UPDATED, AMALGAMATED BIBLIOGRAPHY (Updated 13 July 2010)
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Pompey, the Great Husband
Michael Jaffee Patterson Independent Project 2/1/13 Pompey, the Great Husband Abstract: Pompey the Great’s traditional narrative of one-dimensionally striving for power ignores the possibility of the affairs of his private life influencing the actions of his political career. This paper gives emphasis to Pompey’s familial relationships as a motivating factor beyond raw ambition to establish a non-teleological history to explain the events of his life. Most notably, Pompey’s opposition to the special command of the Lex Gabinia emphasizes the incompatibility for success in both the public and private life and Pompey’s preference for the later. Pompey’s disposition for devotion and care permeates the boundary between the public and private to reveal that the happenings of his life outside the forum defined his actions within. 1 “Pompey was free from almost every fault, unless it be considered one of the greatest faults for a man to chafe at seeing anyone his equal in dignity in a free state, the mistress of the world, where he should justly regard all citizens as his equals,” (Velleius Historiae Romanae 2.29.4). The annals of history have not been kind to Pompey. Characterized by the unbridled ambition attributed as his impetus for pursuing the civil war, Pompey is one of history’s most one-dimensional characters. This teleological explanation of Pompey’s history oversimplifies the entirety of his life as solely motivated by a desire to dominate the Roman state. However, a closer examination of the events surrounding the passage of the Lex Gabinia contradicts this traditional portrayal. -
295 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA and the ROMAN EMPIRE
EMANUELA BORGIA, CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 ISSN 2082-5951 DOI 10.14746/seg.2017.16.15 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE: REFLECTIONS ON PROVINCIA CILICIA AND ITS ROMANISATION Abstract This paper aims at the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long (from the 1st century BC to 72 AD) and complicated by various events. Firstly, it will focus on a more precise determination of the geographic limits of the region, which are not clear and quite ambiguous in the ancient sources. Secondly, the author will thoroughly analyze the formation of the province itself and its progressive Romanization. Finally, political organization of Cilicia within the Roman empire in its different forms throughout time will be taken into account. Key words Cilicia, provincia Cilicia, Roman empire, Romanization, client kings 295 STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 · ROME AND THE PROVINCES Quos timuit superat, quos superavit amat (Rut. Nam., De Reditu suo, I, 72) This paper attempts a systematic approach to the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long and characterized by a complicated sequence of historical and political events. The main question is formulated drawing on – though in a different geographic context – the words of G. Alföldy1: can we consider Cilicia a „typical” province of the Roman empire and how can we determine the peculiarities of this province? Moreover, always recalling a point emphasized by G. Alföldy, we have to take into account that, in order to understand the characteristics of a province, it is fundamental to appreciate its level of Romanization and its importance within the empire from the economic, political, military and cultural points of view2. -
2. Fighting Corruption: Political Thought and Practice in the Late Roman Republic
2. Fighting Corruption: Political Thought and Practice in the Late Roman Republic Valentina Arena, University College London Introduction According to ancient Roman authors, the Roman Republic fell because of its moral corruption.i Corruption, corruptio in Latin, indicated in its most general connotation the damage and consequent disruption of shared values and practices, which, amongst other facets, could take the form of crimes, such as ambitus (bribery), peculatus (theft of public funds) and res repentundae (maladministration of provinces). To counteract such a state of affairs, the Romans of the late Republic enacted three main categories of anticorruption measures: first, they attempted to reform the censorship instituted in the fifth century as the supervisory body of public morality (cura morum); secondly, they enacted a number of preventive as well as punitive measures;ii and thirdly, they debated and, at times, implemented reforms concerning the senate, the jury courts and the popular assemblies, the proper functioning of which they thought might arrest and reverse the process of corruption and the moral and political decline of their commonwealth. Modern studies concerned with Roman anticorruption measures have traditionally focused either on a specific set of laws, such as the leges de ambitu, or on the moralistic discourse in which they are embedded. Even studies that adopt a holistic approach to this subject are premised on a distinction between the actual measures the Romans put in place to address the problem of corruption and the moral discourse in which they are embedded.iii What these works tend to share is a suspicious attitude towards Roman moralistic discourse on corruption which, they posit, obfuscates the issue at stake and has acted as a hindrance to the eradication of this phenomenon.iv Roman analysis of its moral decline was not only the song of the traditional laudator temporis acti, but rather, I claim, included, alongside traditional literary topoi, also themes of central preoccupation to Classical political thought. -
THE CASE of CICERO and TERENTIA Available in Published Form in Phoenix 50
DOCUMENTS OF A CRUMBLING MARRIAGE: THE CASE OF CICERO AND TERENTIA Available in published form in Phoenix 50. 3-4 (1996), 208-232 Jo-Marie Claassen, University of Stellenbosch Why did Cicero divorce his wife after more than thirty years? Is Plutarch right when he implies that she was dishonest and ill-treated her daughter? What was the nature of Roman marriage and family life? Was the Cicero family life ever ‘happy’, judged by modern standards? Can the resources of modern sociology apply, and will such application lead to an alternative interpretation of the known facts? INTRODUCTION Cicero’s private life as evidenced in his correspondence cannot be separated from his political life: at times each part seems to work as a sort of counter-irritant to troubles in the other half. While his marriage was still intact, it sometimes seemed to be all that saved the beleaguered consular’s sanity. His divorce of Terentia, his wife of over thirty years, and subsequent marriage to his young ward Publilia in late 47 or early 46 B.C. (at a time when Cicero’s political career seemed at an impasse) has never been satisfactorily accounted for. Cicero divorced this second wife soon after his daughter Tullia’s death in 45, ‘because she seemed pleased about it’ (Plut. Cic. 41.8).1 This divorce, too, seems odd, at the very least. The purpose of this paper is threefold. First it will review the usually cited evidence for the disintegration of the marriage of Cicero and Terentia, starting with Plutarch, with a view to reinterpretation of aspects that appear to have been misconstrued by the ancient biographer and followed by moderns. -
Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature Until Livy
STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYV ASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY ACADEMIC DISSERTATION TO THE PUBLICLY DISCUSSED, BY PERMISSION OF THE FACULTY OF HUMANITIES, OF THE UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, IN AUDITORIUM S 212, ON APRIL 7, 1982, AT 12 O'CLOCK NOON UNIVERSITY OF ]YVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY STUDIA PHILOLOGICA JYVASKYLAENSIA 16 JUHANI SARSILA SOME ASPECTS OF THE CONCEPT OF VIRTUS IN ROMAN LITERATURE UNTIL LIVY UNIVERSITY OF JYVASKYLA, JYVASKYLA 1982 URN:ISBN:978-951-39-8309-3 ISBN 978-951-39-8309-3 (PDF) ISSN 0585-5462 lSBN 951-678-661-8 ISSN 0585-5462 COPYRIGHT © 1982, by University of Jyvliskylli Jyvliskyllin yliopisto monistuskeskus Kirjapaino Oy Sisa-Suomi. Jyvliskylli 1982 ABSTRACT Sarsila, Juhani, Some Aspects of the Concept of Virtus in Roman Literature until Livy / Juhani Sarsila. - Jyvaskyla Jyvaskylan yliopisto, 1981. - 153 s. - (Studia Philologica Jyvaskylaensia, ISSN 0585-5462; 16) ISBN 951-678-661-8 Diss. This study is an interpretation of some essential occurrences of virtus in the Roman literature from the beginnings until Livy. The method can be characterized as philological, more precisely compara tive-diachronical. Despite the great variety of literary genres, virtus remains rather similar from one author to another. The fact that the Romans repeatedly emphasized the importance of virtus goes to show the fundamental significance of this concept for their so ciety. Originally the conception of virtus was quite narrow consisting in the readiness of the agrarian and militant community to wage war and to endure hard toil. -
The Cultural Creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2017 The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula. Erin Leigh Wotring University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Gender Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Political History Commons, Social History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Wotring, Erin Leigh, "The cultural creation of Fulvia Flacca Bambula." (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2691. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2691 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts in History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, KY May, 2017 Copyright 2017 by Erin Leigh Wotring All rights reserved THE CULTURAL CREATION OF FULVIA FLACCA BAMBULA By Erin Leigh Wotring A Thesis Approved on April 14, 2017 by the following Thesis Committee: Dr. Jennifer Westerfeld, Director Dr. Blake Beattie Dr. Carmen Hardin ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. -
A New Perspective on the Early Roman Dictatorship, 501-300 B.C
A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE EARLY ROMAN DICTATORSHIP, 501-300 B.C. BY Jeffrey A. Easton Submitted to the graduate degree program in Classics and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Anthony Corbeill Chairperson Committee Members Tara Welch Carolyn Nelson Date defended: April 26, 2010 The Thesis Committee for Jeffrey A. Easton certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE EARLY ROMAN DICTATORSHIP, 501-300 B.C. Committee: Anthony Corbeill Chairperson Tara Welch Carolyn Nelson Date approved: April 27, 2010 ii Page left intentionally blank. iii ABSTRACT According to sources writing during the late Republic, Roman dictators exercised supreme authority over all other magistrates in the Roman polity for the duration of their term. Modern scholars have followed this traditional paradigm. A close reading of narratives describing early dictatorships and an analysis of ancient epigraphic evidence, however, reveal inconsistencies in the traditional model. The purpose of this thesis is to introduce a new model of the early Roman dictatorship that is based upon a reexamination of the evidence for the nature of dictatorial imperium and the relationship between consuls and dictators in the period 501-300 BC. Originally, dictators functioned as ad hoc magistrates, were equipped with standard consular imperium, and, above all, were intended to supplement consuls. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Sulla’s dictatorship, a new and genuinely absolute form of the office introduced in the 80s BC, inspired subsequent late Republican perceptions of an autocratic dictatorship. -
History by Analogy: Cato the Younger and Caesar in Livy's Account
History by Analogy: Cato the Younger and Caesar in Livy’s Account of the Second Punic War Thomas E. Strunk Abstract: Although Livy’s account of the late Republic has been lost to modern readers and with it Livy’s interpretation of events surrounding the lives of Cato the Younger and Julius Caesar, whom the Periochae confirm figured prominently in the books covering the late Republic. Yet Cato and Caesar are not wholly absent from Livy’s surviving works. The outlines of Cato’s character can be seen in Hanno, the Carthaginian senator who plays a prominent role in opposing Hannibal during the Second Punic War. There are also a number of interesting parallels between Hannibal and Caesar. When placed alongside one another the similarities between each pair of senator and general reveals an analogous paradigm. Livy’s construction of the relationship between Hanno and Hannibal closely resembles the contentious relationship between Cato and Caesar, suggesting that Livy used the analogous historical framework of Cato and Caesar to build his narrative of the discord between Hanno and Hannibal. Livy’s history by analogy reveals the policies and behaviors that put to ruin the power of Carthage and destroyed the Roman Republic. Keywords: Cato the Younger, Caesar, Livy, Hanno, Hannibal, Punic Wars Although Livy’s account of the late Republic has been lost to modern readers, Cato the Younger and Caesar no doubt figured prominently in the books covering the late Republic.1 The Periochae, abbreviated as they are, confirm that Livy touched upon many of the moments in the lives of Caesar and Cato discussed by other writers, such as Plutarch, Dio, and Appian. -
Cicero in Catilīnam (To Accompany “Cicero Denounces Catiline in the Senate,” Wheelock’S Chapter 11)
Cicero in Catilīnam (to accompany “Cicero denounces Catiline in the senate,” Wheelock’s chapter 11) In 63 B.C., Marcus Tullius Cicero won the consulship, the highest office in the Roman republic. One of the men whom he defeated in the election was a charismatic nobleman named Lucius Sergius Catilīna – Catiline. Born on 108 B.C. (and thus two years older than Cicero), Catiline came from a recently undistinguished and impoverished patrician family, the Sergiī. Like all Roman politicians, Catiline pursued a political career as a means of securing reputation and wealth. From its beginning, however, Catiline’s pursuit was marked by a desperation greater than that which burdened most Roman noblemen, primarily because of the decline in recent decades of his family’s prestige and fiscal security. For Catiline, obtaining the highest offices of the Roman state was both a birthright and a practical necessity. After doing his military service in the 80s and 70s, Catiline won a praetorship, the second highest office in the republic, in 68. Upon completing his term of office, Catiline served as a governor in Africa for two years. When he set out for his term as governor, Catiline’s prospects for winning a consulship in the near future must have been promising, but when he returned from Africa in 66, he was prosecuted for acts of extortion during his governorship. Although he was acquitted of this charge, the legal proceedings prevented Catiline from standing for the consulship in 65 and 64, so in 63 he made a frantic grab for the office. In this election he was defeated by Cicero. -
Damnation, Deification, Commemoration 3
/ 3 Damnation, Deification, Commemoration Ja n n e k e DE J o n g & Olivier H e k s t e r T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f m e m o r y or Romans, dynastic lines were of great importance. This was already Fthe case in the Roman Republic, in which aristocratic families who controlled politics took great care of their commemoration of the dead. Funerary occasions offered families the opportunity to publicly show famous ancestors, whose fame would radiate upon their next of kin through lineage which was made explicit1. On marked occasions, the masks of the deceased members of the family (imagines) were carried around in a procession, so that every spectator could be reminded of the family’s ancestors2. Commemoration started from the moment of some one’s death. At the funeral, it was customary for a member of the fam ily to give a speech in which the deceased was praised for deeds and virtues. This way of commemorating the deceased not only bestowed honour on the dead and his family, but also served as an example of good behaviour that should be imitated. The funeral and laudatio fune- bris could also have political implications3. Occasionally, persons who 1 See, for instance, H.I. Flower, Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture, Oxford, 1996 ;Ead., The Art of Forgetting. Disgrace and Oblivion in Roman Political Culture, Chapel Hill, 2006; T.P. Wiseman, « Domi Nobiles and the Roman cultural elite » in M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni (ed.), Les « Bourgeoisies » municipales italiennes aux i f et f r siècles av. -
Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 74-10,982
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. White the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. -
Calendar of Roman Events
Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.