrena, Univ. Carlos III de Madrid Teresa Serrano, Univ. Sevilla Joan Figueras, Univ. Politécnica Cataluña Pascal Fouillat, ENSEIR Bordeaux Local Committee Leopoldo García-Franquelo, Univ. Sevilla Raquel Lazcano Eugenio Garcia, Univ. Illes Baleares Javier Mora José Luis Huertas, CNM-IMSE Sevilla Gabriel Mujica Carlos López-Barrio, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Yago Torroja Juan Carlos López, Univ. Castilla La Mancha Yolanda Rodrigo Marisa López-Vallejo, Univ. Politécnica Madrid Alfonso Rodríguez José Machado da Silva, Univ. Porto Juan Valverde Mar Martínez, Univ. Cantabria Anna Vaskova Antonio Núñez, Univ. Las Palmas Gran Canaria Filip Veljković Emilio Olías, Univ. Carlos III de Madrid Arantxa Otín, Univ. Zaragoza XXIX Conference on Design of Circuits and Integrated Systems Madrid, Spain, November 26th – 28th Program at a Glance XXIX Conference on Design of Circuits and Integrated Systems Madrid, Spain, November 26th – 28th Sessions A will be held at Room C.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Demanding Only Autonomy: the Mobilization of Catalan Nationhood
    1 Demanding only autonomy: The mobilization of Catalan nationhood in the Spanish democratic transition, 1970-1975 Scott L. Greer University of Michigan Department of Health Management and Policy School of Public Health 109 Observatory Ann Arbor, MI 48019-2029 [email protected] Abstract: Much of the literature on democratic transitions and ethnic conflict focuses on the role of elites, whether as constructive contributors to ethnic harmony and pacted transitions, or as fomenters of disharmony. What these accounts often fail to take into account is the extent to which the existence of political elites is a variable in itself, particularly when their power bases are not organizations like an army but rather nations or classes. The article develops, based accounts of labor movements in transitions, an analysis of how competition for scarce militants and the demands of organizing them shapes the power and importance of elites. It does this through a case study of Catalonia in the years preceeding the Spanish transition. During those years Catalonia, both a stateless nation and a potentially divided society, was the site of organizing from the left and right that nearly monopolized militants and channeled their activity into autonomist, exclusive forms of nationalist mobilization that stifled attempts at internal polarization while creating elites who could negotiate on Catalonia’s behalf in the transition. In other words, the ability of moderate Catalan nationalists to organize before the transition explains their ability to represent Catalonia and control its fissures later, and contributes to explaining the success of Catalonia as a case of peaceful multinational coexistence. 9330 words 2 Demanding only autonomy: The mobilization of Catalan nationhood in the Spanish democratic transition, 1970-1975 Democracy might be about masses, but studies of democratic transitions and of ethnic conflict management tend to be about elites.
    [Show full text]
  • Change in National Identification a Study of the Catalan Case
    Change in National Identification A study of the Catalan case María José Hierro Hernández TESIS DOCTORAL Universidad Autónoma de Madrid / 2012 DIRECTOR DE LA TESIS Dr. José Ramón Montero Gibert Departamento de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionals a Dídac, perquè vaig començar aquest camí amb tu i vas ser el meu suport durant tot aquest temps ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on the study of individual change in national identification and examines the factors which lie behind change under particular circumstances. The dissertation starts proposing a conceptual and analytical framework for the study of change along different dimensions of identification (self-categorization, content, salience and intensity). From here, the dissertation focuses on the study of change in the category of national identification in the Catalan context. The Catalan context is argued to be a suitable case study because it has two characteristics which render change in the category of national identification possible. These two characteristics are a center-periphery cleavage and the presence of a demographically important immigration population. The findings of my research are thus generalizable to other contexts which share these two characteristics with Catalonia. The dissertation offers an alternative explanation which complements the decentralization argument, and provides a better account for the periodic changes that are observed when identification with Spain and Catalonia is tracked over time. The dissertation contends that political parties’ mobilization of the center-periphery cleavage drives individual change in national identification. Although the cleavage structures competition between political parties in a permanent way, there are some periods during which a particular policy or issue sharpens conflict between national and regional parties and exacerbates the cleavage.
    [Show full text]
  • Spain's Accession to the Council of Europe
    Spain’s accession to the Council of Europe Source: CVCE. Carlos López. Copyright: (c) CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/spain_s_accession_to_the_council_of_europe-en- 008b2e64-c1cd-41f1-89ae-173532464c04.html Last updated: 08/07/2016 1/4 Spain’s accession to the Council of Europe Carlos Lopez On the death of the dictator Francisco Franco on 20 November 1975, King Juan Carlos I became the new Head of the Spanish State. Thus began a transition period during which the gradual reforms and transformations of the Spanish political system would allow the country to recover its place among the democracies of Western Europe and gain access to the organisations working towards European integration: the European Community and the Council of Europe. The Council of Europe had, of course, maintained a critical and cautious attitude to the Francoist regime, which had taken the form of close contact with the democratic opposition and a series of declarations and resolutions on Franco’s Spain. Following the coronation of Juan Carlos I, the opposition would have in Strasbourg a forum from which to analyse the actions of Carlos Arias Navarro’s government and to criticise its lack of enthusiasm for democratisation (in December 1975, José María Gil-Robles, Joaquín Ruiz- Giménez and Felipe González were among the anti-Francoist campaigners invited to the Parliamentary Assembly).
    [Show full text]