By a Process of Elimination, Relative Stability, and Bento Box
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Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers
『広島平和科学』24 (2002) pp. 197-221 ISSN0386-3565 Hiroshima Peace Science 24 (2002) Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers Noriyuki KAWANO International Radiation Information Center, Research Institute for Radiation Biology and Medicine, Hiroshima University Masatsugu MATSUO Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University SUMMARY “Slips of the tongue” of Japanese cabinet ministers have attracted the attention of scholars. But, focusing mainly on the backgrounds of these slips, the scholars have not paid sufficient attention to the outcomes. The present paper is an attempt at empirical identification of the political outcomes of such slips of the tongue. We distinguishs two levels of outcomes: the personal level and the government or party level. At the personal level, acknowledgment of individual responsibility is the most important of the outcomes. The ministers in question have to bear responsibility for their verbal missteps in one of three ways: resignation, apology or explanation. If they have to resign from the ministerial posts, they will never be appointed again to the post of a minister. Nevertheless, most of them will be successful in holding their seats in the Diet even - 197 - after the slips of the tongue. At the government or party level, there are three major outcomes, two or all of which frequently occur simultaneously. First, slips of the tongue may cause a split in the diplomatic relations of Japan with other countries. Secondly, they may threaten the stability of a coalition government. Thirdly, they may be used as a means of attack against the government or government party by the opposition parties. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Japan and the United Nations (PDF)
Japan and the United Nations Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan Japan's Contribution to the International Community at the UN Foundation of the UN and Japan's Accession to the UN The United Nations (UN) was founded in 1945 under the pledge to prevent the recurrence of war. Eleven years later, in 1956, Japan joined the UN as its 80th member. Since its accession, Japan has contributed to a diversity of fields in UN settings. For example, as of 2014, Japan had served ten times as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC). Also, as the only country that has ever suffered from the devastation of atomic bombings, Japan has taken every opportunity to call the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation to the attention of the international community, gaining appreciation and trust from many countries. Today, the international community faces a number of new challenges to be addressed, such as a rash of regional and ethnic conflicts, poverty, sustainable development, climate change, and human rights issues. These global challenges should be addressed by the United Nations with its universal character. For nearly three decades, Japan has been the second largest contributor to the UN's finances after the United States, and Japan is an indispensable partner in the management of the UN. ⓒUN Photo/Mark Garten 1 Japan's Contributions at the UN In cooperation with the UN, Japan contributes to international peace and stability through exercising leadership in its areas of expertise, such as agenda-setting and rule-making for the international community. A case in point is human security. -
Japan's Security Relations with China Since 1989
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989 The Japanese–Chinese security relationship is one of the most important vari- ables in the formation of a new strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific region which has not only regional but also global implications. The book investigates how and why since the 1990s China has turned in the Japanese perception from a benign neighbour to an ominous challenge, with implications not only for Japan’s security, but also its economy, role in Asia and identity as the first devel- oped Asian nation. Japan’s reaction to this challenge has been a policy of engagement, which consists of political and economic enmeshment of China, hedged by political and military power balancing. The unique approach of this book is the use of an extended security concept to analyse this policy, which allows a better and more systematic understanding of its many inherent contradictions and conflicting dynamics, including the centrifugal forces arising from the Japan–China–US triangular relationship. Many contradictions of Japan’s engagement policy arise from the overlap of military and political power-balancing tools which are part of containment as well as of engagement, a reality which is downplayed by Japan but not ignored by China. The complex nature of engagement explains the recent reinforcement of Japan’s security cooperation with the US and Tokyo’s efforts to increase the security dialogues with countries neighbouring China, such as Vietnam, Myanmar and the five Central Asian countries. The book raises the crucial question of whether Japan’s political leadership, which is still preoccupied with finding a new political constellation and with overcoming a deep economic crisis, is able to handle such a complex policy in the face of an increasingly assertive China and a US alliance partner with strong swings between engaging and containing China’s power. -
Japan's Foreign Policy and East Timor, 1975-2002
Japan’s Foreign Policy and East Timor, 1975–2002 Paulo Gorjao˜ This article distinguishes three different periods in Ja- pan’s foreign policy concerning East Timor. During Indonesian President Suharto’s authoritarian regime, and in particular between 1975 and 1998, East Timor was totally irrelevant to Japan’s foreign policy. Confronted with incompatible interests and compelled to choose who to support, either Indo- nesia or East Timor, there was no doubt that Tokyo was on Jakarta’s side. Indonesia loomed much larger than East Timor. This balance changed mar- ginally in 1998–99, when East Timor, as this article will show, became a cause for concern in Japan during President B. J. Habibie’s transition to de- mocracy in Indonesia. Contrary to the period before, Tokyo was not com- pelled to choose only one side and, therefore, it could support the interests of both parties. Between 1999 and 2002, Indonesia ceased its official political claims upon the territory and this meant that Tokyo could develop an inde- pendent approach toward East Timor, while continuing to bear in mind Jakarta’s sensitivities. During this period, East Timor became a significant test case, not only of Tokyo’s commitment to Asia’s regional security, but also of Japan’s desire to be a more important player on the international polit- ical stage. In fact, it is argued here that there has been a metamorphosis in Japan’s foreign policy with regard to East Timor, even though this outcome has been the result of circumstances, rather than through any policy actively Paulo Gorjao˜ is Lecturer in the Department of International Relations, Lus´ada University, Portugal. -
Japans Postwar History 2Nd Edition Ebook
JAPANS POSTWAR HISTORY 2ND EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Gary D Allinson | 9780801489129 | | | | | Japans Postwar History 2nd edition PDF Book Gruhls narrative makes clear why Japans World War II aggression still touches deep emotions with East Asians and Western ex-prisoners of war, and why there is justifiable sensitivity to the way modern Japan has dealt with this legacy. Moreover, it argues against certain popular stereotypes and stresses the need to appreciate the continuities between 'postwar' and 'prewar' Japan. General MacArthur was its first Supreme Commander. Retrieved The cultural background and geography of Japan are briefly touched on to give us context. Leaders of this movement included a number of socialists and communists who had been released from prison by the occupation. The late Gary D. Get A Copy. Japan's Postwar History Gary D. CD Audiobook 0 editions. Thus, of 1, concerns marked for investigation and possible dissolution, fewer than 30 were broken up by SCAP, though the major units of the zaibatsu empires—holding companies—were dissolved and their securities made available for public purchase. Continue on UK site. Visit the Australia site. Initial Allied plans had contemplated exacting heavy reparations from Japan, but the unsettled state of other Asian countries that were to have been recipients brought reconsideration. Book description. Post-occupation Japan is the period in Japanese history which started after the Allied occupation of Japan that ended in Quick Links Amazon. A Fundamental Law of Education was passed in , which guaranteed academic freedom , extended the length of compulsory education from six to nine years, and provided for coeducation. -
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan's Foreign Policy
The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström SILK ROAD PAPER May 2007 The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy Bert Edström © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Uppsala University, Box 514, 75120 Uppsala, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org "The Success of a Successor: Abe Shinzo and Japan’s Foreign Policy" is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Paper series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, published jointly on topical and timely subjects. The Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program is a joint transatlantic independent and externally funded research and policy center. The Joint Center has offices in Washington and Uppsala and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Department of Eurasian Studies of Uppsala University. It is the first Institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is today firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy- watchers, business leaders and journalists. The Joint Center aims to be at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, teaching, research cooperation, public lectures and seminars, it wishes to function as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. -
Asia and Japan in the 21St Century—The Decade of the 2000S
This article was translated by JIIA from Japanese into English as part of a research project to promote academic studies on Japan’s diplomacy. JIIA takes full responsibility for the translation of this article. To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your personal use and research, please contact JIIA by e-mail ([email protected]). Citation: Japan’s Diplomacy Series, Japan Digital Library, http://www2.jiia.or.jp/en/digital_library/japan_s_diplomacy.php Asia and Japan in the 21st Century —The Decade of the 2000s* Taizo Miyagi Once characterized by war, conflict, and poverty, Asia had transformed itself into a region of remarkable economic growth and development by the end of the 20th century. This in fact was what Japan had hoped and striven for Asia throughout the postwar period. However, the emergence of China and other devel- opments have eclipsed Japan’s presence in Asia, so that Japan can no longer claim an unchallenged posi- tion even in economic matters. While 21st century Asia stands proud as the growth center for the world economy, there are undeniable signs that this region is becoming the stage for a new power game that is now unfolding. How is Japan to live and prosper in this environment? In the final analysis, the 21st cen- tury signifies the advent of a new age that can no longer be understood in terms of the “postwar” construct. I. The Koizumi Cabinet and Asia 1. Breaking Free of Conventional Wisdom with Bold Actions Before assuming the post of prime minister, Junichiro Koizumi was long considered to be a maverick within a Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dominated by the Keiseikai Group (Takeshita Faction), which claimed the postal business lobby as a powerful source of support. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan's Quantitative
Bound by a Hidden Agenda: The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative Monetary Easing Tetsufumi Arita July 2007 THE WALTER H. SHORENSTEIN ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH CENTER (Shorenstein APARC) is a unique Stanford University institution focused on the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia. Shorenstein APARC’s mission is to produce and publish outstanding interdisciplinary, Asia-Pacific– focused research; educate students, scholars, and corporate and governmental affiliates; promote constructive interaction to influence U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific; and guide Asian nations on key issues of societal transition, development, U.S.-Asia relations, and regional cooperation. The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94306-6055 http://shorenstein.stanford.edu 2 About the Author Tetsufumi Arita has been a reporter for the Japanese newspaper, Asahi Shimbun, since 990. He has extensive experience in reporting business and political news. Arita was a visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center between 2004 and 2005. 2 3 4 Abstract For the past five years, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) has employed an unconventional monetary easing policy, called quantitative monetary easing. Under a zero interest rate regime, the BOJ shifted its tool for monetary easing from interest rates to quantity of money, thus providing the money market with much more money than it needs. It is difficult to find evidence that this monetary easing has contributed to the current economic recovery. What we can show is that this quantitative easing diluted the functions of interest rates in the money market, with the following consequences: quantitative easing hid the risks of the huge amount of fiscal debt and supported troubled commercial banks. -
The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final Report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar Series
Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Final report of the UK–Japan Global Seminar series #CHUKJapan Chatham House Report Edited by John Nilsson-Wright Asia-Pacific Programme | May 2019 The UK and Japan Forging a Global and Proactive Partnership Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, is a world-leading policy institute based in London. Our mission is to help governments and societies build a sustainably secure, prosperous and just world. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 Copyright © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2019 Chatham House, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the author(s). All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. ISBN 978 1 78413 302 3 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in Great Britain. This publication is printed on FSC-certified paper. Typeset by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Cover image: Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe reviews an honour guard at the Foreign & Commonwealth Office in London before his meeting with UK Prime Minister Theresa May on 10 January 2019. -
The Evolution of the Role of the Prime Minister's Office in Crisis Legislation
Tomohito Shinoda. Koizumi Diplomacy: Japan's Kantei Approach to Foreign and Defense Affairs. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007. 216 pp. $18.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-295-98699-9. Reviewed by Michael David Published on H-US-Japan (January, 2009) Commissioned by Yone Sugita (Osaka University) This book draws from a wide range of Japa‐ Force (JSDF) units to Iraq in 2004. Chapter 1 pro‐ nese and English language sources to provide a vides necessary background on Japan's traditional detailed picture of the evolution of the role of bottom-up policy process and earlier attempts by Japan's Prime Minister's Office (PMO) in diplomat‐ Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone to change the ic and security affairs. Early on, the author, Tomo‐ bottom-up policy process in the 1980s. Nakasone's hito Shinoda, provides a very useful explanation objective was to promote top-down leadership of the key Japanese term Kantei, which is present and govern as a U.S. president-like prime minis‐ in the title and throughout the book. The literal ter. The commentary on the "Ron-Yasu" relation‐ meaning of Kantei is the prime minister's official ship between President Ronald Reagan and Prime residence. Shinoda compares Japan's Kantei with Minister Nakasone is interesting. However, the the U.S. White House or Britain's 10 Downing primary insights are into how Nakasone used his Street. All three terms infer the broader meaning chief cabinet secretary (CCS) and his assistant, At‐ of the prime minister or president and their re‐ suyuki Sassa, for crisis management. Chapter 1 spective staffs and assistants.