WANG ZHENG'S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION OF THE AWE OF AND CARE OF HUMAN BEINGS

“From his childhood, he embraced the virtues of filial piety, brotherly affection, loyalty and reciprocity in the virtue of humanity; one dares to say that he only transmitted the one consistent line of the saints and sages. Till his old age, he did not make a sharp distinction between the two ideas of standing in awe of Heaven and taking care of human beings; he always exerted his heart and nature to the utmost in them.”1

The Chinese Christian scholar Wang Zheng (1571-1644; bap- tized as Philippe in 1616 or shortly later, but before 1622) is not well known in modern Western studies on in China. In Chinese studies, however, he has been the focus of renewed attention in recent years2. In order to contribute to further studies on Wang Zheng, this arti- cle intends to analyse one of his major Christian writings entitled Weitian

The author would like to express his gratitude to Ad Dudink, Carine Defoort and Griet Vankeerberghen for their valuable comments on earlier versions of this article. Abbreviations:

FANG Hao = FANG Hao , “Wang Zheng zhi shiji ji qi shuru xiyang xueshu zhi gong- ” in Fang Hao liushi zidinggao , Taibei, 1970, vol.1, pp. 319-378. SONG Boyin = SONG Boyin (ed.), Ming Jingyang Wang Zheng xiansheng nianpu , Xi'an, Shaanxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 1990. TZSY = M. Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi : the first reference is to the photoreproduc- tion of Tianxue chuhan , (ed.) LI Zhizao , Taibei, 1965, vol.1; between brackets the section-number in M. RICCI, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, (transl.) D. LANCASHIRE & P. HU Kuo-chen, (ed.) E. MALATESTA, St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985. WTARJL = WANG Zheng's Weitian airen jilun : the first reference is to the manuscript version in Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Fonds Chinois, n. 6868; between brackets the page of the reprint in Song Boyin. References to Jiren shipian and Qike are also to Tianxue chuhan edition.

1 Couplet written by Wang Zheng himself as mentioned in ZHANG Bingxuan , Wang Duanjie xiansheng zhuan in SONG Boyin, p. 405; FANG Hao, p. 333; Zhang Bingxuan was Wang Zheng's cousin (SONG Boyin, p. 532). 2 Aside from FANG Hao and SONG Boyin: LI Zhiqin (ed.), Wang Zheng yi zhu 164 N. STANDAERT airen jilun (The Ultimate Discussion of the Awe of Heaven and Care of Human Beings). The title seems to reflect one of the principal reasons why he was attracted to Christianity. The theme appears also in the caption at the beginning of this article: the couplet is Wang's self-description that was placed beside his tomb.

1. The text Before entering into the meaning Wang Zheng attributed to the awe of Heaven and care of human beings, we will first look at the text itself, its structure and major characteristics.

1.1. Background of the manuscript Weitian airen jilun seems never to have been published3, although it is mentioned in the section Yiwenzhi of Jingyang xianzhi 4. To our present knowledge, it is only preserved as a manu- script in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris) (Fonds chinois n. 6868). This manuscript consists of:

– Preface (xu ) by Zheng Man , dated August 14, 1628 (Chongzhen 1/7/15): 6 folios (1a-6b) – Main text Weitian airen jilun : 48 folios (1a-48a) writ- ten (zhu ) by Wang Zheng and commented (ping ) by Zheng Man

, Xi'an: Shaanxi Renmin chubanshe, 1987; GUO Xiwei , “Wang Zheng sanlun” (A Remark on Wang Zheng), zongjiao yanjiu (1994:2), pp. 135-146. HUANG Yi-long ,“Mingmo zhongxi wenhua zhi chongtu xitan: yi tianzhu- jiaotu Wang Zheng quqie yu xunguo weili” : , in Diyijie quanguo lishixue xueshu taolunhui lun — shibian, qunti yu geren , Taibei, Taiwan daxue lishixi, 1996, pp. 211-234; ZHANG Zhongzheng , “Ming Jingyang Wang Zheng xiansheng xingshi shuping” , Shixue jikan (1994:4), pp. 70-74, 50. 3 Cf. epitaph by ZHANG Jinyan , Ming Shandong anchasi qianshi jian liaohai junwu wanggong muzhi ming , (1650) in SONG Boyin, p. 447 note 1; Fang Hao, p. 329. 4 Jingyang xianzhi , ed. LIU Maoguan , 1911; Taibei, 1969, 2 vols., IX p. 335. WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 165

– Postscript Weitian airen jilun jiyan : 2 folios (49a- 50a) dated August 14, 1628 (Chongzhen 1/7/15); not signed but written by Wang Zheng at Jingjiao tang . The text was most probably written in Yangzhou. According to Song Boyin5, Wang's father Wang Yingxuan (born 1549) died in the winter of 1628, which means that Wang Zheng was probably still on his post in Yangzhou (Jiangsu) in the month of August. The Jingjiao tang6 where the postscript was written was then probably a smaller chapel in Yangzhou. We know that the author of the preface and correc- tor, Zheng Man (1594-1639), who was Wang's fellow degree holder of the jinshi examination of 1622, stayed some time with Wang in Yangzhou in 1628 and also wrote an epitaph on Wang's deceased father7. It is also possible that the text was written or finalised in Wang's native place Luqiaozhen .

1.2. Structure The main text Weitian airen jilun is a continuous text without any the- matic division or textual interruption. On the basis of the contents, how- ever, the following structure can be established. 1. Conversion story (1a-4a; 237-239) 2. God (Explanation by D. de Pantoja (4b-5a; 240)) God (5b-6a; 241) Creation (6b-7b; 242) Names for God: (zhu), Shangdi (8a-9a; 243-244) (Explanation by Wang Zheng)8 Knowledge of God and awe (9a-10a; 244-245) Li and qi (10b-12b; 245-246) History of the attitude of the Chinese towards God (13a-14b; 247-248)

5 SONG Boyin, p. 115. 6 The title refers to the Nestorian stele discovered a few years earlier and commented upon by Wang himself. 7 Zheng Man's autobiography mentions his stay with Wang and the epitaph: but Weit- ian airen jilun is not mentioned: Tianshan zixu nianpu in Zheng Man shiji in Guxue huikan 19 (1969), III p. 1514. 8 One could also prolong the conversion story to this passage, because at this stage Wang Zheng reaches a new insight concerning tianming. In the following, Wang then repeats themes that have been brought up by de Pantoja. 166 N. STANDAERT

False devotion of Buddha (15a-15b; 249) Veneration of God (16a-18b; 250-251) [Guest]: The uniqueness of God (19a-20a; 252-253) 3. Heaven and : Human being has intelligence (20a-21b; 254) Heaven, hell and the world (21b-22a; 255) God blesses the good and punishes the evil (22b-23b; 256) Reward and punishment, heaven and hell in the Chinese Clas- sics (24a-25b; 257-259) Happiness in heaven (26a-31b; 259-263) Suffering in hell (32a-33a; 264-265) Reward and punishment in this world and after (33b-36b; 265-268) Benefit and harm in the next life (37a-38b; 268-269) 4. Human soul (eternal life): Three different types of souls (38b-40b; 270-271) Difference with animals (41a-41b; 272) Man's soul cannot be destroyed (42a-43a; 273) 5. Ethical consequences: Ten commandments (43b-44a; 274) Cultivation of virtue (44b-45b; 275-276) On love (46a-46b; 276) 6. Concluding remarks (47a-48a; 277-278)

There are several ways of subdividing Weitian airen jilun. Roughly four different themes can be discerned: God, heaven and hell, the human soul, and some ethical consequences. They are preceded by Wang Zheng's conversion story and end in some concluding remarks and a postscript. At first sight the work seems to miss some focus, especially since apparently no special section is devoted to the theme of awe of Heaven and care of human beings as announced in the title. Still the four themes of the central part of the work are interlinked. The knowledge of God implies the knowledge of God's power to reward and punish9. Rewards and punishments are carried out in heaven and hell, the places to which the imperishable human soul goes after death. The whole rea- soning leads to some ethical consequences for the life on earth.

9 WTARJL, p. 10b,9 (p. 245,12). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 167

Structurally the text seems to consist of two parts which in the history of composition of the text could have been written at two different moments. The whole is constructed as a dialogue between a guest (ke yue ) and Wang Zheng himself (yu yue ). This style is not unique, since M. Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi (1603) for instance, is constructed in the same way. Moreover, Wang himself had already some experience with the dialogue genre through the short text entitled Kewen (Questions from a Guest) which he wrote in 1623. In this text Wang and the guest discuss the invasions in Chinese territory by Manchus from Liaodong Peninsula and military affairs related to them10. There are, however, some significant differences between these two dia- logue texts and Weitian airen jilun. It is indeed difficult to consider Weitian airen jilun a real dialogue. Most of the text is a monologue by Wang, interrupted by the questions of the guest to indicate a transition of theme. This appears from the internal organisation of the different sections of the work. The first section on the conversion story starts with an exchange between the anonymous guest and Wang. In the second part, however, the place of the guest is taken up by Diego de Pantoja (1571-1618), since Wang Zheng relates an extensive conversation with this Jesuit which lead to his change of mind11. This could well be the record of an original exchange of ideas. The guest reappears just before the third section on heaven and hell, and interrupts the conversation only five times in the other sections. It seems, therefore, that Wang Zheng integrated an earlier dialogue with de Pantoja into a larger text by hav- ing it preceded and followed by a conversation with the anonymous guest. The dialogue with de Pantoja functions as a bridge between the conversion story, of which it is the final stage, and the doctrinal part of Weitian airen jilun. Another clear indication of the different style between the conversion story and de Pantoja's explanation of God on the one hand, and the remaining sections on the other hand, is that in the sections on heaven and hell, the human soul and the ethical conse- quences, Wang Zheng has copied extensively from other works, whereas in the first two sections no such quotations seem to appear.

10 Only part of the text is preserved: see SONG Boyin, pp. 201-212; see also LI Xuanyi , “Wang Zheng zhushu yiban souji xulüe” , in SONG Boyin, pp. 534-535. 11 WTARJL, from p. 4a,9 to p. 18b,1 (240,6 to 252,4) 168 N. STANDAERT

1.3. Copying from other writings One of the major characteristics of Weitian airen jilun is that Wang Zheng copied extensively from other works. In the sections starting with the discussion on heaven and hell more than 56% of the text has been identified as taken from other works. Most copied passages are taken from Tianzhu shiyi (The Solid Meaning of the Lord of Heaven) (46%), and some from de Pantoja's Qike (Seven Overcomings) (1614) (7%) or Ricci's Jiren shipian (Ten Paradoxes) (1607) (3%). No explicit mention is made to the Tianzhu shiyi. As will be pointed out further, Qike played some role in Wang Zheng's conversion; short men- tion is made to Jiren shipian when it is said that “details [about heaven] can be found in Jiren pian ”12. Reference is also made to a spe- cial treatise on the ten commandments13. It is not impossible that other parts are also copied (from other works?). The texts which Wang quotes are all written by missionaries, except for one passage taken from Li Zhizao's preface to Jiren shipian14. In copying, however, Wang Zheng did not make a simple “photo- copy”. As can be seen from the order in which the quotations appear, it seems that Wang cut Ricci's and de Pantoja's texts into pieces and rearranged them. In general one can retrace their order as follows. The first quotations are taken from the first chapter of Tianzhu shiyi and treat the importance of rationality. Next, for the explanation of heaven and hell, Wang quoted extensively from the sixth chapter of Tianzhu shiyi which is also devoted to heaven and hell. Wang also added sections from Jiren shipian and Qike, nicely ordered according to the description of heaven first, and then of hell. Towards the end, quotations concerning the human soul from chapter three of Tianzhu shiyi appear, and finally from chapter seven dealing with ethical consequences. There are some structural adaptations. Ricci's Tianzhu shiyi was con- structed as a dialogue between a Western and Chinese scholar. This is now replaced by Wang Zheng and the guest, while the guest's role, as already mentioned, is less important, merely introducing new themes. Most of the sections which Wang has taken from Ricci are those of the Western scholar. In some cases Wang deleted short interventions by the

12 WTARJL, p. 29b,2 (p. 262,2). 13 WTARJL, p. 44a,5 (p. 274,12): i.e. (Tianzhu) jiaoyao . 14 WTARJL, pp. 25a,7-25b,7 (pp. 258,11-259,4) is taken from preface to Jiren shi- pian, pp. 115,2-116,1. WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 169

Chinese scholar in arguments by the Western scholar so that they become continuous arguments15. In other cases he starts with a statement by the Chinese scholar and moves to the text of the Western scholar by transforming the last and first sentences into a (rhetorical) question16. Finally, Wang integrates the words by the Chinese scholar in his own discourse by having them preceded by introductory phrases like yuyun (“a saying states”)17. These adaptations confirm one important aspect of the text: by taking the words of the Western scholar as his own, Wang Zheng transcends the strict separation between Western and Chinese thought. It shows that a Western argumentation about Christian and Chinese traditions could well be adopted by the Chinese. Yet, aside from these structural adaptations, there are also some dif- ferences between Wang's text and the texts he quotes from. These dif- ferences are of various nature, including omissions, replacements and additions. 1.3.1. Omissions Some passages from the source texts have been left out by Wang Zheng. These omissions are as interesting as the quoted passages. The reasons for this are diverse. Since Wang adopts the words of Ricci, obvi- ous references to the differences between East and West are avoided. For instance, an explicit reference to Ricci's coming to China is quite understandably left out18. The reference to a “Western” , or to the “Chinese ancient rites” are deleted as well19. Certain omissions are certainly related to the content. For instance, a sharp criticism of Confucianism is omitted: “The reason why Confu- cianism attacks the doctrine of heaven and hell is that it has not investi- gated this truth”20. A reference to “desires bestowed [on human beings] by the Master of Heaven” ( )21 is quite certainly erased

15 E.g. WTARJL, pp. 25a-25b (p. 258), TZSY, p. 552,1-3 (392) was deleted; WTARJL, pp. 39a-40b (pp. 270-271) TZSY, p. 431,4-5 (135) was deleted. 16 E.g. WTARJL, p. 34b,9-35a,1 (p. 266,9-10); TZSY, pp. 544,5-546,4 (375-376). 17 E.g. WTARJL, p. 21a,7 (p. 255,1). 18 WTARJL, p. 38b,6 (p. 270,5) see TZSY, p. 429,7-8 (132). 19 WTARJL, p. 27a,9-27b,1 (p. 260,4), see xitu TZSY, p. 444,6 (159) (it refers to Augustine); WTARJL, p. 42b,5 (p. 273,6), see Zhongguo zhi guli TZSY, p. 441,5 (154). 20 WTARJL, p. 31b,1 (p. 263,9); TZSY, p. 543,9 (372). 21 WTARJL, p. 27a,8 (p. 260,2); TZSY, p. 444,3 (159). 170 N. STANDAERT because this statement does not fit in with the Neo-Confucian anthropol- ogy, in which principles (li) are bestowed by Heaven, but human desires are the result of qi. Although some larger sections are left out apparently due to lack of space22, there are also themes that must have been consciously omitted: e.g. the theme of resurrection (of the body) which appears in the context of the treatise of heaven and hell in Jiren shipian23 and Qike24; also the theme of the incarnation of Jesus Christ was completely left out (see below)25. 1.3.2. Replacements In general, one can may say that Wang polished the style of Tianzhu shiyi, Jiren shipian and especially Qike. One way of doing this was by building in more consistency. For instance, Wang Zheng replaces the term shenling (from Tianzhu shiyi) with lingcai 26 which was also used by Ricci in the context of the quotation. By replacing tiandi wanwu with mengduo shijie Wang is consistent with his own style27. Replacements pertain also to the way in which the two agents in the dialogue address each other. Some interesting examples can be found. In Tianzhu shiyi, the Chinese scholar called the Western scholar “Sir” (xiansheng ) while the Western scholar calls the Chinese scholar “My master” (wuzi ; a term also meaning the more affectionate “you”). In Weitian airen jilun, however, the guest calls Wang “My mas- ter” (wuzi) while Wang in one case used the anonymous, general term “scholars of the world” as a term of address (shi zhi ru )28. 1.3.3. Additions Most minor additions are related to the fluency of style within the text. Thus, Wang adds some sentences between different quotations29.

22 See the whole section of WTARJL, pp. 38b-42b (pp. 270-272) for the sections TZSY, pp. 432,9-434,2 (138-140), pp. 436,7-437,6 (144), pp. 437,9-440,4 (146-151). 23 E.g. Jiren shipian, p. 241,1. 24 Qike, pp. 1102-1105; Wang quotes the surrounding section (Qike, pp. 1099-1101 and 1106-1108). 25 The name Jesus Christ is mentioned in Qike pp. 1098,9-1099,1, a passage just before a text quoted by Wang. 26 WTARJL, p. 21a,1 (p. 254,6); TZSY, p. 379,8 (24). 27 WTARJL, p. 27b,5 (p. 260,7); TZSY, p. 559.4 (416); the addition of shijie to mengduo seems to be due to Buddhist influence. 28 WTARJL, p. 36a,6-7 (p. 267,11); TZSY, p. 546,6-7 (379,380); in the preceding passage Wang replaced er by wo (WTARJL, p. 35b.5-7 (p. 267,5.6); TZSY, pp. 545,9-546,1 (378). 29 WTARJL, p. 29a,1-3 (p. 261,8); TZSY, p. 561,8-9 (418). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 171

Other additions are more significant. In the sentence, “Of all things which mark off all men as being different from animals, none is greater than the intellect,” Wang has added, “which was conferred upon by Heaven” (tianfu zhi lingcai ) thus connecting the Neo-Con- fucian and Christian anthropologies30.

2. Contents The contents of Weitian airen jilun can be divided into several topics. We will not attempt to present all the themes which Wang Zheng treats, but rather to give an overview of the most important ones.

2.1. Conversion story The first section of Weitian airen jilun recounts the conversion story of Wang Zheng and is somewhat different in style and content from the other sections. It is worth pointing out that part of this story is told by the guest. For example, the guest asks in one of the opening questions, “The mandate of Heaven is not far and the way of man is close, why did you then seek it in what is distant and difficult?” From the guest we learn that Wang Zheng was involved in a continuous quest, first seeking answers in , then in . From the outset, books played an important role in this search. Wang revised on the basis of an old copy Zhu Xi's (1130-1200) commentary on the Zhouyi cantongqi zhu , a Taoist book of a nebulous nature attributed to Wei Boyang of the Late Han Dynasty. He himself wrote Taoist works like Biandao pian , Yuan zhenren zhuan , and (Xiaxue) Liaoxindan . In the eyes of the gentry these writ- ings were like texts written by those who formerly obtained the Dao, the guest remarks, and Wang Zheng was involved with them for more than twenty years before rejecting them and turning to Christianity. “Why did you believe what you had not yet learned (weixue ) while you so lightly rejected what you had already learned (yixue ); and why did you believe a new learning (xinxue ) and reject the old learning (jiuxue ): and why did you believe a learning that came from far away (yuanxue ) while rejecting the learning from close by (jinxue )? I am afraid that among the ancient saints and sages there is no such heterodox teaching.”31 This remark is a key sentence in the work

30 WTARJL, p. 20b,6-7 (p. 254,4); TZSY, p. 379,2-3 (23). 31 WTARJL, p. 2a,1-3 (p. 238,5-6). 172 N. STANDAERT since it explains well the apparent dilemma which Wang Zheng, like so many others, faced. In a sense, his whole text can be considered an attempt to explain how the turning to the “new learning” is not an escape from tradition, but rather a continuation of that same tradition. The guest blames Wang Zheng for his obstinacy and self-assurance with those new things, as Wang provided increasingly strange and artifi- cial theories in works like Xiru ermu zi (1626) (the first Chinese dictionary using transcriptions in the Latin alphabet, compiled together with Nicolas Trigault) and Yuanxi qiqi tushuo (1627) (an illustrated work on Western instruments and mechanical prin- ciples, compiled together with Johann Terrenz Schreck). In the end, when Wang is asked to explain the essence of the teaching of the Mas- ter of Heaven, it is nothing but the common theory for the Chinese of standing in awe of Heaven and caring for human beings. “This is what our saints and sages have said since long ago, and what all Chinese know, why bother to explain it once more?”, asks the guest32. This is the opportunity for Wang Zheng to explain two other impor- tant moments in his quest. Once more, both are related to the reading of books. The first moment is related to a famous sentence from Mencius and the impact this sentence had on him. In writing about the three things in which a superior man delights, Mencius said: “When looking up, [the superior man] has no occasion for shame before Heaven, and below, he has no occasion to blush before men.” (yang bu kui tian, fu bu zuo ren (VII A 20))33. For Wang this exemplified the spiritual way (shenfa ) of the ancient saints and sages which should give fulfillment to his own heart and spirit (xinshen ). The turning point arrived at the second moment when a friend offered him D. de Pantoja's Qike . When Wang read it, he noted, “the message touched my heart and pierced into my bones” and linking it to Mencius' quotation he exclaimed in joy: “This is the right thread which leads to not being ashamed and not blushing.”34 At that moment he turned ill for twenty days during which he realized that he not only had never achieved illuminating understanding but that he had merely experienced illusion. Only the fault of being ashamed and blushing was left over. He

32 WTARJL, p. 3a,3 (p. 239,4). 33 WTARJL, p. 3b,3 (p. 239,9-10); also quoted p. 46b,8-9 (p. 277,4). 34 WTARJL, p. 3b,9 (p. 240,1). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 173 realized that in the former part of his life, he had been unable to discover where was the mandate of Heaven. After recovering he went to the capital where he met with D. de Pan- toja, the author of the Qike. From other sources we know that this must have happened in spring 1616 when Wang was for the eighth time in Beijing for the Metropolitan Examination. Shortly afterwards he must have been baptized35. The whole conversion story can briefly be confronted with the recent research of Lewis Rambo, who studied the phenomenon of “conver- sion” from the perspective of sociology of religion36. Wang's conver- sion confirms his analysis on several points. Rambo's assumption is that converts are active agents in the conversion process. Wang's story shows how he was actively looking for an answer to his life questions. In addition, Rambo discerns different stages in a conversion (context — crisis — quest — encounter — interaction — commitment — conse- quences) which can easily be found in Wang's story. The cultural crisis of the Late Ming was the general context which stimulated Wang's interest. Like many others, he sought a solution in alternatives like a “new learning” (xinxue) such as Christianity. As Rambo notices, the more consonant the existing and new cultural systems were, the more likely it was that conversion would take place. As will be further devel- oped in the section on saints and sages, the consonance of core values and symbols (like the awe of Heaven and care for human beings) facili- tated Wang's conversion. As far as Wang's personal crisis is concerned, it is worth noticing that Weitian airen jilun makes reference to a serious illness just after reading Qike. This seems to have been a real turning point in his life, since it placed his former quest into a different light (“I merely experienced illusion”). The text clearly indicates how long he was led by a quest for meaning and purpose in life. He was searching “what Heaven mandated to him”. It is in this context that Wang as a potential convert came into contact, under the proper circumstances at the proper time, with the “right” advocate and religious option. This

35 P. d'Elia suggested that Wang Zheng was already baptized in Beijing between 1601-1603. He does it solely on the basis of equating him with a certain Felippe Guam, which is not a sufficient proof (Fonti Ricciane, Roma, 1942-1949, II p. 255 n.1 and p. 593 n.1). It is also possible that he was only baptised in 1621 or 1622, just before his jinshi examination: see SONG Boyin, p. 432, 482 (at the age of 52). 36 Lewis R. RAMBO, Understanding Religious Conversion, New Haven/ London: Yale Univ. Press, 1993. 174 N. STANDAERT was the coming together of two texts: Mencius and Qike, and his subse- quent meeting with de Pantoja. Weitian airen jilun further relates the interaction that came forward from this encounter. If one has to choose between the different types of conversion (affective, intellectual, ethical, religious and sociopolitical) as proposed by some scholars37, one is inclined to call Wang Zheng's conversion primarily a ethical conversion. The sentence of Mencius that appealed most to him, was one that made him reflect on his behaviour towards Heaven and human beings. More- over, the seven victories of the Qike have a moral content: to overcome arrogance, to temper rages, to solve desire, to oppose immortality, to keep jealousy away, to eat and drink soberly, and to clarify laziness. It is therefore no surprise that the moral dimension of the Christian learning played an important role in his commitment. This point is well illus- trated by the “Humanitarian Society” (renhui ) he established in Xi'an around 1634 and of which the statutes (Renhuiyue ) are still preserved38.

2.2. God and idiosyncratic transliterations The first theme treated after the conversion story is the existence of God. This section includes discussions that can also be found in other Chinese Christian writings such as creation, the names for God, the dif- ference between God and li or qi, the conflict with the veneration of Buddha, etc. At first sight, Weitian airen jilun seems to be a typical case of Tianzhu-ism, which means an extreme emphasis on God(-the-father) and a minor role allotted to Jesus39. As already indicated earlier, the work focuses on an omnipotent God, creator of all things, and judge of good and evil. The figure of Jesus has been completely eliminated. The figures of Adam and Eve, on the contrary, receive ample attention. This does not mean that Jesus is completely absent from Wang's universe.

37 RAMBO, pp. 146-147, see also pp. 14-15. 38 Erik ZÜRCHER, “Christian Social Action in Late Ming Times: Wang Cheng and his”Humanitarian Society“, in J.A. DE MEYER & P.M. ENGELFRIET (eds.), Linked Faiths: Essays on Chinese Religions & Traditional Culture in Honour of Kristofer Schipper, Lei- den: E.J. Brill, 1999, pp. 269-286. Renhui yue is reprinted in SONG Boyin, pp. 280-321; the original is a manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Fonds Chinois n. 7348; it should be noted that in Renhui yue, Wang Zheng also extensively quotes other writings especially Qike and G. RHO's Aijin xingquan (1633). 39 ZÜRCHER, p. 274. WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 175

One finds several references to Jesus in the Renhuiyue 40. This absence or presence of the figure of Jesus is similar to the difference between the catechism Tianzhu shiyi, where Jesus is only mentioned in the final chapter, and other Christian writings, in which his life is fully explained. Like the missionaries, Wang Zheng seems to make a difference between a text which serves as a first introduction to Christianity and a text for those already initiated. Weitian airen jilun belongs to the first type, Ren- huiyue to the second. Important in this section is the way the ideas about God are presented. Though the term shangdi is not absent (especially not in quotations from the Classics), Wang Zheng has a preference for the term tianzhu. Typi- cal, however, are the idiosyncratic transliterations. The use of transliter- ated words instead of translated words is not exceptional for Christian converts. It was often a way to accentuate the difference of the new teaching they adopted. Wang Zheng's work has its own characteristics in this regard. Firstly, there is the very high frequency of the word dou-si for deus (13 times in total). They appear in D. de Pantoja's explanation of God. It is difficult to assert whether de Pantoja used the term so many times in his conversation, or whether Wang Zheng himself included it intentionally into his text. In other Christian texts one usually just finds one reference to the term dou-si, ordinarily when the origin of the word tianzhu is explained. Here Wang briefly enters into the use of this word: “I asked: Is the so-called tianzhu dou-si? de Pantoja answered: ‘Yes.' ‘Then why don't we continue to call him dou-si? Why should we change it into the name of tianzhu?' ‘Here in China one will find it dif- ficult to understand the meaning of dou-si'”, says de Pantoja, after which he explains that tianzhu is a good combination of the dimensions of “master” (zhu) and “heaven” (tian)41. The use of the term ba-de-le (pater) for God the Father (4 times) is very significant. In other Christian texts (of missionaries or Chinese Christians) one finds this term in the context of an explanation of the Trinity, usually associated with other transliterations for Son and Holy Spirit. Here there is no reference to these other terms. Moreover, the ba-de-le appears in the context of creation: “… in the beginning,

40 Renhuiyue, in SONG Boyin, pp. 295,297,300,303 (these are also quotations from other Christian books). 41 WTARJL, p. 7b,6-8 (p. 243,4-5). 176 N. STANDAERT before the existence of heaven, earth, human beings and all things, there was an all-powerful ba-de-le, who produced heaven and earth and cre- ated man and all things,…” Though these words are of de Pantoja, it is a further confirmation of the fact that Wang Zheng pays more attention to God than to Christ. Relatively much space is attributed to the story of creation of humankind in Adam ya-dang (5 times) and Eve e-wa (4 times). Creation appears at the beginning of de Pantoja's exposé, right after the sentence on the Father just quoted. This story receives a rather prominent place in the Weitian airen jilun, especially when compared with Tianzhu shiyi where Adam and Eve occur quite late in the work42. Moreover, at the end of Weitian airen jilun, when explaining the human soul, Wang refers to the same passage on creation as the one in the dia- logue with de Pantoja. It is in the same context of creation that de Pan- toja refers to ya-ni-ma (anima, soul) (3 times) and to Lucifer lu- ji-fu-er (2 times) (1 time). The appearance of the theme of creation confirms that creationist views could be adopted and transmitted by Chinese converts. Moreover, they could also accept Adam and Eve as first ancestors43. A term that seems to be rather characteristic for Wang Zheng is meng- duo (6 times) which is a transliteration of mundo (world). It is exceptional because the same concept is only attested for in Yang Tingyun's Tianshi mingbian 44. Wang's text might well be inspired by Yang's. He certainly was acquainted with the writings of Yang Tingyun, since he wrote a preface to Daiyi pian (1621). The term meng-duo appears at the beginning of the section on heaven and hell. “The world where people dwell now is called meng-duo. Meng-duo is a general term for the place where good and evil are not separated, where the holy and common, the pure and filthy, sorrow and joy appear together.”45 The theory of the three levels of the universe, heaven as place of reward, hell as place of punishment and the world in

42 TZSY, ch.6, p. 553,1 (394). 43 Cf. Erik ZÜRCHER, “'In the Beginning': 17th-Century Chinese Reactions to Christ- ian Creationism”, in HUANG Chun-chieh & Erik ZÜRCHER (eds.), Time and Space in Chi- nese Culture, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995, pp. 132-166; esp. p. 150. 44 YANG Tingyun, Tianshi mingbian, in Tianzhujiao dongchuan wenxian xubian , Taibei, 1966, I p. 249,3. 45 WTARJL, p. 21b,4-5 (254, 4-5). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 177 between seems to have been quite common and fitted well with the Chi- nese world view. It has moral implications: those who follow the ten commandments will enjoy blessing in heaven and those who oppose them will be punished in hell. There are, however, a few differences with Yang Tingyun's text. Wang Zheng does not transliterate the con- cepts of “heaven” and “hell” but gives only the Chinese terms tiantang and diyu . To the contrary, there are a few more Christian elements in his explanation, such as the mention of nine choirs of angels and Lucifer.

2.3. Saints and sages, heaven and hell The tradition of Chinese saints and sages (shengxian ) is present from the beginning of the Weitian airen jilun. In the opening sentence, the guest says: “I heard that my master is a person who has the deter- mination to learn from the saints and sages, but the present state is dif- ferent from what I have heard. Could I have a straightforward explana- tion without any secrets?”46 To this Wang Zheng answers that his explanation of the books of the saints and sages is focused on discover- ing what Heaven has mandated to him. This transposition of “learning” from the saints and sages, as the guest says, to “explaining” their writ- ings, as Wang says, shows how following the tradition is closely related to textual explanation. But before classical works can be explained, they first have to be read. The expression “someone who has read the books of saints and sages” (du shengxian shu zhe ) is an expression that appears regu- larly in Weitian airen jilun. It is often used as part of a rhetorical ques- tion. For instance: “Is it possible that someone who reads the books of saints and sages would not stand in awe before Heaven that was vener- ated and served by our saints and sages and our emperors and kings, while on the contrary he would worship and flatter the Buddha in such a way?”47 Or: “If one reads the books of saints and sages, who would be willing to become a mean person?”48 More important are the references to the books and the Classics them- selves. A common objection to some aspects of the Christian learning was that they are not mentioned in the Chinese Classics. This is the case,

46 WTARJL, p. 1a,4-5 (237,4-5). 47 WTARJL, p. 15b,9-16a,1 (p. 250,2). 48 WTARJL, p. 9a,8-9 (p. 244,8). 178 N. STANDAERT for instance, with the idea of heaven and hell. This objection is the first objection in Weitian airen jilun raised against the existence of heaven and hell49. It also appears in the Tianzhu shiyi, but Wang puts it in the forefront. Some transitional sentences which Wang added between quo- tations taken from Ricci's work, clearly illustrate his opinion on the saints and sages and their works50. Wang Zheng here uses various com- mentarial strategies to explain the apparent deficiency of the Classics concerning the idea of heaven and hell. This defense is based on the commentarial assumption that the Classics are comprehensive and all- encompassing51. Wang Zheng affirms that the saints and sages do not speak about the topics related to after-life but he immediately draws some conclusions: 1) this absence does not imply that the saints and sages go against Heaven; 2) it does not mean that their subtle meaning and words had completely vanished without a trace; 3) it does not imply that one should not believe it52. Thereafter, Wang Zheng builds up a reasoning that can be summarized as follows: subtle words of the saints and sages are present in the Clas- sics. These certainly speak about Heaven rewarding the good and punish- ing evil. Here Wang quotes nine sentences from the Book of Documents which he has taken from Tianzhu shiyi 53. If reward and punishment exist, then there must also be a place were they are executed. This is heaven and hell. Though the saints and sages do not clearly speak about hell, there are some references to heaven in their writings. Then follow five quotations from the Book of Odes and Book of Documents also taken from Tianzhu shiyi. Since heaven exists, there must be a hell too. If saints and sages like king Wen, the kings of Yin or the Duke of Zhou are in heaven, then evil persons like king Jie, king Zhou and robber Zhi must be in hell. Hence, retribution to descendants on earth is not sufficient. Finally, some aspects of the idea of heaven and hell have not been trans- mitted because of the destruction by the burning of books during the Qin.

49 WTARJL, p. 2b,7-8 (p. 239,1-2); p. 20a,3-4 (p. 253,9-10). 50 WTARJL, p. 23b,6-8 (p. 257,2-3) before TZSY, pp. 530-6-532,2 (342-347); WTARJL, pp. 24b,2-25a,8 (pp. 257,10-258,6) between the former section and TZSY pp. 51,6-552,6 (391,393) and the Jiren shipian quotation; WTARJL, p. 26a,6-9 (p. 259,4-5) just after the Jiren shipian quotation. 51 John B. HENDERSON, Scripture, Canon, and Commentary: A Comparison of Confu- cian and Western Exegesis, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1991, p. 140. 52 WTARJL, pp. 24b-25a (pp. 257-258). 53 Wang has deleted two quotations from the Classics which appear in Tianzhu shiyi: compare TZSY, p. 531,3-5. 6-7 (344,345). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 179

Therefore, the fact that the books of saints and sages do not contain these elements, is not a sufficient reason to doubt them. In contrast, why do people still believe the unreasonable theory of , which comes forth from Buddhist writings and is not contained in the works of saints and sages, though it has been rejected with energy by Confucian scholars since long ago?54 Two points are important in this section: Firstly, Wang Zheng builds a rational construction and underscores the constancy of the principles and logic of the reasoning (li) used55. This explains why, at the begin- ning of the section on heaven and hell, he adds a few sections on the human intellect and its capacity of rationality, taken from the first chap- ter of Tianzhu shiyi. Secondly, Wang takes some sections from Ricci, but fits them in his own structure. The discussion about heaven and hell is reorganized in such a way that Wang tries to find an answer to the apparent absence of these ideas in the Classics that are assumed to be comprehensive. The commentarial strategies used by Wang rely on this basic assumption of comprehensiveness, but he also admits that Confu- cian writings only have very limited references to these themes. At the end of Weitian airen jilun, Wang comes back to this theme: “If one says that it is already sufficient if there are some books and some words, then why did we still need and Mencius after Yao and Shun? Those who truly imitate Yao, Shun, Confucius and Mencius, certainly will not expel the people to a distant place on the basis of the incomplete sayings of Yao, Shun, Confucius and Mencius”56.

2.4. Weitian airen What does Wang understand by “learning from the saints and sages”? In the eyes of Wang Zheng, “the awe of Heaven and the care for human beings” (weitian airen) are the key concepts in the tradition of the saints and sages. This attitude is an ordinary habit, present in any human conscience: “Even ordinary men and women can understand and realize it, and it is a true achievement of those who since ancient times have taken the sages, saints and Heaven as their model.”57 Wang Zheng adds to this statement: “For sure, it never happened that someone

54 For this whole section WTARJL, pp. 23b-25a (pp. 257-259). 55 WTARJL, p. 23b,6 (p. 257,1), p. 25a,5 (p. 258,5), p. 25b,5-7 (p. 258,10-11). 56 WTARJL, p. 47b,1-3 (p. 277,10-11). 57 WTARJL, Postscript, p. 49a,5-7 (p. 278,10). 180 N. STANDAERT became a saint, without taking Heaven as model, how could one take Heaven as model without expressing awe of Heaven, and how would one be able to stand in awe of Heaven, without knowing Heaven. That is why it is cautiously said: ‘The mean man does not stand in awe of Heaven since he does not know Heaven.' (Lunyu XVI,8)”58 It is there- fore not a surprise that the awe of Heaven and care for human beings became one of the fundamental aspects of Wang Zheng's personal life. The term also appears in texts that are not necessarily directly related to Christianity59. Wang Zheng's postscript to Weitian airen jilun is a good introduction for further understanding of his interpretation of these concepts: “Ultimate Discussion of the Awe of Heaven and Care of Human Beings discusses that one cannot but stand in awe of Heaven and that one cannot but take care of human beings. Now, everyone who studies the saints and sages, knows that one certainly cannot go without the effort of the awe of Heaven and care of human beings. However, since it is sufficient to use the term”discussion“, why should one call it”ultimate“? Well, awe of Heaven and care for human beings are ordinary things originally possessed in the conscience of everyone, i.e. ordinary men and women can understand it and put it in practice; but in fact the real effort of those who since ancient times have taken sages, saints and Heaven as their model60, became only a

58 WTARJL, p. 9a,5-8 (p. 244,6-8). 59 First mention of the term weitian airen appears in a memorial to the court Zou nufen richi renxin dongyao jingqing qitian guben yi zuomo yishu (1622) (FANG Hao, pp. 329-330). Next mention in a text entitled Gaoshenwen compiled ca. 1623-1628 (FANG Hao, p. 331). In a memorial Teming jianli haijiang kenci fenwai enshu (June 22nd, 1631 (Chongzhen 4/5/23): memorial at the occasion of his appointment as Assistant Surveillance Commissioner (ancha qianshi ) in Dengzhou (Shandong): “My talents and intelligence are just mediocre, I only harbour the virtue of loyalty and made the awe of Heaven and care for human beings as my personal vow.” (SONG Boyin pp. 193-194; FANG Hao p. 331). In his own preface to the Lianglilüe: Lianglilüe zixu :“I only always reminded myself of the idea of the awe of Heaven and care for human beings, I constantly sought not to be ashamed at heart. Once I wrote a couplet for my own warning: ‘Above is the clear Heaven, everywhere one can stand in awe of its bright majesty. Before our eyes is a newborn baby, everone's suffering is related to each other.'” (SONG Boyin, p. 214; FANG Hao p. 332). 60 This sentence is a paraphrase of a famous sentence by Zhou Dunyi , which in a different order also appears in Wang's main text (WTARJL, p. 9a,5 (p. 244,6)); the WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 181

sudden reminder for us amidst of changing thoughts. What can we do now when heterodoxy has already filled everything? And when the true heart has fallen into a deep silence? Since long, we have so wrongly considered others as our own parents, that if we were to meet our own parents, we would not recognize them.”61 Wang Zheng continues to explain that he wrote the ultimate discus- sion to break deep-rooted habits and open up new opportunities to show the way home. In his eyes, one has to discuss in an ultimate way the truth of what has been correctly established by reason, and the falsehood of what has been wrongly established has to be discussed in an ultimate way as well. “In summary, I hope that all my brothers in the world might recognize the original true father and mother, and follow to the end the way of ven- eration and service (zhaoshi zhi dao ), while waiting to return together to our original place; I have no other intention. Even the enlight- ened gentlemen reproach my madness, pedantry and creeping eccentricity, but that does not matter. I only wanted to exhaust this one point of awe of Heaven and care of human beings and I do not support that there is a self- ish heart. I really do not care whether people understand me or blame me!”62 The stress of the postscript on “ultimate discussion” does not com- pletely correspond to the contents of the work. The concepts of awe of Heaven and care of human beings (weitian airen) appear both as some- thing that has been proclaimed by the saints and sages63 and that is the essence of the Western learning64. The expression is also explained as being the summary of the ten commandments65. But there is hardly any detailed discussion of the combined expression weitian airen. 2.4.1. Awe of Heaven The separate expression weitian, however, receives more attention. It appears in a long intervention by Wang Zheng in his exchange with D. de Pantoja. The expression was not new in China. It had firm roots in the original text reads: “The saint takes Heaven as model, the sage takes the saint as model, and the gentleman takes the sage as a model” ( ) (ZHOU Dunyi, Tongshu , Sibu beiyao ed., Zhonghua shuju, p. 2b,6.). 61 WTARJL, Postscript, p. 49a,2-9 (p. 278,8-12). 62 WTARJL, Postscript, p. 49b,8-50a,4 (p. 279,4-7). 63 WTARJL, p. 2b,9-3a,1 (p. 239,3). 64 WTARJL, p. 4a,9 (p. 240,6). 65 WTARJL, p. 43b (p. 274); compare also p. 7b,2-3 (p. 243,2-3) 182 N. STANDAERT

Classics. As a result, Wang takes over the idea by constantly referring to classical texts. First, there is de Pantoja's discussion of God (vide supra) at the end of which he said that “if one really knows the sovereign mas- ter who gave birth to heaven, earth, human beings and things, one stands in awe of him (wei ), one cares for him (ai ) and one reverently serves him (zhaoshi )”66. To this whole section of God Wang exclaims: “Ah! From now on I know that the mandate of Heaven exists, that it is accurate, and that you can stand in awe of it. Until now we recited the words of our Master Confucius who said: ‘There are three things of which the superior man stands in awe.' (Lunyu XVI,8). I am of the opinion that those who learned this merely absorbed the intuitive method (xinfa ). But how can one profoundly know the intuitive method of becoming a saint, a method which has been transmitted since ancient times? Well, ‘a scholar takes a sage as his model, a sage takes a saint as his model, and a saint takes Heaven as his model.' Therefore, no one became a saint without taking Heaven as his model. Therefore, how could one take Heaven as his model without standing in awe of Heaven? And how can one stand in awe of Heaven without knowing the mandate of Heaven? Therefore the warning was uttered: ‘The mean man does not know the mandate of Heaven and does not stand in awe of Heaven.' (Lunyu XVI,8) If one reads the books of saints and sages, who would dare to abandon himself to the ways of a mean man?”67 Wang further affirms the possibility of standing in awe of Heaven and of knowing Heaven, even if it might take some time. This is confirmed by the case of Confucius who “as a saint was endowed unlimitedly by Heaven” (Lunyu IX,6) but who said of himself that only “at fifty he knew the mandate of Heaven” (Lunyu II,4)68. This shows that it is not an easy exercise. Yet, in the eyes of Wang the capacity of standing in awe of Heaven constitutes the difference between the superior man and the mean man. Wang relates this difference to the reaction to reward and punishment. “A superior man who knows the mandate, has an equally urgent mem- ory of punishment and virtue. The one who harbours punishments not only stands in awe of reward and punishment by a secular sovereign, but

66 WTARJL, p. 8b,5-7 (p. 244,1-2). 67 WTARJL, p. 9a,1-8 (p. 244,4-8). 68 WTARJL, p. 9b,1-3 (p. 244,9-10). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 183 surely stands in awe of the reward and punishment by Heaven.” That Confucius rejected the question of Wangsun Jia on the problem of whether it was better to pay court to the furnace than to the south- west corner, shows in the eyes of Wang very clearly that because of the majestic mandate of Heaven, one has “No one else to whom one can pray” (bukedao ) (cf. Lunyu III,13)69. This even makes the courage of a mean man to submit because of fear. Here, Wang strongly refutes the interpretation of this sentence by Zhu Xi who considered Heaven to be principle (tian ji li ye ). Since a mandate is sent, it has to proceed from someone. Secular people stand in awe of the pun- ishment of an earthly sovereign, but not of the punishment by the sover- eign in Heaven. Wang further proceeds to explain why Heaven cannot be taken as qi. Several remarks can be made with regard to this section. It appears as the first long response put in the mouth of Wang in his dialogue with de Pantoja. The text of de Pantoja proposed three attitudes: awe, care and reverent service, of which Wang only discusses one. As we will see under the section on care, it was fairly uncommon for Chinese to use ai as an attitude towards Heaven. The importance of the notion of wei is discussed on the basis of Classical references, taken from the Lunyu. As far as the content of awe are concerned, Wang establishes a stronger link with reward and punishment than in the Lunyu. He takes distances from Zhu Xi's interpretation, but gives, with the analogy of awe of a living sovereign, a more concrete interpretation of standing in awe of it.

2.4.2. Care for people The term airen is more problematic. Though the concept appears spo- radically in Lunyu (3 times) and Mencius (4 times), the expression is highly biased in the Chinese tradition because it is close to the Mohist expression jian'ai which is often translated in Western texts as “universal love”. We purposely translate the term ai by “care” instead of “love” because the term implies more a concrete action of care than an affective or emotional love for someone (usually called qing in the seventeenth century). This affective meaning does exist, but is exceptional in ancient Chinese writings. There are other words which usually express a preference (emotion) for someone or something, such

69 WTARJL, p. 10a,2-8 (p. 245,3-6); Lunyu III,13 is also quoted in WTARJL, p. 14a,1 (p. 248,6). 184 N. STANDAERT as hao 70. The more encompassing term is ren (humaneness). There are also several references to ren in Weitian airen jilun. For instance, in the eyes of Wang, only the Master of Heaven is perfectly ren71. In this context he quotes several passages from the Lunyu, such as “It is only the humane person who can love or who can hate others” (Lunyu IV,3) or Confucius saying of himself: “How dare I compare myself with the saint or the humane person?” (Lunyu VII,34). It is difficult to assess to what extent Wang Zheng employs the term ai more than his contemporaries. It seems, however, that his accentua- tion is due to Western influence. Moreover, when one compares with the texts from which he quotes, he even enforces the idea. For instance, in a passage which Wang copied from Ricci, it is explained that human beings, in contrast with animals, are not only able to love and hate phys- ical natures but also things, such as virtues that lack physical form, thanks to their nature that transcends bodily form. Tianzhu shiyi used three expressions in this context: hao-e , ai-e and xi-e . In a consistent style, Wang used three times ai-e72. The specific discussion of ai only arrives at the end of the work, in two sections that are taken from other writings73. The first concerns a short description of the ten commandments which, as mentioned before, summarize the expression weitian airen74. The term ai does not appear in the ten commandments, but it does show up in the brief explanation Wang gives of them. The first three commandments are explained as

70 See e.g. the explanation of the Lunyu quotation, opposing the feelings (qing ) of love (hao ) and hate (e ) in WTARJL, p. 22b,7-8 (p. 256,4). 71 WTARJL, p. 22b,5 (p. 256,2-3); one finds the same idea in the Renhuiyue, p. 291 (taken from Aijin xingquan?). 72 WTARJL, p. 41b,3-6 (p. 272,6-9), TZSY, p. 436,1-5 (143). 73 It is somewhat surprising that so little attention is paid to the theoretical develop- ment of ai. This explanation appears in the Renhuiyue, in a section that is copied from the Qike. It explains three kinds of ai between human beings: 1) the habitual ai (xi ai ) that is practised by people who live or work together. It is easily constituted and easily dispersed and also put into practice by animals; 2) considered ai (li ai ). It is an interested inter-human care based on the reasoning that one cannot without it, even evil people possess it; 3) humanized ai (ren ai ). It originates in the consideration that all people are children of the Master of Heaven and of the same nature as I am. It starts from a sincere ai for the Master of Heaven which is extended to human beings. See Ren- huiyue in SONG Boyin, pp. 314-315; Qike, pp. 821-822; in this section Wang Zheng changed Shangdi into Tianzhu which confirms his preference for the expression Tianzhu. 74 WTARJL, p. 43b-44a (p. 274). WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 185 related to “caring and having respect (aijing ) for the Master of Heaven”. Of the last seven Wang says “these extent the heart of caring for the Master of Heaven to human beings. The ten commandments can be reduced to two: To care and long for (aimu ) the Master of Heaven above all and take care of men like yourself”. Though it is a common explanation, in the use of these words one can clearly observe a difference with Chinese tradition, since as far as we could check, the classical writings do not apply the verb ai for an action of man towards Heaven. At most it is used for an action of Heaven towards man. The expression “care for Heaven” sounds strange in English and it must have sounded strange in the Chinese tradition as well, unless it does not only refer to an action but also an emotion. The theme is further developed in a text that is taken from Tianzhu shiyi 75. Here ren is explained as care for Heaven above all and care for others like oneself. And the intrinsic link between both is reaffirmed. The reason why ren is so noble is because it is related to the High Lord. Wang's use of classical texts is reaffirmed since he inserts a classical quotation copied from Ricci's text: “Humanity is the most honourable dignity conferred by Heaven” (Mencius II A,7). Wang also establishes a link with awe: The one who really takes care of the Master of human beings, begins with awe (wei) which gives rise to respect (jing) and respect gives rise to care (ai). At the end he links care with the works of charity: “Sincere care for human beings is the greatest result of a care for the Master of Heaven. This is what is meant by the expression ‘The humane person takes care of human beings' (Mencius IV B,28). If one does not care for one's fellowmen, how can one tell that one sincerely respects the High Lord? Care for human beings is not a void care: it must result in feeding the hungry, lavishing the thirsty, clothing the naked, lodg- ing the homeless. Moreover, one has compassion for and comforts those who experience distress, one instructs the ignorant, corrects the wrongdo- ers and forgives those who humiliate one76. These belong to the fourteen articles of bodily and spiritual works of mercy which grasp the solidity for caring of human beings. As a result, if one is able of standing in awe of Heaven and care for human beings, one will certainly exhaust this way.”77

75 WTARJL, pp. 45b-46b (pp. 275-277), TZSY, p. 582 (468) and p. 586 (476-477). 76 Here Wang stops his quotation from Tianzhu shiyi and strange enough does not mention the burying of dead. 77 WTARJL, p. 46b,1-6 (pp. 276,12-277,3) 186 N. STANDAERT

From the “Humanitarian Society” which Wang Zheng established, we know that he did not limit himself to a theoretical discussion of this theme but also put it into practice. This Society, of which the Statutes (Renhui yue) are preserved, had the seven bodily works of mercy at the center of its program. The preface to the Statutes, dated by Wang Zheng September 3, 1633 (Chongzhen 7/8/1), makes explicit reference to the Weitian airen jilun78: “When in the past I wrote my Ultimate Discussion of the Awe of Heaven and Care of Human Beings, I did so because I was interested in the meaning of the teaching of the Master of Heaven which was transmitted by the schol- ars from the West. I did my utmost to explain it in order to fortify my broth- ers in their veneration and truthfulness79. But that was just a”discussion“and nothing more, I was still unable to put it into practice.” Next we find a discussion of the concept of ren, which is said to be the key-concept summarizing the Christian doctrine. The discussion cor- responds well with what can be found in the Weitian airen jilun. “There are two ways of care (ai) by which ren is put into practice (yong): 1) to care for the Master of Heaven above all things; 2) and to care for human beings as oneself. If one truly knows how to stand in awe of the Mandate of Heaven, one will naturally care for the Master of Heaven; and if one truly cares for the Master of Heaven, one will naturally care for human beings. If one is truly and solidly able to go to the utmost of one's heart of taking care of human beings, only then will one be able to take care of the Master of Heaven. Well, for the Master of Heaven, who is orig- inally the Great Father-Mother of us human beings, the ren of taking care of human beings, catches the essence of its first meaning. Therefore I deeply believe that the teaching of the Master of Heaven is the truest, the most correct, the most common, the most understandable and the easiest.” This text not only establishes a clear link between the awe of Heaven and the care of Heaven and human beings. It also shows that the Ren- huiyue is the further theoretical and practical development of Weitian airen jilun.

78 See SONG Boyin, p. 280. 79 It is not clear whether the term “brothers” refers to brothers in general or his own family. Wang had two younger brothers Wang Hui (1578-1629) and Wang Che ; his nephew (biaodi ) Zhang Bingxuan is also addressed as “younger brother” (SONG Boyin, p. 160). The sentence can also be translated as “to urge my broth- ers to go in the direction of veneration and truthfulness”. WANG ZHENG’S ULTIMATE DISCUSSION 187

3. Conclusion Weitian airen jilun can be compared to Tianzhu shiyi from which most quotations are taken. Like Tianzhu shiyi, Wang Zheng's work was meant as a first introduction to Christian thought and life. Written in the form of a dialogue, Wang Zheng explains the most essential aspects of the new way which he follows: the existence of God, reward and punishment in heaven and hell, life after death for the human soul, and the ways to attain eternal happiness through the observance of the commandment of the awe of heaven and care for human beings. On the one hand, it is an apologetic work in which Wang justifies his choice for a “new learning” towards his environ- ment and tradition. On the other hand, he wants to encourage his read- ers to follow his way, even unto baptism80. In contradistinction with Renhuiyue which, with its many more quotations from the Bible or explicit references to Jesus and Western saints, was clearly meant for an inner circle of Christians, Weitian airen jilun is written with non- Christians in mind. It could well be that it was primarily destined towards Wang's close family (his brothers and nephew), but it is also written for a larger readership81. In Weitian airen jilun Wang Zheng not only defends and explains the “new teaching” which he has adopted, but also reformulates it in a new way which combines both Confucian and Christian elements. Most char- acteristic of this work is that Wang makes a discourse that was first for- mulated by missionaries his own discourse. In this sense it is similar to, but also very different from Tianzhu shiyi. Moreover, Wang Zheng takes classical terminology and gives it a new meaning. As such he goes fur- ther than Matteo Ricci for whom the Chinese Classics were only a start- ing point. In the eyes of Wang, the teachings he has adopted from the Western scholars help him to give full sense to these classical writings. As such he is an example of someone who was able to find new mean- ing in his own tradition by adopting a foreign teaching.

Windmolenveldstraat 44 N. STANDAERT B-3000 Leuven

80 The rinsing of faults through baptism is mentioned at the end: WTARJL, p. 44a,6 (p. 275,1). 81 Cf. preface to Renhuiyue (note 79) and postface to Weitian airen jilun (note 62). 188 N. STANDAERT

Table of correspondence between Weitian airen jilun and copied texts: Manuscript Song Boyin Tianxue chuhan True Meaning 20b,6-21a,7 254,4-9 379,2-380,4 23-25 (ch.1) 21a,7-21b.3 255,1-3 380,6-381,2 27 (ch.1) 23b,8-24b,2 257,2-10 530,6-532,2 342-347 (ch.6) 25a,7-25b,7 258,6-11 551,6-552,6 391, 393 (ch.6) 25b,7-26a,6 258,11-259,4 115,2-116,1 Jiren shipian (pref) 26b,2-27a,1 259,6-11 547,2-9 382 (ch.6) 27a,2-7 259,11-260,2 443,8-444,3 158 (ch.3) 27a,8-27b,3 260,3-5 444,5-8 159 (ch.3) 27b.3-6 260,5-7 559,1-5 415-416 (ch.6) 28a,6-28b,1 260,12-261,3 559,8-560,3 416 (ch.6) 28b,1-29a,1 261,3-8 560,9-561,8 418 (ch.6) 29a,3-6 261-9-11 230,4-7 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29a,6-7 261,11 231,9-10 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29a,7 261,11 233,4 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29a,7-8 261,11-12 235,8-9 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29a,8-9 261,12 237,6-7 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29a,9-29b,1 261,12-262,2 238,7-8 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29b,1-2 262,1 239,8-9 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 29b,4-30b,7 262,2-263,3 1099,10-1101,9 Qike (ch.7) 31a,3-9 263,6-9 543,3-9 372 (ch.6) 31b,8-32b,2 264,1-8 1106,10-1108,1 Qike (ch.7) 32b,3-9 264,9-12 558,2-7 413-414 (ch.6) 32b.9-33a,3 264,12-265.3 1109,2-5 Qike (ch.7) 33a,3-6 265,3-4 1108,5-7 Qike (ch.7) 33a,8-33b,1 265,5-6 222,2-3 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 33b,2-34a,6 265,7-266,2 222,6-223,7 Jiren shipian (ch.8) 34b,9-36a,1 266,9-267,7 544,5-546,4 375-378 (ch.6) 36a,6-8 267,11-12 546,6-8 379-380 (ch.6) 37a,3-38a,2 268,8-269,6 537,3-538,9 361-364 (ch.6) 38a,3-38b,1 269,7-11 534,1-7 352-353 (ch.6) 38b,6 270,2 429,6 131 (ch.3) 39a,1-2 270,5 429,7-8 132 (ch.3) 39a,5-40b,6 270,7-271,11 430,2-432,9 133-134, 136-137 (ch.3) 40b,6-41b,2 271,11-272,6 434,2.4-435,8 141-142 (ch.3) 41b,2-41b,9 272,6-10 436,1-7 143 (ch.3) 41b,9-42a,3 272,10-12 437,6-437.9 145 (ch.3) 42a,3-42b,8 272,12-273,8 440,4-441,8 152-154 (ch.3) 45a,1-46a,6 275,8-10 580,4-582,8 464-468 (ch.7) 46a,9-46b,5 586,4-586,9 586,4-486,9 476-477 (ch.7) Manuscript = manuscript of Weitian airen jilun in Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Song Boyin = printed version of Weitian airen jilun in SONG Boyin. Tianxue chuhan = references to Tianzhu shiyi, Jiren shipian and Qike in Tianxue chuhan. True Meaning = reference number of Tianzhu shiyi in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven or reference to chapter number of Jiren shipian or Qike.