DOCSLIB.ORG

The Sullan Veterans and Catiline's Conspiracy

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Sullan Veterans and Catiline's Conspiracy CHAPTER SIX THE SULLAN VETERANS AND CATILINE’S CONSPIRACY Unfortunately, there is no literary evidence for what happened in Etru- ria between the revolt of 78 and Catiline’s conspiracy. It remains un- clear, first of all, what happened at Faesulae after Lepidus and the rebels were defeated.1 No doubt, a considerable group of Sullan set- tlers did not leave the area, as Cicero refers twice to the presence of colonists from Faesulae in Catiline’s army.2 It is likely that their position remained difficult, and was further complicated by the losses suffered in the attack. It would be useful to know what measures, if any, were taken by Rome to protect the colonists and avoid further attacks, or even to restore some of them on the allotments reoccupied by the Faesulans. The incidents at Faesulae suggest that something about the Sullan settlement plans in Etruria was flawed. Soon after the arrival of the veterans, the local population managed to react successfully.3 This was, to our knowledge, unparalleled in the rest of Italy. It is impossible to establish what triggered the offensive, or rather what led the inhabitants to believe that an attack could be successful. The riots were possibly related to contemporary events in other areas of Etruria. As we have seen, the land assignments at Volaterrae and Arretium were stopped after the death of Sulla. However, the strongest element suggesting that Sullan colonisation in Etruria was not a success is the participation of a contingent of veterans in the conspiracy of Catiline. This may be explained both by local factors and by the impact of wider processes that involved Italy as a whole. It is significant that the bulk of the Sullan colonists who followed Catiline was from Arretium and Faesulae, where the settlement pro- gramme knew some significant drawbacks. They had endured hostility, 1 Harris 1971, 268 argues that the land given up by the veterans was a “temporary concession”, and that it was recovered after Lepidus’ revolt. 2 See Cic. Cat. 3.6.14; Mur. 24.49. 3 Harris 1971, 267–271 is too optimistic about the success of the Sullan settlement in the area. 184part ii – sulla and the administration of the empire open attacks, and isolation. They were prevented from increasing the size of their properties by adding unoccupied land (like that which had been publicata,butnotdiuisa) to the allotments they already had. There is every reason to believe that these scattered groups of veterans, posted on a hostile territory, still communicated with each other. Figures like Gaius Manlius and Publius Furius, both mentioned in Cicero’s Catili- narian speeches, promoted adhesion to the conspiracy.4 Cicero’s rhetor- ical reference to a colonorum Arretinorum et Faesulanorum exercitus cannot be lightly dismissed.5 The typical accusation launched against the sup- porters of Catiline is that they tried to revive the licentia of the Sullan age after squandering the fortunes earned by the proscriptions and the mass murders.6 Indeed, this may be true of Catiline and of other lead- ing figures of the conspiracy. The main reason why Catiline was so successful among the Sul- lan veterans, however, is that many of them had become considerably poorer in less than two decades after the Sullan colonisation. A sat- isfactory explanation for this development is still to be provided, and it probably is not within reach. It would be far-fetched, for instance, to view it as a consequence of the scarce talent of the Sullan veter- ans for agriculture, as has often been claimed. There is no reason to believe that they were less skilled than most Italian peasants. Most of them certainly had a rural background before joining the army, and it is conceivable that they were prepared to return to their earlier condi- tion after Sulla’s victory.7 It is true that many Sullan veterans tried to sell their properties soon after the land was assigned, and not just in 4 Cic. Cat. 2.6.14 (Manlius iste centurio, qui in agro Faesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit—“this centurion Manlius, who set up a camp in the territory of Faesulae and declared war against the Roman people in his own name”); 2.9.20 (quo ex genere iste est Manlius, cui nunc Catilina succedit. hi sunt homines ex eis coloniis quas Sulla constituit—“Manlius, from whom Catiline has now taken up the command, belongs in this class. These are men from those colonies that were founded by Sulla”); 3.6.14 (in P. Furium, qui est ex eis colonis quos Faesulas L. Sulla deduxit—“against Publius Furius, who is one of the colonists that Lucius Sulla settled at Faesulae”). On Manlius, also cf. Dio 37.30. 5 Cic. Mur. 24.49. 6 Cf. Sall. Cat. 16.4 (plerique Sullani milites, largius suo usi, rapinarum et uictoriae ueteris memores ciuile bellum exoptabant—“most of the Sullan soldiers, who had spent more than they actually had, longed for a civil war, mindful of their old victory”); Cat. 28.4.Onthe role of the accumulation of debt in Sallust’s general interpretation of the late Republic, see Shaw 1975. 7 Brunt 1971, 309–310..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • History by Analogy: Cato the Younger and Caesar in Livy's Account
    History by Analogy: Cato the Younger and Caesar in Livy’s Account of the Second Punic War Thomas E. Strunk Abstract: Although Livy’s account of the late Republic has been lost to modern readers and with it Livy’s interpretation of events surrounding the lives of Cato the Younger and Julius Caesar, whom the Periochae confirm figured prominently in the books covering the late Republic. Yet Cato and Caesar are not wholly absent from Livy’s surviving works. The outlines of Cato’s character can be seen in Hanno, the Carthaginian senator who plays a prominent role in opposing Hannibal during the Second Punic War. There are also a number of interesting parallels between Hannibal and Caesar. When placed alongside one another the similarities between each pair of senator and general reveals an analogous paradigm. Livy’s construction of the relationship between Hanno and Hannibal closely resembles the contentious relationship between Cato and Caesar, suggesting that Livy used the analogous historical framework of Cato and Caesar to build his narrative of the discord between Hanno and Hannibal. Livy’s history by analogy reveals the policies and behaviors that put to ruin the power of Carthage and destroyed the Roman Republic. Keywords: Cato the Younger, Caesar, Livy, Hanno, Hannibal, Punic Wars Although Livy’s account of the late Republic has been lost to modern readers, Cato the Younger and Caesar no doubt figured prominently in the books covering the late Republic.1 The Periochae, abbreviated as they are, confirm that Livy touched upon many of the moments in the lives of Caesar and Cato discussed by other writers, such as Plutarch, Dio, and Appian.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero in Catilīnam (To Accompany “Cicero Denounces Catiline in the Senate,” Wheelock’S Chapter 11)
    Cicero in Catilīnam (to accompany “Cicero denounces Catiline in the senate,” Wheelock’s chapter 11) In 63 B.C., Marcus Tullius Cicero won the consulship, the highest office in the Roman republic. One of the men whom he defeated in the election was a charismatic nobleman named Lucius Sergius Catilīna – Catiline. Born on 108 B.C. (and thus two years older than Cicero), Catiline came from a recently undistinguished and impoverished patrician family, the Sergiī. Like all Roman politicians, Catiline pursued a political career as a means of securing reputation and wealth. From its beginning, however, Catiline’s pursuit was marked by a desperation greater than that which burdened most Roman noblemen, primarily because of the decline in recent decades of his family’s prestige and fiscal security. For Catiline, obtaining the highest offices of the Roman state was both a birthright and a practical necessity. After doing his military service in the 80s and 70s, Catiline won a praetorship, the second highest office in the republic, in 68. Upon completing his term of office, Catiline served as a governor in Africa for two years. When he set out for his term as governor, Catiline’s prospects for winning a consulship in the near future must have been promising, but when he returned from Africa in 66, he was prosecuted for acts of extortion during his governorship. Although he was acquitted of this charge, the legal proceedings prevented Catiline from standing for the consulship in 65 and 64, so in 63 he made a frantic grab for the office. In this election he was defeated by Cicero.
    [Show full text]
  • A Fork in the Road: the Catilinarian Conspiracy's Impact
    A Fork in the Road: The Catilinarian Conspiracy‘s Impact on Cicero‘s relationships with Pompey, Crassus` and Caesar Jeffrey Larson History 499: Senior Thesis June 13, 2011 © Jeffrey Larson, 2011 1 But concerning friendship, all, to a man, think the same thing: those who have devoted themselves to public life; those who find their joy in science and philosophy; those who manage their own business free from public cares; and, finally, those who are wholly given up to sensual pleasures — all believe that without friendship life is no life at all. .1 The late Roman Republic was filled with crucial events which shaped not only the political environment of the Republic, but also altered the personal and political relationships of the individuals within that Republic. Four of the most powerful, and most discussed, characters of this time are Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 BC – 43 BC), Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (106 BC – 48 BC), Marcus Licinius Crassus (c. 115 BC – 53 BC), and Gaius Julius Caesar (c. 100 BC – 44 BC). These men often crossed paths and some even had close friendships with each other. Other than Pompeius, better known as Pompey, all the aforementioned individuals were involved, or reportedly involved, in one event which had profound effects on the personal and political relationships of all four individuals. This event is known as the Catilinarian Conspiracy of 63 BC. The Catilinarian Conspiracy was a pivotal episode in the politics of the Late Roman Republic that damaged both the political and personal relationships of Cicero, Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar. Politics in the Roman Republic was dominated by a small number of members of the senatorial class.
    [Show full text]
  • Cicero a Study of Gamesmanship in the Late
    CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis Presented to the faculty of the Department of History California State University, Sacramento Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History by Eugene H. Boyd FALL 2018 © 2018 Eugene H. Boyd ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMAN SHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC A Thesis by Eugene H. Boyd Approved by: __________________________________, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. __________________________________, Second Reader Jeffrey Brodd, PhD. ____________________________ Date iii Student: Eugene H. Boyd I certify that this student has met the requirements for format contained in the University format manual, and that this thesis is suitable for shelving in the Library and credit is to be awarded for the thesis. __________________________Graduate Coordinator ___________________ Jeffrey Wilson, PhD Date Department of History iv Abstract of CICERO A STUDY OF GAMESMANSHIP IN THE LATE REPUBLIC by Eugene H. Boyd Roman politics during the final decades of the Late Republic was a vicious process of gamesmanship wherein lives of people, their families and friends were at the mercy of the gamesmen. Cicero’s public and political gamesmanship reflects the politics, class and ethnic biases of Roman society and how random events impacted personal insecurities. ______________________ _, Committee Chair Nikolaos Lazaridis, PhD. ____________________________ Date v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The process of obtaining a Master’s degree, I have found, is not an independent, isolated experience. Citing a contemporary adage, “It takes a village.” Truer words have never by spoken. To that end, I would like to recognize in the most warmly and thankful manner, the people in my “village” who helped me through the graduate study program and eventual master’s degree.
    [Show full text]
  • Discontents at Rome: 63 B.C. by E. H. Campbell
    Discontents at Rome: 63 B.C. By E. H. Campbell Second Edition 2 © E. H. Campbell 2006, 2007 Inopibus Press: Seattle [email protected] 3 To Dr. Paul Dixon 4 Away from these he adds also the abodes of Hell, The high gates of Dis, the penalties of sin, And thee, Catiline, hanging on a frowning cliff, And trembling at the faces of the Furies; Far apart, the good, and Cato giving them laws. Aeneid 8.666-670. 5 If it were possible to present the same subject matter in one form and in no other, one might have reason to think it gratuitous to weary one’s hearers by speaking again in the same manner as his predecessors; but since oratory is of such a nature that it is possible to discourse on the same subject matter in many different ways—to represent the great as lowly or invest the little with grandeur, to recount the things of old in a new manner or set forth events of recent date in an old fashion—it follows that one must not shun subjects upon which others have spoken before, but must try to speak better than they. For the deeds of the past are, indeed, an inheritance common to us all; but the ability to make proper use of them at the appropriate time, to conceive the right sentiments about them in each instance, and set them forth in finished phrase, is the peculiar gift of the wise. Panegyricus 7-10. 6 Chronology Foundation of Rome (753 B.C.) Lucius Junius Brutus (509 B.C.) Thucydides (460-455 B.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading Aeneas' Shield
    READING AENEAS’ SHIELD John L. Penwill One of the more obvious examples of Virgil’s use of Homeric intertextuality in the Aeneid is the ekphrastic description of Aeneas’ shield that occupies the last 100 lines or so of Book 8.1 It might of course be possible to object at the outset that this isn’t necessarily obvious at all, in that the scenes depicted on Aeneas’ shield on the face of it bear little or no resemblance to those depicted on Achilles’; in place of Homer’s generic descriptions of human life in its various aspects we have scenes from Roman history culminating in the Battle of Actium and Augustus’ lordship over the entire human race. But given that we are now two-thirds of the way through a poem replete with Homeric allusion, that the circumstances of each shield’s manufacture (goddess mother appealing to the craftsman god to make new armour for her son) are closely parallel (though not by any means identical, as we shall see), and that in each case the shield constitutes a prelude to a new and final phase of the hero’s role in each epic makes the Homeric intertext inescapable. The fact that the scenes depicted are so radically different is something that we are of course expected to notice—as so often when Virgil em- ploys Homeric allusion, it is differences that engender meaning—but we cannot notice them or respond appropriately to them unless we are already programmed to see Iliad 18 as the key text. As indeed we are.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Passionate Performances in Late Republican Rome
    Balot: A Companion to the Roman Army 9781405151436_2_c20 Final Proof page 308 18.11.2008 10:06pm Compositor Name: PDjeapradaban CHAPTER 20 Some Passionate Performances in Late Republican Rome Robert A. Kaster No one who has witnessed the opening years of the twenty first century needs to be told that emotion is inseparable from political thought and political action. So many today – individuals, parties, sects, whole nations – ‘‘are full of passionate intensity,’’ and so thoroughly do their passions govern their deeds that we could fancy Yeats’s drafting ‘‘The Second Coming,’’ in January 1919, as an act of prophecy, not a retrospective meditation on the Easter Rising and the First World War. But of course no decade in no century has ever wanted for the like, including the decades and centuries of Rome’s Republic; nor is the enactment of political passion ever, quite, just a symptom of ‘‘mere anarchy . loosed upon the world.’’ Political passions serve multiple purposes – expressive, effective, and normative – in making ideology mani- fest and urgent. In this chapter we will survey a few of these purposes in the time of Cicero, the better to see how such passions illuminate the values that sustained the republican community and inspired people to gestures mimicking stable unanimity amidst the tumult of competing factions.1 We can organize the survey around a story that Cicero never tired of telling about himself, though it meant revisiting, again and again, a time of disfiguring disgrace. The story appears as the main structural element in no fewer than four extant speeches, delivered before quite diverse audiences, and significant elements of it reappear in several other orations and in the correspondence.2 The story goes like this: Late in 63 BCE Cicero, as consul, uncovered the plot of Catiline and his confederates to overthrow Rome’s civil regime.
    [Show full text]
  • UPDATED, AMALGAMATED BIBLIOGRAPHY (Updated 13 July 2010)
    UPDATED, AMALGAMATED BIBLIOGRAPHY (updated 13 July 2010) This list includes all works comprising the bibliography of the 2nd edition of Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae by J. T. Ramsey (OUP 2007), as well as the 84 items contained in the 2010 supplement to the printed bibliography and posted separately on the OUP Web site. Please send corrections and additions to [email protected]. I. TEXTS AND COMMENTARIES Cook, A. M. C. Sallusti Crispi Bellum Catilinae. London, 1884. Ernout, A. Salluste. 3rd ed. Paris, 1958. Budé edition; text only. Hellegouarc’h, J. C. Sallustius Crispus, De Catilinae Coniuratione. Paris, 1972. Kurfess, A. C. Sallusti Crispi Catilina, Iugurtha, Fragmenta Ampliora. 3rd ed. Leipzig, 1957. Teubner edition; text only. McGushin, P. C. Sallustius Crispi, Bellum Catilinae. Leiden, 1977. Commentary only. ————. Sallust, Bellum Catilinae. Bristol, 1980. Maurenbrecher, B. C. Sallusti Crispi Historiarum Repliquiae. Leipzig, 1891–93. Merivale, C. Gaii Sallusti Crispi Catilina. Rev. ed. London, 1882. Nall, G. H. The Catiline of Sallust. London, 1900. Reynolds, L. D. C. Sallusti Crispi, Catilina, Iugurtha, Historiarum Fragmenta Selecta, Appendix Sallustiana. Oxford. 1991. OCT edition; text only. Summers, W. C. C. Sallusti Crispi Catilina. Cambridge, 1900. Vretska, K. C. Sallustius Crispus, De Catilinae Coniuratione. 2 vols. Heidelberg, 1976. Commentary (in German) only. II. BOOKS AND ARTICLES Adkin, N. “The Prologue of Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae and Jerome.” Hermes 125 (1997), 240-41. (In Epist. 22.10.2, Jerome borrowed the expression ventri oboediens from Cat. 1.1.) ________. “Hieronymus Sallustianus.” GB 24 (2005), 93-110. (Sallustian expressions and turns of phrase that can be detected in Jerome’s translation of the Bible may result more from the nature of the text that Jerome was translating than from conscious borrowing from S.) Ahlberg, A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Guilt of Catiline
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1940 The Guilt of Catiline Thomas Edward Griffin Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Griffin, Thomasdwar E d, "The Guilt of Catiline" (1940). Master's Theses. 197. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/197 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1940 Thomas Edward Griffin TF~ GUILT OF CATILINE BY THOMP.S EDWARD GRIFFIN, S • .J. , A.B. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILL11ENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE D~GREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN LOYOLA UNIVERSITY, CHICAGO • .July, 1940 ••• VITA AUCTORIS Thomas Edward Griffin, S.J. was born in New York City on February 16, 1915. He received his elementary school education at St. Benedict's Parochial School. His high­ school course was pursued at Fordham Preparatory School from 1928 to 1932. He entered the Society of Jesus at Wernersville, Pa. in 1932, and there pursued undergraduate studies; he transferred to West Baden College of Loyola University in 1936 and received his A.B. degree from Loyola University, June 9, 1937, and entered the Loyola University Graduate School in the Autumn of 1937 to begin the study for the Master's degree in Latin.
    [Show full text]
  • Catiline in Fiesole and Florence: the After-Life of a Roman Conspirator
    Catiline in Fiesole and Florence: The After-life of a Roman Conspirator PATRICIA J. OSMOND The story of Catiline, the Roman noble who plotted to overthrow the Roman Republic in 63 B.C., occupies a significant place in Florentine historiography and political thought of the later Middle Ages and early Renaissance. Starting with the Chronica de origine civitatis (ca. 1228), this article traces the sources of the medieval account back to the ancient epitomes and investigates its relation to Sallust's Bellum Catilinae. It then describes the two branches or traditions of the story that developed in the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries: (1) the classical or civic, which centered on the figure of Catiline-the- villain, rebel and enemy of Rome (and of Rome's daughter-city Florence) and (2) the feudal or chivalric, which recounted the legendary adventures of Catiline-the-knight, pro- tector of Fiesole, the rival of Florence. In the final sections of the article, attention focuses on the success of the classical version of the story, linked to Guelf ambienti and, in turn, to the growth of a conservative republican ideology. While the celebration of Roman civic virtues, summed up in Cicero's defense of the res publica against the rebel Catiline, legiti- mated and ennobled the claims of the rising merchant and banking families, the vilifica- tion of Catiline as public enemy provided effective propaganda against new challenges from lower-class movements. Continuously present in the elaboration of Florentine "civic humanism," Sallust's story of Catiline supplies, in fact, an important connection between Guelf patriotism and the classicizing republicanism of the Quattrocento.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did Clodius Shut the Shops? the Rhetoric of Mobilizing a Crowd in the Late Republic*
    Historia 65, 2016/2, 186–210 Amy Russell Why did Clodius shut the shops? The rhetoric of mobilizing a crowd in the Late Republic* Abstract: When Publius Clodius ordered Rome’s tabernae to be shut for one of his meetings in 58 B C, he was not only trying to gather a crowd by forcing tabernarii onto the street. Shutting the shops was a symbolic move alluding to the archaic iustitium and to the actions of Tiberius Grac- chus. It allowed Clodius to claim both that his meeting was vital to the safety of the res publica and that he (and not Cicero) had the support of the entire Roman people, including the lowliest. Keywords: Roman political history – Clodius – Cicero – rhetoric – iustitium – tabernae Publius Clodius is almost universally acknowledged as an innovator who found new and better ways of taking advantage of the tribunate of the plebs as a position of pow- er.1 One conventional understanding of his achievement is that he was the first man who successfully made direct appeal to Rome’s urban plebs as his constituency.2 The contio was not the only form of political activity in Rome, but it was one of the most important, and the one in which Clodius excelled. Contional politics was a numbers game: politicians cowed their opponents by demonstrating the size of the crowd they could gather.3 A particularly large, fervent, or well-deployed group could even bar op- ponents physically from the space of politics.4 Clodius used personal charisma to draw a crowd, and appealed to a broad base by breaking free from what remained of an aristocratic consensus to propose boldly populist measures.5 It is often claimed that * Some of the following material derives from papers given at Durham in 2012, and at the APA annual meeting in Seattle and the Norman Baynes meeting in Stevenage in 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 51-4)
    Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Magna mihi copia est memorandi: Modes of Historiography in the Speeches of Caesar and Cato (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 51-4) Version 1 October, 2009 Andrew Feldherr Princeton University Abstract: This paper analyzes the historiographic dimension of the paired speeches of Caesar and Cato at the climax of Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae. Where Caesar stresses the continuities between past and present and so the capacity of history, rationally analyzed, to offer general precepts for political behavior, Cato by contrast stresses the radical difference of the past. Each perspective allows a different reading of Sallust’s own narrative. Yet rather than privileging one point of view over the other, Sallust uses the tension between them to focus attention on the question of what history is for in an age of civil discord. © [email protected] 2 Magna mihi copia est memorandi: Modes of Historiography in the Speeches of Caesar and Cato (Sallust, Bellum Catilinae 51-4)* My starting point for this paper is something the historian does not say. In the preface to the Catiline, Sallust responds to many of the questions the reader of a historiographic text expects to have answered: we learn how Sallust came to write history and how his life story qualifies him to write about it with authority and without bias. We learn of the scope of the work to come and why its subject is worth recording. We also meet praise of historiography as an appropriate arena for the author to win glory through strenuous labor. What we do not hear explicitly, though, is what his history will do for its readers.
    [Show full text]