This Paper Examines the Construction of Opinion Pages in a Catalan
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Pragmatics 25:4.589-615 (2015) International Pragmatics Association DOI: 10.1075/prag.25.4.06fre STANDARDIZING OPINION: PROJECTING A NATIONAL CATALAN PUBLIC THROUGH LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Susan E. Frekko Abstract The grounds of authority for the Catalan language have shifted from authenticity to anonymity, as Catalan becomes redefined as a public language. The “model of language” of the Catalan press reflects this shift, with an emphasis on neutral, transparent Catalan. This article examines original and published letters to the editor in a Catalan-medium newspaper in Barcelona. I argue that standardization of language, page design and signatures in the letters to the editor erases the social indexicality that attaches the original letters to their socially positioned authors. This process of standardization in linguistic and other semiotic modes allows the published letters to index a unified Catalan national “public” rather than their distinct authors. Keywords: Language ideologies; Print; Registers; Publics. 1. Introduction Scholars of publics write of the projection of national identities through the shared consumption of mass media (Anderson 1991; Habermas 1989; Warner 1990, 2002). The homogenization and untraceability of mass-mediated speech makes it appear to emanate from no particular social position and therefore to represent a linguistically and socially homogeneous “public.” Yet, we know that mass-mediated speech does not start out as homogeneous and untraceable; rather, like all speech, it originates with clearly positioned individuals. This article is about the process by which speech produced by someone comes to count as speech produced by “everyone-because-no-one-in- particular” as anthropologist Susan Gal has put it (Gal 2001: 33), that is, as speech belonging to “the public.” Elsewhere, I have suggested that national publics seem linked to a recursively imagined language that at one level is seen as standard and homogeneous and at a lower level is seen as internally variable (Frekko 2009). In Catalonia, local language ideology describes Catalonia as not quite successful (or “normal”) as a national public, because the erasure of linguistic registers happens at both levels, such that Catalan appears to exist exclusively as a standard language and therefore not flexible enough for use by all people in all situations. Comparing Catalonia’s imagined failure to be a full-fledged 590 Susan E. Frekko national public with the imagined success of other national publics can help researchers articulate exactly what a national public is and how one is created. In the current article, I examine a process that permits the erasure of linguistic variability at both recursive levels. When this occurs at the level of contrasting named languages, it fosters the imagination of a national public. When it occurs within a language, it undermines the imagination of a national public, because the language seems unable to account for the full range of people belonging to the projected national public. Michael Silverstein has critiqued Benedict Anderson’s naturalization of named, standardized languages and his assumption that these led naturally to the creation of supposedly homogenous, bounded and uncontested social orders, a.k.a. “nations” (see also Blommaert and Verschueren 1998 on "homogeneism"). In actuality, “Linguistic practice (and symbolic practice more generally) under standardization is an essentially contested order of sociocultural reality” (Silverstein 2000: 124). Therefore, rather than projecting “we-ness” directly from standard languages, as Anderson does, scholars must instead explain how shared national identity emerges in spite of the contestation and heterogeneity inherent in regimes of standardization. One of the goals of this article is to use the Catalan case to propose some ideas about the mechanics of this process. I examine opinion pages in two Catalan-medium newspapers in Barcelona. The corpus that I address here offers a snapshot of nine days in late 2002 and 2003, and in particular 31 original, unedited letters to the editor that the newspapers provided to me. Zeroing in on a few days’ publication allows me to perform a fine-grained analysis that complements the ethnographic and interview data that I collected in Barcelona during my 2002-2003 fieldwork and five shorter follow-up trips between 2004 and 2011. I argue that standardization of language, page design and signatures in the letters to the editor erase the social indexicality that attaches the original letters to their socially positioned authors. This process of standardization in linguistic and other semiotic modes allows the published letters to index a unified, homogeneous “public” rather than their distinct authors and the social variability that they represent. Print capitalism in many places across the globe involves similar processes, and these may be a common factor linking print and national publics.1 Catalonia is a particularly useful site for studying this process because of what it does not share with other national publics—the sense that its national public is fragile or abnormal. I have argued that in hegemonic national publics, the homogenization of language at the level of contrasting named national languages coexists with the imagination of linguistic variability within the named language. Both because of register reduction in Catalan and the delegitimation of registers that draw on Castilian, Catalonia appears not to have enough linguistic variability to account for all social positions. This in turn results in the imagined fragility of its national public (Frekko 2009). The standardization processes that I outline simultaneously aid and limit the imagination of a national public. On one level, the homogenization process makes the 1 This link is of course the product of history rather than of any natural relationship between print and national publics; as Warner (1990) carefully points out, “public-ness” is not inherent to print technology. It is easy to imagine other constellations, for example, one in which print capitalism is the basis not for a monoglot national public but rather for diglossia. Still, a link between print and the projection of a homogeneous national public is common cross-culturally and therefore worthy of theorization. Standardizing opinion 591 letters appear to represent the voice of a unified “everyone.” On a lower recursive level, it erases the social complexity of Catalonia, a stratified, multilingual society in which access to standard forms of language correlate highly with age and social class. This second form of erasure ultimately serves to undermine the idea that Catalonia is a full- fledged, socially complex public. This contrasts with hegemonic world languages, for which heteroglossic forms appear more regularly in print and other media forms. This article examines a set of practices implicated in the erasure of social complexity and the projection of homogeneity: I accomplish this task through an analysis of original letters to the editor and their editing and recontextualization on the printed page. In the next sections, I discuss language ideologies in the mass media and offer some background information on the Catalan newspaper press in Barcelona. I then go on to describe my research and its findings. 2. Ideologies of standardization across semiotic modes in the mass media Catalan standard language acts as a sign of Catalan national distinctness. This sign relationship is an element of Catalan language ideology, particularly of an “ideology of standardization” (Milroy and Milroy 1999: 19). Several scholars have described the ways that people use language (and standard language in particular) to project imagined (non face-to-face) groups—publics and nations (Anderson 1991; Habermas 1989; Warner 1990, 2002). Print media, the focus of accounts by Anderson, Habermas and Warner, is often mentioned as a site for processes of and ideologies about linguistic standardization. These accounts tend to gloss over the details of linguistic standardization processes, a shortcoming that I address by examining linguistic standardization in the letters to the editor. I go on to argue that not only linguistic standardization but also other forms of standardization contribute to the projection of a national public. Anderson’s famous account of the birth and spread of nationalism pays close attention to the role of print capitalism in this process (1991). In the 18th century New World, the circulation of newspapers allowed colonists to imagine themselves as belonging to a community separate from the colonial regimes.2 Newspapers, for example, “created an imagined community among a specific assemblage of fellow- readers, to whom these ships, brides, bishops and prices belonged” (1991: 62). These sentiments culminated in the New World national independence movements of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. These movements then ushered in an “age of nationalism” (67) in Europe that drew on American models and added to them the notion of the distinct national print language (which had not been an issue in the Americas, where colonists used the same language as their colonial regimes). This focus on language inspired a “lexicographic revolution” (72)—a burst of scholarship aimed at studying and standardizing the European vernaculars, which of course then became available as indexes of distinct national essences. The printed material resulting from this scholarship was destined for the expanding bourgeois reading