EU and US Approaches to the Management of Immigration
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Plantilla Tesis A4
Striking the Balance of Powers: The Spanish Constitutional Court and the Battle for Public Support Fernando Gil-Porquet TESI DOCTORAL UPF / ANY 2018 DIRECTOR DE LA TESI Dr. Klaus-Jürgen Nagel DEPARTAMENT DE CIÈNCIES POLÍTIQUES I SOCIALS ii Als meus pares iii iv Agraïments El meu agraïment més sincer i reconeixement al meu director de tesi, el Dr. Klaus- Jürgen Nagel. Sense la seva paciència i els seus bons consells durant un llarg període de temps aquest treball no hauria arribat mai fins aquí. Si les tesis doctorals han de servir en primer lloc per formar científics, també crec que han de ser útils per tal de formar millors persones. En aquest sentit, la tasca del Dr. Nagel i de tants d’altres professors, investigadors, personal d’administració i serveis i companys d’estudis de doctorat de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra ha estat per mi un exemple de com la dedicació als altres, la vocació de servei públic i l’altruisme són essencials per intentar millorar la societat de la qual formem part, tot començant per mirar de millorar-se un mateix. La meva gratitud envers la Universitat Pompeu Fabra i el seu Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials té molts vessants. Un dels més destacats és haver-me donat l’oportunitat de col·laborar com a professor ajudant als graus de Dret i Ciències Polítiques. Cap tasca de les que he tingut oportunitat de desenvolupar fins ara en diferents àmbits professionals, organitzacions i països havien pogut donar-me tantes satisfaccions intel·lectuals i humanes. El tracte amb els meus companys de professorat i amb uns alumnes sempre curiosos, treballadors i plens de ganes d’aprendre m’ha enriquit extraordinàriament. -
Coneixement I Societat Núm. 11
COBERTA 11 anglès 18/1/07 14:00 Página 1 11 11 CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT 11 Knowledge and Society SUMMARY ARTICLES Ecology, a romantic science? 06 Josep M. Camarasa CONEIXEMENT Science and technology parks and universities in the technology business incubator system: a contribution based on the triple helix model 32 Josep M. Piqué, Sònia González, Joan Bellavista and Victor Alves Cirit. 25 Years 48 Fina Villar i López CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT Knowledge and Society. Journal of Universities, NOTES I SOCIETAT Research and the Information Society. The Barcelona Biomedical Research Park (PRBB) 82 Number 10. January-April 2006. Jordi Camí, Reimund Fickert and Teresa Badia Barcelona Science Park (PCB): http:// www.gencat.cat/universitatsirecerca/coneixementisocietat research and innovation exchange between universities and the private sector 90 Susana Herráiz, Rosina Malagrida and Fernando Albericio Creating new technological knowledge: Analysis of a survey of inventors in Catalonia 102 Walter García-Fontes Ecology, a romantic science? Science and technology parks and universities in the technology business incubator system: a contribution based on the triple helix model CIRIT. 25 Years The Barcelona Biomedical RESÚMENES EN CASTELLANO / RESUMS EN CATALÀ 117 Research Park (PRBB) Barcelona Science Park (PCB): research and innovation exchange between universities and the private sector Creating new technological knowledge: analysis of a survey of inventors in Catalonia. COBERTA 11 anglès 18/1/07 14:00 Página 2 . CONEIXEMENT I SOCIETAT Knowledge and Society. Journal of Universities, Research and the Information Society. Number 11. May-August 2006 ISSN (english e-version): 1696-8212 ISSN (catalan printed version): 1696-7380 ISSN (catalan e-version): 1696-8212 Legal deposit (english e-version): B-38745-2004 Legal deposit (catalan printed version): B-27002-2003 Legal deposit (catalan e-version): B-26720-2005 Chief editor Josep M. -
1 Demanding Only Autonomy: the Mobilization of Catalan Nationhood
1 Demanding only autonomy: The mobilization of Catalan nationhood in the Spanish democratic transition, 1970-1975 Scott L. Greer University of Michigan Department of Health Management and Policy School of Public Health 109 Observatory Ann Arbor, MI 48019-2029 [email protected] Abstract: Much of the literature on democratic transitions and ethnic conflict focuses on the role of elites, whether as constructive contributors to ethnic harmony and pacted transitions, or as fomenters of disharmony. What these accounts often fail to take into account is the extent to which the existence of political elites is a variable in itself, particularly when their power bases are not organizations like an army but rather nations or classes. The article develops, based accounts of labor movements in transitions, an analysis of how competition for scarce militants and the demands of organizing them shapes the power and importance of elites. It does this through a case study of Catalonia in the years preceeding the Spanish transition. During those years Catalonia, both a stateless nation and a potentially divided society, was the site of organizing from the left and right that nearly monopolized militants and channeled their activity into autonomist, exclusive forms of nationalist mobilization that stifled attempts at internal polarization while creating elites who could negotiate on Catalonia’s behalf in the transition. In other words, the ability of moderate Catalan nationalists to organize before the transition explains their ability to represent Catalonia and control its fissures later, and contributes to explaining the success of Catalonia as a case of peaceful multinational coexistence. 9330 words 2 Demanding only autonomy: The mobilization of Catalan nationhood in the Spanish democratic transition, 1970-1975 Democracy might be about masses, but studies of democratic transitions and of ethnic conflict management tend to be about elites. -
DRAFT January 2018
Decentralising under pressure: The Spanish Constitutional Court and the LOAPA ruling Fernando Gil Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona Department of Political and Social Sciences [email protected] Abstract In its early stages, the Spanish decentralisation process pursuant to the 1978 Constitution developed in an ad hoc and uncoordinated manner. Shortly after the failed coup of February 23, 1981 the two main statewide parties, UCD and PSOE, reached an agreement to “rationalise” the process and subsequently approved the “Organic Law on the Harmonisation of the Autonomy Process” (LOAPA). The law met with stern opposition from Catalan and Basque nationalist parties, as well as the Spanish Communist Party, which appealed to the Constitutional Court. By examining the framing that political actors made of the upcoming ruling, its influence on public opinion and the final Court decision, this paper analyses the impact of external pressure on a new constitutional court using a process-tracing methodology. The research question addressed in the paper is whether strategic considerations, and more specifically, the preservation and enhancement of the Court’s legitimacy had a significant influence on the LOAPA ruling. It is hypothesised that politicians successfully constrained the Court’s choices by threatening its capital of public support. This assumes that politicians use the media to convey their messages to both judges and the general public and that they are effective in politically framing the public debate and citizens’ opinions. It is argued that both the risk of having its legitimacy eroded and the political consequences of the ruling had a decisive influence on the “Solomonic” decision taken by the Spanish Constitutional Court in the landmark LOAPA case. -
Democràcies Liberals I Protecció De L'autogovern. INFORME 2/2020
[IEA] REPORT 2/2020 Liberal democracies and protection of self-government How to protect territorial minorities from the decisions of the majority Liberal democracies and protection of self-government How to protect territorial minorities from the decisions of the majority Report prepared by: Ferran Requejo (dir.) Jordi Garcia Mireia Grau Gerard Martín Helena Mora Marc Sanjaume-Calvet Barcelona, Decembre 2020 © Generalitat de Catalunya. Government of Catalonia Institute of Self-Government Studies (https://presidencia.gencat.cat/iea-en) Cover image: Istock Design and layout: Autonomous Entity of the Official Gazette and the Publications Dept. DL B 12562-2021 Contents List of illustrations ..................................................................................................................................................................................................... 4 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 5 1. Introduction: Protection of self-government and the tyranny of the majority ............ 7 2. Consociationalism. Power-Sharing Executives .................................................................................................. 15 3. The exclusive powers of the territorial entities ..................................................................................................... 26 4. Federal/regional asymmetries -
Separation Amidst Integration: the Redefining Influence of The
62 | KIM World Bank. “Military expenditure (% of GDP).” 2015. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/MS.MIL. XPND.GD.ZS. World Economic Forum. “Global Competitiveness Report 2014–2015.” 2016. http://reports.weforum. org/global-competitiveness-report-2014-2015/rankings/. Separation amidst Integration: The World Factbook, The (CIA). List of Countries by GDP/PPP. 2016. www.cia.gov/library/publications/the- Redefining Influence of the European world-factbook/rankorder/2001rank.html. Union on Secessionist Party Policy David Eichert Despite the European Union’s hesitancy to support secessionist movements, European inte- gration has inadvertently produced a novel opportunity for these ethno-regionalist political parties to strengthen their causes. Secessionist parties have realized that integration has cre- ated a reality where the costs of independence are much lower while the potential benefits of being sovereign in an integrated Europe are greater. In response to this change in struc- ture, secessionist parties in Europe have become much more accepting of Europe than they were previously. This paper looks at the secessionist movements in Catalonia, Scotland, and Bavaria for evidence of pro-European responses to these new incentives. Introduction The process of European integration has been perhaps naively heralded by some as the end of national borders. According to this philosophy, statehood is less important and less desirable, and political goals can be accomplished at the European level without independent status. Economic and social policy are not wholly determined by states, EU law increasingly trumps state law, and there are ways for regional parties to achieve their political goals without com- plete independence. Some have even gone so far as to suggest that the European Union would evolve into a “post-sovereign” utopia of cooperating nations (Laible 2008, 1–2). -
Catalonia in Spain. for Democratic Coexistence
1 Catalonia in Spain. For Democratic Coexistence -).)34%2)/ $%!35.4/3%84%2)/2%3 9$%#//0%2!#). GOBIERNO MINISTERIO DE ESPAÑA DE ASUNTOS EXTERIORES Y DE COOPERACIÓN -).)34%2)/ $%!35.4/3%84%2)/2%3 9$%#//0%2!#). -).)34%2)/ $%!35.4/3%84%2)/2%3 9$%#//0%2!#). Catalonia in Spain. For Democratic Coexistence 7 Contents For Democratic Coexistence .................................................................................................................... 11 I. Dialogue ..................................................................................................................................... 12 II. The Rule of Law and Loyalty to the Institutions .............................................................. 12 III. General Interest ....................................................................................................................... 13 IV. Developments arising from these principles and objectives ........................................ 16 V. For all these reasons, the government, and everybody too, understands that we “have to work on strengthening these bonds” and “flee from confrontations” ...... 20 Appendix ..................................................................................................................................................... 23 1. Political and Constitutional Aspects ............................................................................................ 25 1. 1. The origin of the current political situation in Spain ....................................................... 26 -
Is Catalan Separatism a Progressive Cause?
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bowdoin College Dissidences Hispanic Journal of Theory and Criticism Volume 5 Issue 10 Article 7 November 2014 Is Catalan Separatism a Progressive Cause? Edgar Illas Indiana University - Bloomington, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/dissidences Part of the Latin American Languages and Societies Commons, Latin American Literature Commons, and the Spanish Literature Commons Recommended Citation Illas, Edgar (2014) "Is Catalan Separatism a Progressive Cause?," Dissidences: Vol. 5 : Iss. 10 , Article 7. Available at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/dissidences/vol5/iss10/7 This Article / Artículo is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissidences by an authorized editor of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Catalan Separatism a Progressive Cause? Abstract / Resumen This paper argues that the Left has not developed a theory for singular events such as Catalan separatism. Instead of conceiving it as a mere nationalist construct and rejecting it on behalf of federalism or universalism, I propose to focus on the transformative energies of this political and cultural movement. After tracing the historical links between separatism and radical leftist politics, my paper aims to extract three lessons from the project to build a new Catalan state: first, the possibility of formulating a right to vote based on residence and not on citizenship; second, the project to devise a non-culturalist articulation of nation and state; and third, the deactivation of the violence of the Spanish state through the assertion of a transnational European demos.