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Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers
『広島平和科学』24 (2002) pp. 197-221 ISSN0386-3565 Hiroshima Peace Science 24 (2002) Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers Noriyuki KAWANO International Radiation Information Center, Research Institute for Radiation Biology and Medicine, Hiroshima University Masatsugu MATSUO Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University SUMMARY “Slips of the tongue” of Japanese cabinet ministers have attracted the attention of scholars. But, focusing mainly on the backgrounds of these slips, the scholars have not paid sufficient attention to the outcomes. The present paper is an attempt at empirical identification of the political outcomes of such slips of the tongue. We distinguishs two levels of outcomes: the personal level and the government or party level. At the personal level, acknowledgment of individual responsibility is the most important of the outcomes. The ministers in question have to bear responsibility for their verbal missteps in one of three ways: resignation, apology or explanation. If they have to resign from the ministerial posts, they will never be appointed again to the post of a minister. Nevertheless, most of them will be successful in holding their seats in the Diet even - 197 - after the slips of the tongue. At the government or party level, there are three major outcomes, two or all of which frequently occur simultaneously. First, slips of the tongue may cause a split in the diplomatic relations of Japan with other countries. Secondly, they may threaten the stability of a coalition government. Thirdly, they may be used as a means of attack against the government or government party by the opposition parties. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Japan and the United Nations (PDF)
Japan and the United Nations Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan Japan's Contribution to the International Community at the UN Foundation of the UN and Japan's Accession to the UN The United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945 under the pledge to prevent the recurrence of war. Eleven years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN as its 80th member. Since its accession, Japan has contributed to a diversity of fields in UN settings. For example, as of 2014, Japan had served ten times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Also, as the only country that has ever suffered from the devastation of atomic bombings, Japan has taken every opportunity to call the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation to the attention of the international community, gaining appreciation and trust from many countries. Today, the international community faces a number of new challenges to be addressed, such as a rash of regional and ethnic conflicts, poverty, sustainable development, climate change, and human rights issues. These global challenges should be addressed by the United Nations with its universal character. For nearly three decades, Japan has been the second largest contributor to the UN's finances after the United States, and Japan is an indispensable partner in the management of the UN. ⓒUN Photo/Mark Garten 1 Japan's Contributions at the UN In cooperation with the UN, Japan contributes to international peace and stability through exercising leadership in its areas of expertise, such as agenda-setting and rule-making for the international community. A case in point is human security. -
Japans Postwar History 2Nd Edition Ebook
JAPANS POSTWAR HISTORY 2ND EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Gary D Allinson | 9780801489129 | | | | | Japans Postwar History 2nd edition PDF Book Gruhls narrative makes clear why Japans World War II aggression still touches deep emotions with East Asians and Western ex-prisoners of war, and why there is justifiable sensitivity to the way modern Japan has dealt with this legacy. Moreover, it argues against certain popular stereotypes and stresses the need to appreciate the continuities between 'postwar' and 'prewar' Japan. General MacArthur was its first Supreme Commander. Retrieved The cultural background and geography of Japan are briefly touched on to give us context. Leaders of this movement included a number of socialists and communists who had been released from prison by the occupation. The late Gary D. Get A Copy. Japan's Postwar History Gary D. CD Audiobook 0 editions. Thus, of 1, concerns marked for investigation and possible dissolution, fewer than 30 were broken up by SCAP, though the major units of the zaibatsu empires—holding companies—were dissolved and their securities made available for public purchase. Continue on UK site. Visit the Australia site. Initial Allied plans had contemplated exacting heavy reparations from Japan, but the unsettled state of other Asian countries that were to have been recipients brought reconsideration. Book description. Post-occupation Japan is the period in Japanese history which started after the Allied occupation of Japan that ended in Quick Links Amazon. A Fundamental Law of Education was passed in , which guaranteed academic freedom , extended the length of compulsory education from six to nine years, and provided for coeducation. -
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan's Foreign Policy
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström SILK ROAD PAPER May 2007 The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Uppsala University, Box 514, 75120 Uppsala, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org "The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy" is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Paper series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, published jointly on topical and timely subjects. The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program is a joint transatlantic independent and externally funded research and policy center. The Joint Center has offices in Washington and Uppsala and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Department of Eurasian Studies of Uppsala University. It is the first Institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is today firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy- watchers, business leaders and journalists. The Joint Center aims to be at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, teaching, research cooperation, public lectures and seminars, it wishes to function as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final Report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar Series
Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar series #CHUKJapan Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright Asia-Pacific Programme | May 2019 The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, is a world-leading policy institute based in London. Our mission is to help governments and societies build a sustainably secure, prosperous and just world. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2019 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 302 3 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain. This publication is printed on FSC-certified paper. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reviews an honour guard at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London before his meeting with UK Prime Minister Theresa May on 10 January 2019. -
Baghdad, Tokyo, Kabul: Constitution Making in Occupied States
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2007 Baghdad, Tokyo, Kabul: Constitution Making in Occupied States Tom Ginsburg Zachary Elkins James Melton Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Tom Ginsburg, Zachary Elkins & James Melton, "Baghdad, Tokyo, Kabul: Constitution Making in Occupied States," 49 William and Mary Law Review 1139 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BAGHDAD, TOKYO, KABUL ...: CONSTITUTION MAKING IN OCCUPIED STATES ZACHARY ELKINS TOM GINSBURG JAMES MELTON* INTRODUCTION On October 15, 2005, Iraqis voted in overwhelming numbers to adopt a new constitution.' Although all hoped that the new docu- ment would mark a political settlement, the new constitutional structure has not been able to ameliorate, and may even have exacerbated, a problem of instability and political disintegration. At the very least, the constitution of Iraq--drafted under the Iraqi Governing Council of the occupying Coalition Provisional Authority2 -has not produced a political reconstruction of the society.3 * Respectively, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Professor of Law and Political Science, and Ph.D. candidate, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. Ginsburg and Elkins are Directors of the Comparative Constitutions Project, https://netfiles.uiuc.edu zelkins/constitutions (last visited Feb. 22, 2008). Many thanks to Craig Martin and Mark Ramseyer for superb comments. Thanks also to audiences at the William & Mary School of Law Symposium on Constitution Making in Post-Conflict States, Creighton Law School Japanese Law Conference, and Harvard Law School. -
Japanese Political Thought As Seen from Prime Minister's Speech
ppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp Japanese Political Thought as Seen from Prime Minister’s Speech : Koizumi’s Singularity Monika REINEM ▍ Introduction When taking office as the Prime Minister┼ Junichiro Koizumi was very often introduced and characterised in media as being the ┣maverick─ in the Japanese politics┻ Besides hint- ing at some minor things like his hairstyle┼ this term was meant to express Koizumi's ideas on the political situation in Japan as well as his not very common behaviour as a Ja- panese politician┻ Now┼ after more than four years in office┼ it is interesting to take a closer look at his and his team's political ideas and way of thinking┻ This encouraged me to study more about and do a research on the political thought of Japanese prime ministers over the whole post┳war period┻ There is an impressive long term research on Japanese political thought done by a group of scientists led currently by Ikuo Kabashima⑴┼ which concentrates on Japanese voters' be- haviour┼ their perception of political parties and actual policies of the Japanese political parties (明るい選挙推進協会調査)┻ According to Kabashima┼ Japanese voters have an accu- rate understanding of the ideological differences of the political parties and their position on the conservative (保守)Жreform (革新) scale┻ Compared to 1960sand1970s┼ where the opposition between these two was clearly distinguishable (concerning defence policy/atti- tude towards the old system and welfare/participation/equality questions)┼ by the 1990sa strong trend towards de┳ideologisation -
Japan's National Security Policy Infrastructure
INTRODUCTION | i JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE CAN TOKYO MEET WASHINGTON’S EXPECTATION? Yuki Tatsumi November 2008 ii | JAPAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY INFRASTRUCTURE Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-9-X Photos by the Ministry of Defense in Japan and the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force Cover design by Rock Creek Creative. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org YUKI TATSUMI | iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................ iv Preface ................................................................................................................ vi Acknowledgements............................................................................................ vii INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1: EVOLUTION OF JAPANESE NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY .............. 11 CHAPTER 2: CIVILIAN INSTITUTIONS ................................................................ 33 CHAPTER 3: UNIFORM INSTITUTIONS................................................................ 65 CHAPTER 4: THE INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITY.................................................. 97 CHAPTER -
The Construction of Separation of Religion and State in Post-War Japan
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Reexamining Separation: The Construction of Separation of Religion and State in Post-War Japan Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7zb9f29b Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 22(1) Author White, Brent T. Publication Date 2004 DOI 10.5070/P8221022170 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California REEXAMINING SEPARATION: THE CONSTRUCTION OF SEPARATION OF RELIGION AND STATE IN POST-WAR JAPAN Brent T. White ABSTRACT This article provides a comprehensive doctrinal analysis and critique of the Japanese Supreme Court's treatment of separa- tion of religion and the state in post-war Japan. After placing the development of the doctrine in its proper historical and political context, the article argues that the Court's construc- tion of the doctrine threatens to undermine religious liberty and equality in Japan. The article then considers the various socio-political forces underlying the Court's construction of the doctrine, including the role that the Court sees itself play- ing in the contest over separation of religion and state in Ja- pan. The article concludes by arguing that, through the lens of the Japanese experience, one can draw normative lessons about the dangers of religious identity exclusion and the inap- propriateness of relying upon one constitutional standard-be it the Japanese Court's purpose and effect test, the Lemon test, or the O'Connor endorsement test-in interpreting the constitutional principle of separation of religion and the state. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 30 PART I: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ................ 33 PART II: THE POLITICIZATION OF SEPARATION OF RELIGION AND STATE IN JAPAN ........ -
China and Japan: Partners Or Permanent Rivals?
China and Japan: Partners or Permanent Rivals? Willem van Kemenade November 2006 NETHERLANDS INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS CLINGENDAEL CIP-Data Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague Kemenade, Willem van China and Japan: Partners or Permanent Rivals? / Willem van Kemenade – The Hague, Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. Clingendael Diplomacy Papers No. 9 ISBN-10: 90–5031–111-3 ISBN-13: 978-90-5031-111-3 Desk top publishing by Desiree Davidse Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael Clingendael Diplomatic Studies Programme Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague Phonenumber +31(0)70 - 3746628 Telefax +31(0)70 - 3746666 P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl The Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael is an independent institute for research, training and public information on international affairs. It publishes the results of its own research projects and the monthly ‘Internationale Spectator’ and offers a broad range of courses and conferences covering a wide variety of international issues. It also maintains a library and documentation centre. © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright-holders. Clingendael Institute, P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Clingendael Diplomacy Paper is the combined product of three short- term research projects that I undertook from my base in Beijing in 2005 and 2006. The first involved a trip to Tokyo in April 2005 for a chapter on ‘The Political Economy of North-East Asian Integration’, which appeared in August 2005 as chapter 3 in a study commissioned by the Directorate- General External Relations (DG Relex) of the European Commission to the European Institute of Asian Studies in Brussels.