A LEGACY OF WOMEN: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL APPROACH TO PETER PAUL RUBENS’ LIFE CYCLE OF MARIE DE’ MEDICI
A thesis submitted to the College of the Arts of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts
by
Kirsten Girio Winner
May, 2019 Thesis written by
Kirsten Girio Winner
B.A. Art History, Susquehanna University, December 2016
M. A. Art History, Kent State University, May 2019
Approved by
______Gustav Medicus, Ph.D., Advisor
______Marie Bukowski, M.F.A., Director, School of Art
______John R. Crawford-Spinelli, Ed.D., Dean, College of the Arts TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………….….…...v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS……………………………………………………………………….vii
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………...1
II. THE EARLY LIFE OF PETER PAUL RUBENS……………………………………………..6
III. THE LIFE CYCLE OF MARIE DE’ MEDICI……………………………………….………11
IV. RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL APPROACH TO READING THE LIFE CYCLE OF MARIE DE’ MEDICI……………………………………....16 The First Portion of the Cycle……………………………………………………………16 The Queen’s Parents……………………………………………………………………..16 The Fates Spin the Destiny of the Future Queen………………………………………...19 The Birth of the Princess…………………………………………………………………21 The Education of the Princess……………………………………………………………22 The Presentation of the Portrait ………………………………………………...……….23 The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV…………………………24 The Disembarkation at Marseilles……………………………………………………….26 The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons……………………………….27
V. RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION…………………………………………………………...29 The Second Portion of the Cycle…………………………………………………...... 29 The Birth of Louis XIII…………………………………………………………………..29 The Consignment of the Regency………………………………………………………..31 The Coronation in Saint-Denis…………………………………………………………..33 The Death of Henri IV and the Proclamation of the Regency……………………….…..34 The Council of the Gods………………………………………………………………....35 The Triumph at Juliers…………………………………………………………………...36 The Exchange of Princesses at the Spanish Border……………………………………...37
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The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici……………………………………..…38
VI. RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION…………………………………………………………..40 The Third Portion of the Cycle…………………………………………………...... 40 Louis XIII Comes of Age………………………………………………………………..41 The Flight from Blois…………………………………………………………………….42 The Negotiations at Angoulême………………………………………………………....43 The Queen Opts for Security…………………………………………………………….44 The Reconciliation of the Queen and Her Son…………………………………………..45 Time Unveils the Truth…………………………………………………………………..47 The Queen Triumphant…………………………………………………………………..48
VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………..…49
FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………………...…52
BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………...…...84
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Arrival of the English Ambassadors to the King of Brittany, Cycle of St. Ursula …..…..52 2. Victory Stele of Naram-Sin, King of Akkad………………………………...……………53 3. Law Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon…………...………………………………...54 4. Ceiling of the Banqueting House……………………………………...…………………55 5. Rape of Hippodamia (The Lapiths and the Centaurs)…………………………………...56 6. Henrietta Maria of France, Queen Consort of England …………...……………………57 7. Portrait of Francesco I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany…………..………………..58 8. Portrait of Johanna of Austria, Grand Duchess of Tuscany…………………………….59 9. Portrait of Gaston of France, Duke of Orleans……………………………………….....60 10. The Fates Spinning the Destiny of Marie de’ Medici……………………………………61 11. The Birth of the Princess…………………………………………………………………62 12. The Education of the Princess…………………………………………………………...63 13. The Presentation of the Portrait of Marie de’ Medici to Henri IV………………………64 14. The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV…………………………..65 15. The Disembarkation at Marseilles……………………………………………………….66 16. The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons………………………………..67 17. The Birth of the Dauphin at Fontainebleau……………………………………………...68 18. The Consignment of the Regency………………………………………………………...69 19. The Coronation in Saint-Denis…………………………………………………………..70 20. Portrait of Isabella Brandt……………………………………………………………….71 21. The Death of Henri IV and the Proclamation of the Regency…………………………...72 22. The Council of the Gods…………………………………………………………………73 23. The Triumph at Juliers…………………………………………………………………...74 24. The Exchange of Princesses at the Spanish Border……………………………………...75 25. The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici………………………………………...76 26. Louis XIII Comes of Age…………………………………………………………………77 27. The Escape from Blois…………………………………………………………………...78 28. The Negotiations at Angoulême………………………………………………………….79 29. The Queen Opts for Security……………………………………………………………..80 30. The Reconciliation of the Queen and Her Son…………………………………………...81
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31. The Triumph of Truth…………………………………………………………………….82 32. The Queen Triumphant…………………………………………………………………..83
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank Dr. Gustav Medicus for being my thesis advisor and reading through this paper no less than four times. I would also like to express my thanks to Professor Albert Reischuck for being my second reader. A thank you to my thesis committee, Dr. Shana Klein, Dr. Joseph Underwood, and Dr. John-Michael Warner, for sitting on my panel and taking the time to read my thesis. Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents – without you, I would not be where I am today. Thank you for always believing in me.
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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Peter Paul Rubens’ grand cycle on the Life of Marie de’ Medici depicts the major events in the life of Marie de’ Medici, while surreptitiously editing and disguising the unsavory portions of her life. It is indeed interesting to see the life of a woman patron portrayed; it would have been a far different representation had Marie de’ Medici been a man, as she would have been shown in more heroic, military triumphs throughout the series. There are certainly a few instances in which the life of a woman is represented in a cycle, such as Vittore Carpaccio’s Legend of St.
Ursula (Fig. 1), however, this is the life of a saint and has no overarching allegorical theme, only depicting the main events in the life of St. Ursula. Unlike Carpaccio’s Legend of St. Ursula,
Rubens’ cycle is notable for depicting a secular figure, and for being commissioned by the patron herself.
Originally, Rubens was commissioned to paint two cycles for the Luxembourg Palace, one for Marie de’ Medici and the other for the late King Henri IV. Upon further inspection, it at first seems curious that the cycle for Marie’s husband was never painted, however, this was likely due to Rubens disfavor with the French for supporting Marie following her final banishment. The follow-up question asks why Marie’s life took precedence over Henri IV’s.
Since Henri IV was deceased by this time, having being assassinated in 1610, would not Marie want to honor her late husband with the intended cycle? What was the purpose in having Rubens create these twenty-four paintings for Marie de’ Medici? Marie was trying to improve her public image and legitimize her regency, but it could be argued that the same could have been accomplished with a cycle dedicated to Henri IV or even her son, Louis XIII, and perhaps that
2 would have been a more effective way for her to gain public approval as well as the support of her son.1
Rubens’ Life Cycle of Marie de’Medici adeptly and cleverly mixes allegorical and historical themes to present Marie’s major life events in a publically endearing way. Ultimately, this cycle is a form of propaganda to change the public’s view on Marie following the scandal of
Henri IV’s death, which will be explained later, and her subsequent banishment and reinstatement by her son Louis XIII a few years after he came of age.2 However, I have some questions on this. Was it completely necessary to portray mythological subjects to accomplish this feat? Is using mythological subjects only embellishing the truth or a blatant lie to show
Marie as a blameless party? Could not the same have been done by just portraying Marie or specifically linking her life to that of the Virgin Mary? Some do see a religious overture in these images – which would not have seemed unusual given Marie’s religious views, as she was
Catholic, as was Rubens, whose family converted to Catholicism when they returned to
Cologne.3 While Rubens is known for producing mythological interpretations as well as a prodigious number of religious pieces, he does not seem to have mingled the two worlds in any of his other cycles, such as the ones commissioned by Charles I or Philip IV, so it seems unlikely that there would be overt references to religious iconography.
The purpose of this paper is to provide reasonable evidence that Rubens’ inspiration for this cycle is his mother, as certain ideas appear to be skillfully embedded within the Life of Marie de’ Medici. Even the names of the women are similar – Marie, the Queen Mother of France, and
Maria, Rubens’ mother. The association of names is certainly coincidental, however, it may have
1 Sara Galletti, “Rubens’s Life of Maria de’ Medici: Dissimulation and the Politics of Art in Early Seventeenth- Century France,” Renaissance Quarterly 67, No. 3 (Fall 2014), 892. 2 The public scandal surrounding Henri IV’s death will be discussed in more detail in later chapters. 3 Kristin Lohse Belkin, Rubens (London: Phaidon Press Limited, 1998), 17.
3 granted Rubens insight into Marie’s life by comparing it to the first strong woman in his life, his mother Maria. This emphasis on women in Rubens’ professional career started early in his life, for after his time with his mother, he spent a great deal of time in the presence of other powerful widows.
Given the scandal that Rubens’ father was involved in, and the subsequent perseverance of his mother, it is entirely possible that Rubens from a very young age was enlightened to the power and importance of women and in his future career did everything that he could to highlight these attributes by incorporating and combining his knowledge of history, mythology, religion, and politics into his artwork. In truth, in addition to Rubens applying a diplomatic layer by encoding the images with hidden messages, the cycle could be a way for Rubens to express his thanks for all of the strong women in his life, including honoring his mother, who was deceased by this time, in his depictions of Marie de’ Medici. Indeed, in almost all of the paintings from the Life Cycle of Marie de’ Medici, events that seemingly overlap or have distinct similarities to the life of Rubens’ own mother appear, who had died over a decade earlier.
Perhaps this cycle is his final tribute to his mother, even though it is likely that only Rubens himself would have been aware of this element. So while this series is about Marie de’ Medici,
Rubens, with the assistance of his mythological apparatus, was able to veil not only Marie’s life, but incorporate the life of, or at the very least the inspiration from, the first powerful woman in his life, his mother.
Perhaps the best way for Rubens to depict power in women was to pair them with strong mythological goddesses that emphasize the virtues of the real-life being. The presence of the allegorical figures enhance Marie’s claim to power, as well as providing her with the necessary strength to rule the country of France. The divine right of kings and queens is something that can
4 be seen since ancient times, even as far back as ancient Mesopotamia, such as seen with the Stele of Naram-Sin (Fig. 2) and the Stele of Hammurabi (Fig. 3). Equating rulers to divinity is a long- standing tradition, which Rubens appears to continue, especially in scenes where Marie de’
Medici is given the attributes of a goddess.
In the paintings for Charles I and Philip IV, Rubens does incorporate the presence of divine beings, however, they stand more as a representation of power and might, instead of as a divine substitute. In the case of Marie de’ Medici, not only is she being assisted by these gods and goddesses, but she also appears as their choice of favored rulers, as if she is divine in her favor. Even more telling is that the series commissioned by Charles I was for his father, James I
(Fig. 4), so in this instance, the commission was not intended to represent the patron. In addition, this series for James I is on the ceiling in the Banqueting Hall in London, where it is more difficult to view the details of the scenes, while Marie de’ Medici’s cycle would have been roughly at eye-level to allow her the most immediate response. With Philip IV, the series he commissioned from Rubens was not related to his life, but instead, was a sixty painting cycle
(Fig. 5) based on Ovid’s Metamorphosis. The differences between the male and female cycles highlight the uniqueness of the paintings that Rubens created for Marie de’ Medici.
Artists inherently depict the world that they know in an attempt to create the most compelling depiction, so it would not be unusual for Rubens to paint things based upon his own experiences. Rubens seems to have been relatively close to his mother and was aware of her role in his life. He appears to be utilizing what is most familiar to him, his knowledge of his mother’s life, as well as his personal experiences, to interpret the life of Marie de’ Medici and place her narrative into the most sympathetic presentation possible. By selecting episodes that highlight
Marie de’ Medici’s strength and resolve to triumph over adversity and scandal – episodes that
5 parallel his own mother’s travails – Rubens crafts an image of Marie de’ Medici that viewers can ultimately find endearing for her perseverance and patient endurance over her losses.
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CHAPTER 2 THE EARLY LIFE OF PETER PAUL RUBENS
Perhaps the most famous artist of the Flemish Baroque, Peter Paul Rubens is well known for his depictions of women, having devoted a significant portion of his artistic career to painting their images.4 Rubens’ early life was overshadowed by the “Spanish Fury,” which forced his family to flee their home in Antwerp in 1568, and then later, his family’s exile from Cologne in
1573. When his family was finally able to return to their native land upon the death of William the Silent, his father died, leaving his mother, Maria, to raise him and his siblings alone.5 Peter
Paul was nine-years-old at this time. It must have made an enormous impact on him to be raised by his strong-willed mother and seems to have contributed to his depictions of future female patrons, including some who are both resilient and powerful, such as the Archduchess Isabella.
Prior to Rubens’ birth, the family had already fled Antwerp, their native city, to escape religious persecution and arrived in Cologne. During his time in Cologne, Jan Rubens became involved with Anne of Saxony, the Princess of Orange, having close proximity with her as her legal advisor, which resulted in her pregnancy while her husband William of Orange, was away raising recruits for the upcoming battle against the Spanish.6 Jan was arrested and spent approximately two years in prison awaiting his sentence. At this time the punishment for adultery in Germany was death, and yet Jan survived his imprisonment relatively unscathed; even more incredible is that he was released from prison and pardoned for his death sentence. All of this was entirely due to the unceasing effort of his devoted wife Maria, who raised the bail
4 Geraldine Johnson, “Pictures Fit for a Queen: Peter Paul Rubens and the Marie de’ Medici Cycle,” Art History 16, No. 3 (Sept. 1993): 447. 5 Samuel Edwards, Peter Paul Rubens: A Biography of a Giant (New York: David McKay Company Inc., 1973), 31. 6 Christopher White, Peter Paul Rubens: Man and Artist (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987), 2.
7 money as well as appeared twice before the Prince of Orange to plead for Jan’s release from prison. Upon his discharge, Jan and his family were permitted to live in the German Province of
Westphalia at Siegen.7 During this time, the youngest child of Jan and Maria Rubens, Peter Paul was born on June 28, 1577.8
At the age of thirteen, Rubens’ academic career was over, for his mother could no longer afford to keep him and his immediately older brother in school; however, his education in court life began at this time. His mother had him placed in the service of the noble lady Marguerite de
Ligne, the widow of Philip, Count of Lalaing, as her page, where he remained for some time.9 It is intriguing that Rubens’ earliest experiences in court life are in the presence of a widow, and he eventually ends up working for Marie de’ Medici, another widow. As Rubens eventually creates artistic visions for at least two widows and countless other female patrons, there appears to be an underlying reason for his continued involvement with women. It seems likely that these relationships are drawn from an innate understanding of women – not only is Rubens familiar and comfortable with women, but they understand that he is able to depict them with sensitivity and strength.
It appears that Rubens was not aware of his father’s past, having been born after the scandal, but was instead told some version that allowed the boy to maintain a belief in his father that bordered on hero worship. While it is not entirely clear how the young Rubens learned of his father’s history, it is apparent that it occurred during his stay in the court of Countess Lalaing.10
Whether this in any way effected the young Rubens and his eventual art cannot be stated with
7 For more information regarding the affair between Jan Rubens and Anne of Saxony as well as the resultant situation, see Simon Schama, “The Siegen Affair,” The American Scholar 68, No. 4 (1999), 13-38. 8 C. V. Wedgwood, The World of Rubens: 1577-1640 (New York: Time Inc., 1967), 9. 9 White, 6. 10 Edwards, 43.
8 certainty, it would seem, however, that given this information, as well as Rubens’ particularly close relationship with his mother, the story of his mother’s strength of will to rescue her family from tragedy assisted in the development of Rubens’ feminist renderings of women in his art.
In the Countess Lalaing’s court, Rubens is once again seen in the presence of a woman in charge, without the corresponding male counterpart, which surely had an impact on his future view of women and how he depicted them in his later paintings. He is constantly in contact with women, not men, in his early life, and this extends into his later life, although he has a significantly greater connection to men as his life progresses. As an artist, Rubens was adaptable and was able to develop strong relationships with powerful men and women alike. However, his depiction of women is only remotely similar to those of other artists contemporary to Rubens, such as Anthony van Dyck. For example, Van Dyck’s paintings of the Queen of England,
Henrietta Marie (Fig. 6) show very little beyond a beautiful physical likeness and wealth.
Perhaps Rubens’ sympathetic view of woman, due to his childhood, drew these powerful women into his confidences and allowed him to create scenes for them like no other artist could at this time. In fact, a significant portion of Rubens’ artistic career was devoted to painting images either for or of women, including portraits of his two wives and important patrons such as
Archduchess Isabella, another widow and the ruler of the Spanish Netherlands, as well as the
Countess of Arundel, Alethea Howard, who was not widowed.11
It should be noted that the artwork of Rubens is vastly different from other Flemish art of the time and has continued to be a source of inspiration for generations. In fact, the Rubenesque style is a direct reflection of Rubens’ influence over artists following his lifetime, such as
François Boucher, Eugène Delacroix, and Pierre Auguste Renoir. A combination of Flemish and
11 Johnson, 447.
9
Italian art can be seen in Rubens’ artwork.12 It can be assumed that Rubens experiences in Italy dramatically affected his artwork, so much so that Rubens effectively combined Flemish and
Italian inspiration, while also demonstrating that he was able to manipulate these styles to create his own variations.
Rubens’ training had been eclectic: Flemish Masters like Tobias Verhaecht and Adam
Van Noort had provided him with the basis of a traditional craft, familiarity with the materials and a profound feeling for oil painting.13 Rubens often combined all of his artistic training and experience into his artwork: he borrows from Flemish landscapes, genre, and portrait traditions while incorporating what he learned in Italy during his stay with the Duke of Mantua. Rubens was able to adapt his artwork to the patron. The variety of his subjects alone speaks well for itself: portraits, landscapes, religious or mythological scenes; each individual, each theme is interpreted to address a specific issue, but also in relation to the feeling that the artist has conferred on it.14
Rubens’ natural artistic talent was profoundly affected by the artworks he encountered in his eight years of travel through Italy. While in Italy, Rubens had access to classical sculpture, works by High Renaissance and Maniera Italian masters, paintings by Italian Baroque artists, such as Caravaggio and Annibale Carracci, as well as the Venetians. He was able to incorporate the different styles of all of these Italians to create a truly unique style that would become his own. As it was with other distinguished artists of the time, such as Michelangelo Merisi da
Caravaggio, Johannes Vermeer, and Rembrandt van Rijn, the observation of the world, combined with Rubens’ understanding of his local and Italian traditions, allowed the artist to
12 Wedgwood, 8. 13 Philippe Robert-Jones, “Rubens: Power and Life,” Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 126, No. 5257 (December 1977), 24. 14 Robert-Jones, 26.
10 incorporate what he had learned to form a world inside of his paintings, an idea that embodies the spirit of the Baroque era.15 During the time that Rubens was staying in Italy as the envoy of the Duke of Mantua, he claims to have attended the wedding by proxy and celebrations of Marie de’ Medici and the French King Henri IV, which ultimately proved to be lucrative for his career.16 Decades later, he is commissioned to paint two cycles for the Palace of Luxembourg for
Marie de’ Medici, although the second featuring Henri IV never came to fruition.
15 Robert-Jones, 24. 16 Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, Rubens (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 2004), 179.
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CHAPTER 3 THE LIFE CYCLE OF MARIE DE’ MEDICI
On April 26, 1575, Marie de’ Medici was born to Francesco I, Duke of Tuscany, and his wife, Johanna of Austria, the daughter of the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I.17 Marie and her siblings were brought up in the Palazzo Pitti by governesses and their education derived from tutors following the death of Johanna.18 Beginning in 1597, negotiations to marry Marie de’
Medici to Henri IV of France, with papal approval, were underway. On October 5, 1600, Marie was married by proxy to Henri IV, who was represented by her uncle Ferdinando I, in the
Cathedral of Florence. The marriage between Henri IV and Marie lasted only ten years, until
Henri IV passed away, leaving Marie in charge of the country and their six young children. A few months prior to Henri IV’s untimely death, he formally ensured that, should he perish on his military campaign, Marie will be regent.19 Just days before Henri IV’s death, Marie was crowned
Queen of France to further confirm the succession of the regency to Marie. This short turnaround from her crowning to his death led to speculation that Marie was either responsible for or a part of the assassination attempt on her husband.20
After the death of Henri IV in 1610, Marie de’ Medici was regent over France until the majority of her son Louis XIII in 1614. The young Louis and the queen-mother lived for a long time on very tense terms and she was eventually exiled. By 1620, Marie was back in Paris, having reconciled with her son, and anxious to impress the world with the nature of her
17 Ronald Forsyth Millen and Robert Erich Wolf, Heroic Deeds and Mystic Figures: A New Reading of Rubens’ Life of Maria de’ Medici (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 14. 18 Millen and Wolf, 14. 19 Millen and Wolf, 16. 20 Lawson, 111.
12 triumph.21 Upon her return, she set to work trying to re-establish her name within France, and a large part of this was to be accomplished by commissioning Peter Paul Rubens to complete a 24- scene series of her that expressed her legitimacy as regent.
Like powerful men, women patronized the visual arts for the purposes of promoting status, identity, and religious values.22 Furthermore, wives and mothers of sovereigns saw to it that their husbands were remembered and their sons encouraged in their rule.23 However, Marie de’ Medici is unusual in the fact that this cycle that she commissioned from Rubens was primarily about her life, with only mentions of her husband and son to further the message of her legitimacy as regent. It is interesting that while Henri IV was still alive, Marie’s artistic interests were largely in jewelry, silverware, and other crafts; however, after his assassination, she became more ambitious in extending her patronage to other forms of art.24
Originally, it was determined that the first series, the one dedicated to the life and heroic acts of the queen, would be completed within two years’ time. This would not have been a simple task, as Marie’s life was generally lacking in renown and free of heroic acts.25 In fact, her life seems to be a series of somewhat scandalous, embarrassing events leading to a culminating final break with her son, Louis XIII, in the late 1620s. Starting a few years after her birth, the
Medici family is surrounded by scandal, first with the suspicious death of Johanna of Austria, then the subsequent deaths of Duke Francesco and his second wife Bianca Cappello.26 These scandals seem to follow Marie, as she is suspected of poisoning Henri IV ten years into their marriage. Marie is also exiled not once, but twice by her eldest son, Louis XIII, after he comes of
21 Francis Haskell, Patrons and Painters: A Study in the Relations Between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), 174. 22 Vernon Hyde Minor, Baroque and Rococo: Art and Culture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1999), 53. 23 Minor, 53. 24 Haskell, 174. 25 Lille, Palais des Beaux-Arts, 179. 26 This scandal will be further explained in Chapter 4.
13 age and is crowned King of France. It is unclear whether Marie had any influence in the iconography that Rubens ultimately used to create this cycle; however, it can be assumed that she was at least aware of certain elements that he intended to depict due to the replacement paintings for a few of the scenes. However, some speculate that the influence came from Marie’s advisors, and not Marie herself.27
The Medici cycle is the only major example in this period of a large-scale, semi-public cycle dedicated exclusively to glorifying the life of a contemporary woman.28 These panels illustrate the life of Marie de’Medici and, for convenience, can be grouped into three sections.
The first deals almost exclusively with the life of Marie de’ Medici leading up to her marriage and features her birth, education, and marriage by proxy to Henri IV. The second portion of the cycle begins with the birth of Louis XIII and spans the time following the death of Henri IV during the minority of her son. The final section, beginning with the transference of power to
Louis XIII, is concerned mainly with Marie’s political relationship to her son, the new King, and with its subsequent trials and concluding resolution for the health and welfare of the state.29 It should be noted that in the majority of these scenes, Rubens combines truth and fiction to more accurately tell the story of Marie de’ Medici.
It appears that the main reason that Rubens scripted Marie’s life in the guise of allegory was as a form of diplomacy. For obvious reasons, the facts of Marie’s life, especially the latter portion, although hinted at, would not have been a welcome sight. Diplomacy involves constant compromise and Rubens knew how to depict the life of Marie de’ Medici diplomatically in terms of painting. Some suggest that he was only able to do justice to the rather inglorious episodes in
27 See Galletti, 880-881, for more information about the influence of advisors and the content displayed in the cycle. 28 Johnson, 447. 29 Susan Saward, The Golden Age of Marie de’ Medici (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1982), 12.
14 the life of Marie, because he firmly believed in the Divine Right of all kings and could sincerely make direct visual comparisons between her birth and Christ’s nativity, her marriage and that of
Joseph and Mary.30 This seems a bit of an exaggeration given that there are no obvious connections to Christian iconography in any of these scenes of Marie de’ Medici, even when there may be Marian connections with Marie. In addition, Rubens was well aware that the commentator who showed this series to Marie’s son, Louis XIII, had to change and conceal the true meaning of the pictures with extraordinary cleverness. Unfortunately for Rubens, his unending support and reception of the exiled Marie de’ Medici led to a temporary ban on
Rubens’ engravings in France and meant the end of his plans to continue creating paintings for the Luxembourg Palace.31
In considering the iconographical imagery present in the cycle, the lack of use of religious details was most likely not to spite the Church or Catholicism, but to create a separation between them, as the ruler was not the head of both Church and State. So, the lack of religious iconography was used to create a dialogue that the regent, Marie, was the legitimate head of the
State. While she was a practicing Catholic, her main role was to lead and make decisions for the
State of France. Therefore, this cycle was not a religious piece, and therefore does not contain any religious iconography that could confuse the message. It can also be assumed that to portray
Marie as an embodiment of the Virgin Mary could be considered rude, especially given the scandalous episodes of her past.
Among the questions that must have plagued Rubens was how to show Marie’s legitimacy and authority in her reign. If he had portrayed the scenes truthfully, the series likely would not have been well received, and it ultimately would have resulted in an earlier permanent
30 Jennifer Fletcher, Peter Paul Rubens (London, New York: Phaidon, 1968): 14-15. 31 Fletcher, 14-15.
15 break with her son, King Louis XIII. Therefore, Rubens used a variety of interpretations, laden with symbolism as an innovative way to showcase the life of Marie, while also disguising the parts that would have been distasteful. Only those select few would have been privy to the underlying messages that Rubens so skillfully portrayed. He layered the life of the queen mother with a lyrical quality to promote her dignity and show that she had gained or would gain everything: wealth, love, glory, and the gratitude of the civilized world at this time. To accomplish this task, Rubens used rhetoric and the resources of allegory. The bands of gods, nymphs, heroes, virtues, and vices that populate the episodes of Marie de’ Medici’s life serve to brighten, elevate and sometimes also conceal the events of her life in dignified generalization.
These emblematic references, mythological allusions and seductive religious analogies veil, in poetic fashion, an often dull and uncomfortable reality.32
32 Elizabeth McGrath, “Tact and Topical Reference in Rubens’s ‘Medici Cycle’,” Oxford Art Journal 3, No. 2, Propaganda (Oct., 1980): 11.
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CHAPTER 4 RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL APPROACH TO READING THE LIFE CYCLE OF MARIE DE’MEDICI The First Portion of the Cycle
The first section of the Medici Cycle depicts the childhood of the Queen up until her marriage to Henri IV and contains the following seven panels: The Destiny of Marie de’ Medici,
The Birth, The Education, The Presentation of the Portrait of Marie de’ Medici to Henri IV, The
Marriage by Proxy in the Cathedral of Florence, The Disembarkation at Marseilles, and The
Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons. For this study, the portraits of Marie’s parents are also included in this first section in order to analyze the overall effect of the cycle as a whole.
As will be seen in the other two sections of the Marie de’ Medici Cycle, Rubens is most likely painting from his own observations of the world in order to convey naturalistic images. To make the images seem as realistic as possible, the characters need to be based in truth. Even though the majority of the figures are mythological, there is a naturalistic touch that can only come from the natural world. With these beings, Rubens is able to take his experiences and make fantastical images appear as if they were made of flesh. As will be seen, the use of the fantastical outdoor scenery may indicate that Marie de’ Medici was taking on a traditionally male role during her time as the regent of France following Henri IV’s death.
The Queen’s Parents
Before considering the panels that depict the glorious reign of Marie de’ Medici, it is first necessary to look at the portraits of the queen’s parents, without whom there would certainly be no cycle at all. The portraits of the Queen’s parents (Fig. 7 and 8) are perhaps the most straightforward of the paintings in the cycle, depicting just Francesco I de’ Medici and Johanna
17 of Austria respectively in full-length splendor. In fact, stylistically, they seem out of place given all of the other combination scenes of mythology and history in the rest of the cycle. These two paintings could not be more remote from the grandiose flights of allegory characteristic of those others in the cycle, from which there can be discerned new and higher meaning on whatever real fact is recounted or portrayed.33
Given this information, why should these two paintings be included in the cycle at all? To be sure, they provide the viewer with where the Queen comes from, but what other reasons could there be to depict the parents of Marie de’ Medici in an utterly austere manner? Certainly Rubens with all of his cleverness could have come up with some type of allegorical representation to connect Marie’s parents with the rest of the cycle. But, perhaps, there was a method to the presentation of Marie’s parents in having them shown as real people. There seem to be few full- length portraits done by Rubens, however, he appears to be following the traditional convention for depicting full-length portraits, as seen in Anthony van Dyck’s Portrait of Gaston of France,
Duke of Orleans (Fig. 9). Therefore, the only inventive qualities of these portraits are that they are creative depictions of the deceased as well as the fact that they are included in this cycle at all. They certainly are noticeable for the reason that there is no mythological allusion included to highlight their importance. Rubens may have decided that they did not need any illusionistic devices to enhance their images.
In a way, these unprepossessing portraits can be said to constitute almost an act of defiance on Marie’s part, as if to say to a prideful court that her parents were who they were and that no allegorical glamour would make them different. The portraits appear to state that what truly mattered in their daughter’s life transcended “real” persons and events, that her earthly
33 Millen and Wolf, 25.
18 career, as the first narrative picture in the cycle would announce, proceeded instead under the aegis of grander, Olympian, protection.34 Read another way, that Marie should have her parents portrayed with no aggrandizing flourishes of drapery, trumpeting Fames, jubilating cherubs, or coadjutant divinities may also intend to assert that all the fantastic show that is to follow is to be interpreted always with an eye to the plain and real facts behind each glorified episode; that however enriched those episodes may be by allegory and symbol, each is rooted in a reality that needs to be kept in mind if one wishes to read correctly the outraged Queen’s narrative and complaint.35
Another interesting point pertaining to Marie de’ Medici’s parents is that, they too, were surrounded in scandal. In April of 1578, when Marie was not quite three years old, her mother
Johanna fell down the stairs while pregnant, prematurely giving birth to a son who did not survive and dying herself a few days later. Francesco was under suspicion for her early death, compounded by the fact that he had an illegitimate son with his mistress, Bianca Cappello, who he married secretly shortly after Johanna’s death. Then, in 1587, her father and his new wife,
Bianca Cappello, died suddenly. They had been ill for eleven days and passed away within hours of each other.36 The unusual behavior of Francesco’s brother, Ferdinand, who gained the duchy from Francesco since he had no legitimate heir, following the deaths of his brother and sister-in- law, led to suspicion that Ferdinand had conspired to kill them to gain the duchy. As Ferdinand’s son, Cosimo II, inherited the dukedom from his father, Francesco’s illegitimate son, Antonio, by
Bianca Cappello, was effectively pushed out of the line of succession.
34 Millen and Wolf, 25. 35 Millen and Wolf, 25. 36 Francesco Mari, et al, “The Mysterious Death of Francesco I de’ Medici and Bianca Cappello: An Arsenic Murder?” BMJ: British Medical Journal 333, No. 7582 (2006), 1299.
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In this light the two portraits, for all their seeming insignificance and even irrelevance, are an indispensable and fully significant constituent of what follows. The underratedness of these portraits adds to their appeal – they are truly and entirely real. The presentation of her parents as they were reinforces who they were, not the merchants or bankers from which they were derived, but aristocrats. The Medici had ceased being traders when they reestablished themselves as a prominent family, doing so by rising in the ranks of the Catholic Church in
Rome. The aristocracy of the Medici’s was firmly established when Cosimo I was given the title of Grand Duke in 1569 by Pope Pius V.37 Her mother, Johanna of Austria, came from a long line of Habsburgs, and was therefore already established as aristocracy prior to her marriage to
Francesco. Therefore, these portraits present the true status of her parents for Marie’s benefit, to show her as part of the aristocracy who was worthy of Henri IV’s attention, and insinuate that the following paintings are just as real despite their allegorical cloaks.
The Fates Spin the Destiny of the Future Queen
One of the first paintings that appears in the first sequence, The Fates Spin the Destiny of the Future Queen (Fig. 10), is the first of the narrative pictures. In this vertically narrow panel, the Fates, here depicted as beautiful, Rubenesque nudes, are creating Marie de’ Medici’s destiny by spinning her thread. Above the heads of the Fates, looking down upon the scene, are Juno and
Jupiter, representing the divine alter-egos of Marie and her future husband, Henri IV, who continue to be shown in this cycle.38 Even though Marie is not physically present in this scene, it is implied that she is there, both in the thread held by the Fates as well as the presence of Juno.
As can be seen in multiple paintings in Rubens’ poetical-political approach to this cycle,
Juno is more, and other, than the queen of the gods. Juno is not solely used by Rubens to justify
37 Christopher Hibbert, The Rise and Fall of the House of Medici (London: Allen Lane, 1974), 266. 38 Millen and Wolf, 27.
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Marie’s protection and guidance by the gods, but also to represent her divine presence.39 Juno embodies the virtues of Marie de’ Medici and is designed to prove Marie’s power and legitimacy. Throughout the series, Marie takes on multiple emblems – namely Juno and Minerva, although there are others – that help to enhance her overall stature as a ruler.
Rubens applied a similar process, one rooted in such emblems and other symbolic devices, to his conception of the various stages of this biography in pictures. In the case of Juno, as is characteristic of Rubens’ more creative works, the goddess is assimilated to the queen, and
Juno becomes her surrogate, her other self, her emblematic identity. Both Juno and Marie are wives, immortal and mortal respectively, that had to put up with an arrogantly philandering husband who may have been an effective ruler, but was always a foolish lover, never learning the most elementary caution and manly reserve, no matter how often burnt or burning.40 While both
Marie and Juno are shown in certain images, they essentially represent the same person. Juno is used to elevate the status of Marie to a divine level; Marie is Juno, therefore, she is a mortal recreation of a divine presence.
Juno could also be used as an accurate symbol for Rubens’ mother, insomuch as Jan, her husband, was certainly a foolish lover, having been caught in a relationship with Anne of Saxony and imprisoned because of their affair.41 Rubens elevates the status of these women, his mother, and by association, Marie de’ Medici, to divine status, which he portrays by giving them allegorical emblems. Rubens seems to have this mindset in which women prove to be the more enlightened gender and he reflects this in his paintings by giving them mythological emblems as counterparts.
39 Millen and Wolf, 27. 40 Millen and Wolf, 27. 41 Edwards, 17-18.
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The Birth of the Princess
Marie de’ Medici was the sixth daughter of Francesco and Johanna, and the third to survive infancy. At Marie’s birth, Francesco still did not have a male heir to continue his line.
The child born following Marie was finally a boy, however, he was not to survive childhood and died a few years later. During Marie’s early childhood, Francesco’s mistress, Bianca Cappello, begat him a son, Antonio; however, while the Duke eventually acknowledged his birth, he was illegitimate and would not inherit the duchy following Francesco. After Johanna died, and the son she was carrying did not survive, Francesco’s need for a male heir was amplified.
The Birth of the Princess (Fig. 11) is the first scene in which Marie de’ Medici appears in human form, albeit as a babe in her mother’s arms. Interestingly enough, her father is not present in the painting, which seems unusual, but not in the context of the entire cycle, where it is rare to see a masculine presence that is not mythological. Baby Marie is the obvious focal point in the painting, being placed in the near center and having the gaze of all the other characters directed towards her. The light radiating from Marie’s head does not denote her as a religious figure or have a religious affiliation but instead provides her with a divine cloak. In essence, this refers to her rule as the Queen of France and testifies that she was chosen by the gods for this role as an infant. Beyond this, there are no obvious symbols for her future life as Queen of France; this scene highlights Marie as a Medici and Florence as her birthplace, with the Medici crest and symbols of Florence being a prominent part of the painting.
Historically, a woman’s place has been in the household, however, many of the scenes painted by Rubens are located out of doors, in the historically male realm. Symbolically placing
Marie in an outdoor space gives Marie a more masculine role, firmly inserting her into a place in the realm of men, as if in preparation for her reign as Queen of France following the death of
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Henri IV. Rubens’ mother was also required to fill the traditionally male role after her husband passed away, so the natural outdoor scenery may be indicative of females stepping outside of their ‘normal’ role in society, whether or not it is acceptable to the majority. Both women, Marie de’ Medici and Rubens’ mother, following the deaths of their husbands, were now responsible for both realms, the running of the household and playing an active role in the customary space of men.
The Education of the Princess
In The Education of the Princess (Fig. 12), Marie de’ Medici is seen as a young child.
Her education is being directed by a multitude of mythological figures, including Apollo,
Minerva, Hermes, and the Three Graces. There are additional references to the arts, with depictions of musical instruments, sculpture, and painting – everything preparing her for her future life as the Queen of France. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the instruments and other gentler ‘womanly’ arts lie at the feet of the figures, although Minerva’s Medusa-face shield is also present to help identify the goddess. The focus is instead on mastering weightier matters of philosophy and state fare, which will serve Marie better in her future as the Queen of France.42
The Three Graces are present in order to emphasize the beauty of Marie, one of the factors that ultimately influences her marriage to Henri IV. The setting of the scene is fantastic, featuring an outdoor location with a waterfall inserted in the face of a rocky cliff.
For Rubens, education was seen as important and something that his mother saw her children had access to, whether that be in a school setting or in court. It is known that Maria did everything that was possible to provide an education for her children, and when money ran low, she employed her younger children in places where they would have access to necessary
42 Millen and Wolf, 47.
23 knowledge for their future. Although the education of Rubens’ mother is unknown, it can be assumed that she had some formal learning or at least saw the benefit of having an education, as she strove to do everything that she could to give her children the best life through education possible, even when she was low in finances. Perhaps, in this depiction, Rubens is reflecting upon his own education and preparation for his future career, which was made possible by his mother’s influence.
The Presentation of the Portrait of Marie de’ Medici to Henri IV
The Presentation of the Portrait of Marie de’ Medici to Henri IV (Fig. 13) depicts the moment that the King of France, Henri IV, is shown the portrait of Marie. Supposedly, a painted image was the reason that Henri IV fell in love with Marie, although it is unclear whether this particular image represented by Rubens was the exact one that was shown to Henri IV. In the painting, Henri IV stands majestically looking at the image of Marie held by Hymenaios and
Cupid, while the human reincarnation of France urges him to choose her for his bride. Above, overseeing the exchange, Jupiter and Juno are enthroned on clouds.43 Situated in another fantastical location, the presentation of the portrait is taking place out of doors, in an open space with a mountain range visible in the background.
This is the first scene in which both alter-egos of Marie and Henri IV appear, foreshadowing the decision of Henri IV in choosing Marie de’ Medici for his future wife. The gods, in this case, direct Henri IV’s gaze onto Marie and he views her for the very first time, choosing her for his future wife. While Henri IV would have had the ultimate power in choosing
Marie as his new bride, Rubens makes it appear as if she were divinely chosen for him and the gods have somehow persuaded him to choose her. The loving gaze with which Henri IV looks at
43 Millen and Wolf, 49.
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Marie seems to allude to a future happy marriage in which Henri IV is dedicated to Marie. This is reminiscent of the clear dedication of Rubens’ mother to his father, who forgave Jan his previous transgressions and did everything in her power to assist him during his troubled time in prison.
The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV
The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV (Fig. 14) depicts the proxy marriage of King Henri IV and Marie de’ Medici in the Cathedral of Florence, with the bride’s uncle Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany standing in the groom’s place. Cardinal Pietro
Aldobrandini officiates as Ferdinand places a ring on Marie’s finger. Unlike all the other narrative paintings in this cycle, excluding the portraits of the Queen’s Parents, the only mythological character in The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV is
Hymenaios, the Greek god of weddings, who holds Marie’s dress and a torch. Everyone in this scene is an identifiable real-life character, including a cross-bearing, bearded priest who peers out at the viewer from behind Marie de’ Medici and seems to have a physical likeness to Rubens himself.44 It is uncertain whether this portrait is actually Rubens, but this may be his idea to stand as the legal witness of this marriage. While he would not have held such an honored space at the actual ceremony, Rubens does claim to have been present for this event, so maybe this is his way of declaring his loyalty to the Queen and her legitimate rule of France.
Another oddity is that this painting is one of the few that is in a defined indoor space, and that space is an identified location, although it looks completely unlike the actual interior of the
Cathedral of Florence. The lighting of the scene seems peculiar as well. Marie’s uncle is lit from behind, as his face is hidden in shadow; however, his shadow falls away from Marie, in the
44 Millen and Wolf, 54.
25 opposite direction, which should light his face, but does not. Due to this, there appear to be two different light sources: one coming from the right of the scene and another emanating from
Marie herself. A reason to have the Duke’s face in shadow, beyond highlighting Marie, is to show his possible involvement in the death of his brother, Marie’s father, and his second wife,
Bianca Cappello.45 Scandals seem to follow Marie de’ Medici, but the light that creates a porcelain cast to her skin suggests her blamelessness and innocence in relation to past and future indignity. Above the scene, a sculptural Pietà scene appears. This sculpture seems to foreshadow the future troubles for Marie, especially involving the death of Henri IV in ten years’ time. The resoluteness that Marie presents in this scene has a Marian quality, as if she is aware what is going to happen in her future, as Mary knew Christ’s fate before he was born. Marie de’ Medici knows that her future in France will not be without incident, but she remains stoic in the face of her future adversity. In contrast, her uncle glances at the sculpture in fear. In this light, Duke
Ferdinand’s interaction with the Pietà could be interpreted as a premonition of his niece’s upcoming troubles, and his wonderment at her calm state.
As mentioned previously, Rubens claimed to have attended the proxy wedding in
Florence. It is therefore assumed that he first saw Marie de’ Medici at this ceremony, so this may be based on his own experience in viewing this wedding. This is the only scene in which Rubens would have been able to include something he witnessed in relationship to Marie’s life. Every other scene in this cycle would have had to have been imagined on the part of Rubens, or, as is the point of this study, in some way related to the artist’s own personal experience as applied to events in Marie’s life. This does not look like the interior of the Cathedral of Florence, so perhaps this is Rubens’ fantasized idea of a better-suited structure to frame the event and people
45 Mari, 1299.
26 he was depicting. Rubens would not have been at his parents’ wedding, so this could not be based on that particular event. Even if Rubens’ mother talked about her wedding to Jan, which seems unlikely given that Rubens was unaware of his father’s sordid past, there would have needed to be an imaginative element not based in reality.
Another possibility is that Rubens’ inspiration for this scene is his sister Blandina’s marriage to Simon du Parcq, who was a young nobleman.46 In truth, any of these events from the life of Rubens could have contributed to the fantastical depiction of Marie de’ Medici’s proxy marriage to Henri IV. Out of all the scenes depicted in the Life Cycle of Marie de’ Medici, marriages and births would have been the most common events that anyone would have access to; however, a proxy marriage would have been an entirely different matter, but marriage was a typical life occurrence that anyone would understand.
The Disembarkation at Marseilles
Following her marriage by proxy in Florence, Marie de’ Medici travels to France to finally meet her new husband in person. Upon her arrival in France, she prepares to deboard from her golden barge, which may or may not have been golden in reality, in The
Disembarkation at Marseilles (Fig. 15). She is flanked by a few of her female relatives and is being greeted by the personification of France in a fleur-de-lis cloak. Below the deck of the ship, mythological characters jubilate in the safe arrival of the new Queen of France. Apparently, the travels were less than pleasant.47 There were violent winds and huge waves that forced the fleet carrying Marie to seek shelter at nearby harbors.48 Yet, despite the seemingly difficult conditions
46 Edwards, 36. 47 Ann Sutherland Harris, Seventeenth-Century Art & Architecture (London: Laurence King Publishing Ltd., 2005), 167. 48 Millen and Wolf, 66.
27 of travel, Marie is seen looking strong and regal in the face of change and a new home in an entirely different country, even though she requires some assistance in standing on her feet.
As a foreign diplomat, Rubens would have been accustomed to travel, which would likely have included travel by boat. Therefore, Rubens would have understood the feeling of having been on the water for a period of time and could accurately depict how Marie de’ Medici may have felt after this long voyage. This is an instance where women are doing what is expected of them even if they do not necessarily want to do so. They stay steadfast in times of adjustment and do the best that they can with what they are given. When forced to travel, they are obedient, but remain true to themselves. Marie de’ Medici was married to Henri IV of France and relocated to her new home, without protest, and Maria, Rubens’ mother, due to the religious beliefs of her husband and her husband’s affair with the Princess of Orange, was forced to flee from her home twice before Rubens was born, firstly from Antwerp and then from Cologne.
Both women were taken, basically against their will, from some place they had established as a home, and uprooted to another location. While the reasons behind the relocations were different,
Marie for marriage and Maria for safety, a similar feeling exists – one of being a stranger in a foreign place. These women would have needed every bit of strength given to them to overcome this new challenge in their lives. Once again, these women face adversity, in this case by being uprooted from their homes, yet they are seen to have the strength to triumph over their situation.
The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons
The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons (Fig. 16) shows the first meeting between the King of France and his new bride. They are seated on clouds and are portrayed as the physical embodiments of Juno and Jupiter. This is not the only scene in which a transmigration of souls happens, where Marie and Henri IV are not simply paired with their
28 divine analogues, as they are in other scenes, but they actually become their heavenly avatars, however, this is the only scene in which Henri IV appears as his alter-ego beside Marie.
Interestingly, they are in classical dress, with Marie’s breasts bared and Henri IV having a red cloth draped across his lap. Beneath the pair, the city of Lyons is depicted, as indicated by the title and the place where Marie and Henri IV first gazed at each other. In addition, the lion-pulled chariot that appears underneath the godly incarnations of Marie and Henri IV shows the personification of Lyons gazing up at the pair.
This is the first of four scenes in the cycle that Marie de’ Medici appears as a personification of an allegorical figure, in this case, as Juno. There are other scenes in which
Marie de’ Medici is identifiably in allegorical guise, due to her exposed breast, however, no other scene shows Jupiter as the alter-ego of Henri IV. Rubens is effectively likening them and their reign with that of the god/goddess pair. In order to present the legitimacy of Marie, Rubens presents both her and Henri IV in the guise of Juno and Jupiter, who are essentially the king and queen of the gods. This allows the viewer to equate the rule of Marie and Henri IV in the same sense as their divine counterparts, as capable rulers that will forever be remembered.
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CHAPTER 5 RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION The Second Portion of the Cycle
The second section of the Medici Cycle commences with the birth of the royal heir the
September following the meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV in Lyons and terminates with the painting entitled by Rubens The Felicity of the Regency. Between these two panels come
Henri IV Confers the Government of the Realm on Marie de’ Medici, The Coronation at Saint
Denis, The Apotheosis of Henri IV and the Assumption of the Regency by Marie de’ Medici, The
Council of the Gods or The Government of Marie de’ Medici, The Triumph at Juliers, and The
Exchange of Princesses at Andaye. Essentially, this section is devoted to the political career of the Queen before the accession of Louis XIII, which shows her as a capable ruler, just as her late husband, Henri IV was before her. Three of these panels are a formal statement of her claim to power, which is further alluded to in other compositions, while other panels are concerned with the deeds of Marie de’ Medici while in office and her ambition to restore and maintain the security of the realm.49
The Birth of Louis XIII
The Birth of the Dauphin at Fontainebleau (Fig. 17) seems perhaps a logical portrayal for the life of a woman. As opposed to the life of a man, whose life would inevitably depict military exploits, a woman has significantly fewer heroic moments in her life; however, this fairly typical event in the life of a woman is always an important, incomparable moment akin to a triumph. In this fantasized outdoor scene, Marie de’ Medici is portrayed here as just having given birth to her first child, the heir to the French throne. In total, she had six children with Henri IV, and the
49 Saward, 77.
30 other future five are depicted to the left of Marie above her right arm in a basket held by
Fecundity. Other mythological characters that appear in this scene are Astraea, Themis, a man holding Louis XIII, and Minerva, another alter-ego of Marie.
Up until this point in the cycle, Marie’s emblem has been Juno. Following the birth of the
Dauphin, she will no longer be identified with this goddess except in an indirect manner. Marie now becomes a mother figure, and the emblematic sources of most of the images to follow in the cycle involve either Cybele or Minerva, who is Marie’s other emblematic alter-ego.50 Thus, symbolically, Marie’s “divine” nature becomes a compound of mother of nations and champion of wisdom, and both are related to the fulfillment of her duty as wife to the king, as governor in his succession, and as queen mother with a mission to guide a young royal son by means of her heaven-given wisdom and her own devotion to the cause of peace.51 This painting shows that
Marie has accomplished what was required of her, giving Henri IV an heir, and that she will produce five more children. In addition, she will be capable of handling the state of the nation without Henri IV as well as providing guidance to her young son who will eventually take his place as King of France.
Interestingly enough, Rubens’ mother also had six living children, with Peter Paul being the youngest.52 This could be seen as a tribute to his mother, who played such an important role in his life. Not that anyone would note the comparisons between Rubens’ mother and Marie de’
Medici in these images, but it is seems as if Rubens inspiration for a motherly woman was his mother. There is certainly an emphasis on family and especially the woman’s influence on her children. As seen before, the setting of the scene can be identified as an outside location, once
50 Millen and Wolf, 84. 51 Millen and Wolf, 84. 52 Edwards, 11. One child, Bartholomeus, died in infancy.
31 again establishing that Marie is, at the very least, capable of taking on a firmly conventional masculine role and foreshadowing that she will someday take over the regency in the stead of
Henri IV.
It should be noted that there is a lack of a father figure depicted in these scenes, so perhaps Rubens was showing the direct impact of the mother on her children as more important than the involvement of the father. He may also be commenting on the absence of the father, as in both his and Louis XIII’s case they lose their fathers at a young age. Louis will be only ten years old when Henri IV dies and Rubens was nine when his father passed. This appears to foreshadow the death of Henri IV, or at the very least, his lack of influence over his heir. It appears that Rubens is able to empathize with the plight of Louis XIII, even though the main goal for this cycle reflects the desired support for the mother, Marie de’ Medici.
The Consignment of the Regency
Marie de’ Medici is entrusted with the regency and care of the heir, Louis XIII, in The
Consignment of the Regency (Fig. 18). This does not seem like a typical event, but Henri IV was declaring Marie the regent during what was meant to be a brief absence, not for the entirety of her life.53 Marie and Henri IV stand inside an ornate architectural structure with a young Louis
XIII positioned in between them. Henri IV presents an orb covered in fleur-de-lis to Marie with his right hand, and she accepts it with her right hand. Marie holds Louis XIII’s hand in her left.
Louis XIII’s gaze is directed towards his mother, admiring her as she receives the regency from
Henri IV. A small dog jumps up on Marie’s skirts, but is partially hidden behind a bare-footed woman to Marie’s left. Another woman stands behind Marie but stares out at the viewer. Henri
IV is flanked by numerous soldiers in armor, many of whom hold upraised pikes.
53 Millen and Wolf, 100.
32
Above the arch in the background, positioned above the outstretched hands of Henri IV and Marie, is a ram’s skull. Throughout history, skulls are often depicted in order to represent the mortality of humans or life’s frailty. In this case, it serves more to foreshadow Henri IV’s upcoming death. It may also relate to other future struggles for Marie and Louis XIII. Another indicator of Henri IV’s ultimate demise could be reflected in the shadow that falls across his face. Marie, on the other hand, is illuminated by light, possibly demonstrating that she will be the one to continue the regency upon Henri IV’s death.
In a way, Maria Rubens was given the rule of the household when Jan was imprisoned and previously when he was away for work. Although this was not a regency, she was the head of the household and in charge. It implies that when Jan was away he was confident in his wife’s ability to care for the household and make the necessary decisions. As with Marie de’ Medici, the painted portrayal makes apparent that Henri IV was also assured that Marie could run the country as well as himself. Although the ruling of a country is far different from the running of a household, there lies a commonality in leaving a woman in charge.
Another indicator that Rubens’ inspiration is not necessarily coming from Marie, and by association, Paris, is that the architecture depicted in this scene is not Parisian, and while it would likely not have any reference to anything in the real world, it would be a closer fit to architecture in Antwerp.54 In fact, this is the same classicizing style that Giulio Romano brought to Mantua, the court in which Rubens was employed during his time in Italy, and the inspiration that Rubens used for the reconfiguration of his house in Antwerp. This is another instance in which Rubens is utilizing his home environment in constructing the compositional elements in these scenes for Marie de’ Medici. In effect, he paints what is familiar to him and what he has
54 Millen and Wolf, 97.
33 immediate access to during the painting process. This personalization of the narrative, not solely in this scene, allows Rubens to champion Marie de’ Medici and her cause.
The Coronation in Saint-Denis
In The Coronation in Saint-Denis (Fig. 19), Marie de’ Medici kneels in a Gothicized interior before Cardinal de Joyeuse, who is identifiable so as to confirm that his legitimizing sanction is recognized by all.55 Cardinal de Joyeuse crowns Marie in front of numerous bishops and other red-hatted cardinals, as well as members of the nobility and minor nobility dressed in their finery. Henri IV observed the ceremony from a balcony, while a few of their children, including Louis XIII, are arrayed around Marie. The Queen is garbed in splendid midnight blue fabric with gold designs trimmed with ermine that trails down the steps behind her. The three women placed around the train of Marie’s cloak are three princesses of the blood, one of whom looks remarkably like Rubens’ wife, Isabella Brandt, although all three princesses of the blood possess similar traits, which is similar to so many of his female characters. Below the crowning of Marie, at the bottom of the steps leading up to the cardinals and bishops, two black and white dogs idly wait. Above the scene, two winged beings pour gold coins over the scene, seeming to bless the coronation of the new Queen.
While Rubens’ mother Maria was not ‘crowned’ when Jan was imprisoned or even after he died, nor was she a member of a royal court, she was essentially given the command of the household, just as Marie was in charge of France. The Coronation in St. Denis does not technically depict Marie de’ Medici taking command of the country, however, there is a sense that she will eventually be responsible for governing France. Her children, who are the future of the country, especially Louis XIII, surround her and Henri IV appears to have less of a role in
55 Millen and Wolf, 108.
34 this ceremony, as if he is expecting Marie to take a more prominent position in the governing of the nation and primarily in the raising of their children. As Henri IV first and foremost needed to take care of the affairs of the State, it can be assumed that he was not a predominant figure in the lives of his children or in the maintenance of the household; therefore, Marie would have been the main influence on her children.56 Rubens’ mother, too, had a responsibility to her children and household, particularly during the time where her husband was not in the home. In this context, Marie de’ Medici could be seen as the mother of France and held a responsibility for the
French people as Maria, Rubens’ mother, took care of her own private world.
As noted above, the one figure takes the appearance of Rubens’ own wife, Isabella
Brandt (Fig. 20), and, as this entire series seems to be inspired by strength of Rubens’ mother,
Rubens may be personalizing this narrative of Marie de’ Medici’s life by populating the scenes with figures from his private world. By inserting characters with likenesses of people close to
Rubens, he is essentially making a statement that this cycle parallels his own story, mainly through the important female figures in his life. The architectural backdrops, as seen in The
Consignment of the Regency, and the presence of Isabella, as is seen in other scenes, may reflect
Rubens’ home environment, which is where he painted a good portion of this cycle. Therefore, it is not unreasonable to suspect that Rubens was getting his inspiration from his immediate environment.
The Death of Henri IV and the Proclamation of the Regency
The Death of Henri IV and the Proclamation of the Regency (Fig. 21) is an overwhelmingly complex scene that shows the apotheosis of Henri IV and the subsequent declaration of Marie de’ Medici as the regent of France until their eldest son, Louis XIII, comes
56 See Desmond Seward, The First Bourbon: Henri IV, King of France and Navarre (Great Britain: Constable & Company Limited, 1971) for more information on Henri IV and his duties to the State.
35 of age. The left side of the painting is the apotheosis of Henri IV and the right depicts the presentation of the regency to Marie in the form of the orb of power. A deified Henri IV is being escorted into the heavens by a pantheon of mythological figures. Below, a fire-breathing snake demonstrates the evils of the world that led to Henri IV’s assassination. Marie de’ Medici, despite her grief at the recent passing of her husband, accepts the rule of France in order to stabilize the affairs of the country. The ever-present Minerva, this time with her Gorgon- emblazoned shield, peers over Marie’s shoulder to give her advice.
When Rubens was just a young child, at the age of nine, his father Jan died on their way back to Cologne. His mother Maria was subsequently left in charge of the household, which included taking care of her six living children. Marie de’ Medici was also responsible for caring for her six children following the death of Henri IV, as well as residing over the country of
France due to the absence of her husband and youth of her eldest son, Louis XIII. As before, during the time when Jan was imprisoned, Maria proved that she was capable of caring and providing for her numerous children, as Marie was – without a man’s presence.
The Council of the Gods
This chaotic, confusing scene is perhaps one that does not include the physical presence of Marie de’ Medici except in including her alter-ego Juno. There do appear to be some similarities in appearance to the woman with the caduceus in the top center of the composition, however, there do not appear to be any defining characteristics that can positively identify her as
Marie. Unless the caduceus that this figure holds in her left hand can be seen as an accessory used only by the Queen Mother, it would be difficult to definitively state the identity of this character. Jupiter, with his eagle attribute, is a prominent figure in this scene, appearing opposite
36 the central caduceus-holding figure.57 Complete with a medley of mythological figures, The
Council of the Gods (Fig. 22) is quite possibly the most difficult scene in this cycle to decode.
This somewhat idiosyncratic scene seems to have no direct inspiration from Rubens’ mother or portions of his own life. This appears to be a completely invented scene of fantasy created by Rubens for the purpose of relating the divine connection that Marie was privy to, underscoring that she was deserving of their intervention. If the central figure were to be confirmed as Marie de’ Medici, the interpretation of this scene would change dramatically.
Instead of portraying a pantheon of gods and goddesses, it would speak more to the divinity of
Marie and her place amongst leaders. Regardless of the identity of the central figure, there is still an emphasis on the supposed intervention of the divine beings in Marie’s life, as if her entire life were planned according to their predestined wishes.
The Triumph at Juliers
The Regent Militant: The Triumph at Juliers (Fig. 23) presents a more militant view of
Marie de’ Medici and a wholly unusual depiction of a woman. In this scene, Marie is shown in a traditionally male role as a soldier, adorned by a flowing white dress decorated with gold fleur- de-lis. In this image, Marie is an interesting combination of herself and a representation of her emblematic self, Minerva, wearing the goddess’ sphinx headed helmet.58 She rides a prancing white horse above a military encampment and fortified town of Juliers. Cybele appears in this scene with her lion, placed slightly behind Marie and gazing towards her, with one breast exposed. A half-nude Victory takes wing above, holding a crown of laurel and a palm frond, signaling triumph. Fame, too, appears in the sky above Marie, trumpeting an assured victory of
57 If the central figure were to be Marie de’ Medici, or the Queen Mother incarnate as Juno, the presence of Henri IV’s and Marie’s alter-egos in the same scene would require more decoding. 58 Millen and Wolf, 158.
37 the siege at Juliers. Certainly, Marie needed quick proof that she would continue in her husband’s plans and commitments, as well as showing that she was capable of doing so.59 While women have historically been portrayed as objects to be viewed, in this portrait, Marie breaks the typical representation of women by gazing directly at the viewer.60 She is not to be considered a passive subject, but rides forth to accept her destiny and show that she is a valiant ruler, capable in every way.
The Exchange of the Princesses at the Spanish Border
The marriage exchange of Marie de’ Medici’s daughter Elisabeth and the Infanta Anna of
Spain at the border of France and Spain is depicted in The Exchange of the Princesses at the
Spanish Border (Fig. 24), in typical Rubens fashion, as if it were a theatrical performance on a stage. This is another scene in which Marie does not appear directly, but France, who is seen welcoming the Infanta Anna, assumes the absent Queen’s presence. As France welcomes Anna,
Spain also appears to welcome Elisabeth. Neither princess seems distressed in leaving their home country, and they calmly accept their destiny, just as Marie de’ Medici did before them when marrying Henri IV. This scene is vaguely reminiscent of The Disembarkation at Marseilles, with the princesses stoically entering their new country to marry. Above the scene, two flame-bearing putti draw back a red curtain. Cybele is pictured above the princesses, surrounded by eight winged putti, and is seen pouring golden light from a horn-like vessel. Below the scene, three figures appear out of the water. One, a female figure, offers the princesses pearls; another,
Triton, sounds the exchange of the pair while a river-god watches the scene unfold.
59 Millen and Wolf, 156. 60 See Patricia Simons, “Women in Frames: The Gaze, the Eye, the Profile in Renaissance Portraiture,” History Workshop, No. 25 (Spring 1988): 4-30 for more information about the traditional depiction of women in Renaissance portraiture. While this series was created during the Baroque, traditional representations still have a tendency to carry over from previous centuries.
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Arranged marriages were common during this time, so it is likely that Rubens had experience with this practice. As the youngest child, Rubens likely saw at least one his elder sisters married and leave the family. This exchange between Spain and France was a political maneuver by Marie de’ Medici, to align France with Spain by marriages between their princes and princesses. In a sense, this is also what happened to one of Rubens’ elder sisters, Blandina, who was married to a man above her social status.61 Establishing links between countries and families was often desirable, which is evident in this scene in which a transfer is established to promote unity between France and Spain.
The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici
In The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici (Fig. 25), Marie is centrally enthroned amidst a swirling pantheon of allegorical figures. As was seen in The Meeting of Marie de’
Medici and Henri IV at Lyons, Marie’s breast is bared, possibly showing her transformation into an allegorical personification of Justice.62 In her right hand, she holds a scale aloft, while her left rests upon a globe and holds a scepter, the Hand of Justice. Even though Marie appears to take on the role of Justice in this scene, another allegorical counterpart, Minerva, appears behind her, looking over her shoulder. France appears at the right of the scene, shepherded by Saturn. Above the duo of France and Saturn, Fame trumpets the happiness of Marie’s reign. The two women on the right side of the scene share their bountiful abundance of gold coins and fruit with putti that are arrayed in front of Marie. In the bottom right corner, three sprawling figures appear, grimacing, but helpless to their predicament. In the foreground at the feet of Saturn and France, musical instruments and sheet music appear.
61 Edwards, 36. 62 Millen and Wolf, 164.
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The virtuosity of Marie as Justice in this scene is reminiscent of Rubens’ mother. As
Justice is one of the four Virtues, Rubens is likely relating the justice that his mother was able to provide for his father. Rubens’ mother Maria was able to persuade the House of Orange to release her husband after his adulterous affair. In effect, she is the justice, the righteousness, behind his discharge. Read more deeply, in using the personification of Justice, with which
Rubens most likely saw his mother Maria, Rubens is using his mother as the embodiment of
Justice and she is the mold against which all others are compared. His mother is the virtuous woman that triumphed over adversity and scandal to provide her children with the best that she could with her limited resources.
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CHAPTER 6 RUBENS’ FEMINISTIC VISION The Third Section of the Cycle
The third and last section of the Medici Cycle begins with the accession of Louis XIII to the throne but is ultimately devoted to the relationship between Marie de’ Medici and her son
Louis XIII, which is characterized by conflict and adversity. While this seems the most important section to disguise with allegory, most of these later compositions do not have the complex allegorical format of the first and second sections. In some cases, especially in the seventeenth and eighteenth panel, The Flight of Marie de’ Medici from Blois and The Negotiations at
Angoulême, the subjects depend almost entirely upon the particular historical circumstance.
This is a marked contrast with the near complete obscuring of history within mythological subjects in Rubens’ depictions of the early life and regency of Marie de’ Medici, which relate certain semi-specific events, but not in a realistic fashion. It is possible that the list of subjects given to Rubens for these later works allowed for little embellishment because of their political nature.63 For the Queen, too, it must have been difficult to include this most unhappy period of her life, even though she is presented unfailingly as the blameless party, concerned at all times with the preservation of the security of the realm, even to the point of following the orders of her young son. Then again, Marie’s steadfast adherence to the ideals of good government and statecraft, dictated by the continued surveillance of allegorical figures, notwithstanding the harsh realities of fate, is reason enough for her living apotheosis in the concluding panels.64
63 Saward, 159. 64 Saward, 159.
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Yet despite the specificity of the narration in these paintings, Rubens was still able to insert portions of his personal life. Politically speaking, Rubens needed to be discreet in his paintings for Marie de’ Medici, however there is still enough detail included that only with carefully deliberated insight did Rubens portray these difficult portions of Marie de’ Medici’s life. With these depictions, regardless of the actual events shows in the scenes, there are still undeniable links to Rubens’ own life and the life of his mother.
Louis XIII Comes of Age
In October of 1614, Louis XIII reached his majority, turning fourteen years old and declaring, through a public ceremony in Parliament, that he was officially of age.65 In Louis XIII
Comes of Age (Fig. 26), Rubens chose to represent the passing of the regency from mother to son as the handing over of the command of a ship. Even though it is Louis XIII that is the titular character in this particular painting, it is still Marie de’ Medici that captivates the attention, humble though her appearance may be, seeming to guide her son in his steering of the ship. It is also she, not Louis XIII, that is clearly closer to the center of the scene. An all-female allegorical crew powers the ship, with the only male presence being Louis XIII at the helm.
While this scene relates an important event in the life of Louis XIII, the composition presents Marie de’ Medici as the foundation. She is shown as the fundamental figure without which Louis XIII would not be able to ascend to the throne. In fact, in this painting, Rubens portrays Louis XIII as more of a figurehead instead of the one in charge of making the true decisions. Marie is seen modestly and patiently supporting Louis XIII, but she is the capable figure making the choices for the country, directing him to do the best for France. Even though
Louis XIII is shown with his hand on the rudder, he is the least active participant in the scene,
65 Millen and Wolf, 169.
42 possibly alluding to the reality of his life, that he oversaw the state, but was not actually responsible for coming up with the solutions. This role has been assigned to his mother, Marie.
As with Rubens, his mother was a crucial element in his life. Without the presence of the father figure, in these cases, the women take command to make sure everything runs smoothly in the home and for the country.
The Flight from Blois
Some of the later scenes document the troubles between Marie and her son, Louis XIII, such as The Flight from Blois (Fig. 27). These types of scenes would have been difficult to deliver, as Rubens would have needed to make sure that the iconography did not offend certain persons, namely Louis XIII. This painting depicts the escape of Marie de’ Medici from Blois, and the subsequent meeting between the fleeing Queen and her rescuers. Minerva helps to usher
Marie to safety, while Night and Dawn appear overhead in the sky.
While depicting a troubling event without a specific guise of allegory, an emblem of
Marie, in the form of Minerva, appears once again, resplendent in a lion crested helmet for courage, without her usual symbols of an owl or sphinx.66 This serves to ennoble and allegorize the protagonist, Marie de’ Medici, in this scene. Her costume has become generalized, her pose changed from gracious condescension to a remote nobleness that makes her the embodiment of the wronged princess, the heroine who by fate and circumstances could only follow her ingrate son’s orders confining her to what was, in fact, merely a more spacious prison than the Bastille.67
This is only one of the scenes that sets Marie up to be a helpless victim who obediently follows the orders of her son.
66 Millen and Wolf, 178. 67 Ibid.
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This painting seems less in line with the depiction of a strong female ruler, yet at the same time, it represents a woman that cares deeply for her country, enough that she would do whatever it takes to save it from further damage, even if that means that she must leave. For such a woman as Marie, who strove to show her strength and power, it would certainly take a great deal of courage to leave her home, essentially being disinherited by your child. Yet, Marie does this and patiently waits until her son sees fit to bring her back. Rubens’ mother, Maria, definitely had courage – as their family was forced to flee from Cologne due to the religiously charged atmosphere and then it was necessary for her to support her children, and husband, while he was imprisoned and after he died. Maria even persuaded the House of Orange to release her husband from prison.
The Negotiations at Angoulême
The Negotiations at Angoulême (Fig. 28) is another depiction of a difficult subject, yet one that reflects some hope for the relationship between Marie and Louis XIII. The Treaty of
Angoulême provided the first step for reconciliation between mother and son. In this scene,
Marie is seen seated on a grand throne, surrounding by two cardinals and a bare-breasted allegorical figure described as Vigilance.68 Mercury approaches Marie with an olive branch, a sign of peace, which Marie reaches out to accept. The location of the exchange is somewhat ambiguous, but, due to the grand architectural elements, appears to be the interior of a building.
While Rubens’ mother Maria likely never had publicized disagreements with any of her sons, nor would she have had any need to create a treaty in relation to an argument with one of her children, it is clear that she successfully negotiated with the House of Orange to release her husband Jan from captivity. Negotiating takes strength and absolute determination, but also
68 Millen and Wolf, 188.
44 necessitates a need for caution. It is a delicate business, one which both Marie de’ Medici and
Rubens’ mother were able to navigate with resolute purpose.
The Queen Opts for Security
Marie de’ Medici is shown being ushered to safety following a humiliating military defeat against Louis XIII’s forces in The Queen Opts for Security (Fig. 29). Black clouds of smoke rise ominously in the background, persuading the Queen Mother to seek refuge in a structure of classical design. A protecting force of allegorical figures surrounds Marie; notably
Mercury who leads Marie towards a statue of a Roman matron ensconced in the secure temple.69
Snake-wielding Furies push towards Marie but are thwarted by the allegorical female presences protecting the Queen’s back. In the bottom left of the scene lies a discarded pile of armor and weapons, indicating that the Queen has lost this battle and accepted her mistake, but has not given up hope. Even though the armor and weapons are being set on fire, this does not seem to depict a defeated person, but rather, one that has opted to retreat and fight another day when the odds are more in her favor.
While not the most positive scene in the cycle, nor one that reflects the wisdom of Marie,
Rubens is somehow still able to ultimately show the strength and determination of Marie de’
Medici in the face of adversity. Even though she is fleeing from the humiliation of defeat, she still exudes a purposeful calmness. Before his birth, Rubens’ family fled their home twice, and it appears that the inspiration here is his mother. He shows the protagonist as doing what was best for her family and here, in this scene, Rubens depicts Marie as opting for the best despite her situation. These women fled from different places for the protection it offered them, but still maintained strength despite their dilemmas.
69 Millen and Wolf, 197.
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Reconciliation of the Queen and Her Son
The Reconciliation of the Queen and Her Son (Fig. 30) depicts an allegorized reunion between Marie de’ Medici and Louis XIII. Marie is garbed in a silvery-white garment that exposes one breast, while Louis XIII is dressed in white with a reddish sash. He embraces his mother from behind, gazing at her with adoration in his eyes. Marie reciprocates and looks lovingly up at Louis XIII, but gestures to the crimson and gold clad figure to their left, who defeats the hydra, the multi-headed mythological beast who was a metaphor for sedition and insurrection, with a flaming sword, while being watched by Providence.70 Behind the mother and son pair, a woman in red holds a golden-haired child, while another child clings to her back.
An interesting portion of this painting is that all the active agents are women, whether they are playing a more nurturing, healing, reconciliatory role or a physical act of attack. In fact, the only male presence is that of Louis XIII, as in Louis XIII Comes of Age, and he takes a subservient role to his mother, appearing behind Marie. This seems to communicate a dual message to the viewer. The first is more general in nature; that womanhood is a necessary for the world, for without women, humankind would not continue. To create the future generations, women play an active role, something that men cannot accomplish by themselves. The second message is more specific to the interaction between Marie and Louis XIII. Their positioning relates that Louis XIII is grateful for his mother and almost apologetic for his previous denouncement of her. In this instance, Marie is being presented as the backbone of the regency and Louis XIII’s sole inspiration.
In a few preceding scenes, Marie appears as the incarnation of one of her alter-egos, whether that be Juno or Minerva. Louis XIII is also presented as the human version of Apollo in
70 Millen and Wolf, 212.
46 a few scenes, although the attributes are often erased so as not to offend. In this scene, Louis XIII appears as Apollo, while Marie also takes on an allegorical guise, although which specific goddess she is impersonating is more difficult to decode. She is not Minerva, Juno, or Cybele, who have been associated with Marie throughout the series, nor is she Felicity, as she was in The
Felicity of the Regency. In this scene, she is Peace and the entirety of the painting is used to reinforce that Marie is the bringer of peace to France.
This leaves the female that smites down the hydra, one of the main focal points of the scene. This figure’s identity has been much contested, as she looks like an avenging angel without wings or a Valkyrie without armor, but also seems to lack standard attributes identifying her as a particular mythological being or Virtue.71 The thunderbolt that is being used to strike down the beast is reminiscent of Jupiter’s attribute. Therefore, this figure seems a likely candidate to be a female personification of Jupiter, which has been discussed previously as being
Henri IV’s alter-ego throughout the series.
This scene shows the outcome of the perseverance of Marie and her ultimate triumph over the adversity she faced from her eldest son. Rubens and his mother seemed to share a bond throughout their lifetimes and perhaps this scene shows a desire for Marie and Louis XIII to have a closer relationship like Rubens and his mother shared before her death. While this may be wishful thinking for this reconciliation to continue, there seems to be a desire for the mother and son to grow closer. Despite what ultimately happened between Marie de’ Medici and Louis XIII,
Rubens seems to convey that there is hope for the continued growth and understanding between the pair.
71 Millen and Wolf, 209-210.
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Time Unveils the Truth
Time Unveils the Truth (Fig. 31) is the final narrative picture in the cycle, a culmination of the series which shows the triumph of truth along with the full vindication of the “perfect harmony” between Marie and Louis XIII. Marie and Louis XIII are pictured at the top of the narrow vertical scene, with a laurel crown enclosing clasped hands between them. The majority of the picture plane is occupied by the figures of Time and Truth. Winged Time, sporting a gray beard and red cloth wrapped around his waist, hauls the blond-haired, fleshy, nude Truth up towards the mother-son duo above. Silver cloth and clouds swirl around the figures as Marie de’
Medici is finally revealed as the legitimate regent and blameless mother.
Although the entire series presents Marie as the guiltless party, in this finale, she is finally absolved of any slander against her person and official role which may have resulted from the discordant years with Louis XIII.72 In this painting, Marie and Louis XIII are seen as having completely reconciled, as demonstrated in the previous painting. The overarching theme of this entire series could be stated to be unity in the form of the preservation of the monarchy and the eternity of the empire.73 This is taken a step further by Rubens, as the unity is not solely reliant upon the monarchy and the empire, but upon the desired closeness of mother and son.
At a closer glance, however, Marie is seated, while Louis XIII is kneeling before her. His position diminishes his power and also gives Marie a larger role, almost as if Rubens is commenting that Louis XIII would be nothing without his mother, therefore, she is the more important part of the pair. At the time this panel was finished, perhaps this harmony between mother and son was more or less truthful, with the two having reconciled shortly before; however, this peace was not to last for long. It is known that Rubens and his mother were
72 Saward, 182. 73 Saward, 186.
48 especially close, given that his father was absent for the majority of his life. Perhaps this was wishful thinking on Rubens’ part, that Marie de’ Medici and Louis XIII could have a bond, given some time, like himself and his mother.
The Queen Triumphant The culminating scene in Rubens’ Life Cycle of Marie de’ Medici shows The Queen
Triumphant (Fig. 32). In her final goddess incarnation, a bare-breasted Marie de’ Medici appears as Minerva, standing amongst discarded weapons and armor while two winged putti crown her with a leafy wreath. She wears a dark blue mantle with golden fleur-de-lis draped around her body and the sphinx-crested helm of Minerva upon her head. In her left hand she holds the caduceus, while upon her right hand rests a golden statuette of Victory.
Each portion of the cycle ultimately ends with an emblematic version of Marie de’
Medici as an allegorical figure, and the third section is no exception. Just as the first portion ends with The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons where Marie impersonates Juno and the second portion ends with The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici as Felicity, this third portion ends with Marie as the representation of Minerva. Having each section of the cycle end with Marie portrayed as a goddess speaks to her divine status and contributes to her perceived legitimacy as regent of France. This final painting is perhaps the most important, as it shows Marie de’ Medici as someone who has prevailed over her difficulties and emerged victorious. This final scene underscores the overarching theme of this cycle – that theme which is so completely related to Rubens’ own mother – how these women are able to prevail and continue to live their lives with a complete measure of success and glory. As the summation of this cycle, this final scene is quite telling – Marie de’ Medici is depicted here, at last, having triumphed over adversity and, despite her many trials and tribulations, arrived victorious in
France.
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CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION Implicit in Ruben’s text relating the Life of Marie de’ Medici, is the understanding that this cycle carried content that the queen, and by association her advisors, thought best hidden from some – including her son the king – and that this content was codified in ways that allowed the queen and her advisors control over what to disclose and to whom. Thus the Life of Marie de’
Medici is not just a masterpiece of Baroque art, but also, according to Rubens himself, a tour de force in the art of dissimulation that was a central feature of early modern European society.74
Apparently, King Louis XIII was unaware of the hidden meaning of the painting when he visited them shortly after Rubens had completed them, as is evident in his letter to his friend, Nicholas-
Claude Fabri de Peiresc:
“The king did me the honor of coming to see our gallery on his first visit to the
Luxembourg Palace, which has been under construction for now more than sixteen or
eighteen years. His Majesty appeared to be very pleased with our paintings, as I was told
by all those who were present and, in particular, by Monsieur de Saint-Ambroise
(Maugis) who served as the interpreter of the subjects and who most artfully diverted and
dissimulated their real meaning.”75
This thesis relates the unusual heroic portrayal of a woman by Rubens, and for the first time in scholarship, analyzes the cycle through an autobiographical lens, as Rubens appears to utilize his mother as inspiration for this particular representation of Marie de’ Medici. To date, scholarship about Rubens’ Life Cycle of Marie de’ Medici has not included reading this series through an autobiographical approach, so this is an entirely new idea that has never before been
74 Galletti, 879. 75 Galletti, 878-879.
50 expounded by scholars. By interpreting each painting in this cycle by Rubens, this paper has identified a reasonable model for how Rubens’ mother was important to the creation of these images and their protagonists in the form of inspiration. As Marie de’ Medici had to face trials and tribulations due to public scandals, so did Rubens’ mother Maria. Both women, despite these adversities, were able to triumph using their courage and strength. This utilization of inspiration from a female family figure to another female patron, in regards to the Life Cycle of Marie de’
Medici, gives a unique perspective on this series of paintings that has never been addressed or acknowledged in scholarship before now.
As can be seen, it would have been incredibly difficult to portray the heroism of a woman in painted form, especially one with so much controversy in her past as Marie de’ Medici.
Therefore, Rubens disguised each panel in allegorical guise, first to hide any offending themes, second to enhance Marie de’ Medici’s image, and third to pay homage to all of the strong women in his life. In addition, he uses mythological figures as emblems to further enhance the meaning of the painted image to produce a strengthened version of Marie de’ Medici. To show that she is a strong, powerful woman, beyond just showing her as herself, Rubens felt the necessity to add other strong female figures that others would recognize to provide an emblematic touch.
Raising the status of the woman by adding mythological figures seems to stem from his upbringing with strong women and his desire to show them as he saw them – a strong, powerful presence that only mythological beings could accurately represent. Between his mother, who appears to be, at the very least, the inspiration behind a number of the paintings in the Life of
Marie de’ Medici, and other female patrons and presences in his life, Rubens has the innate gift of showing women as he saw them and how he wanted others to view them – strong because of their gender, but forced to take a secondary place to the males in their life.
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For future study, it would be interesting to look at how Rubens treats male versus female monarchs in cycles, as he has created depictions of rulers of both sexes. While Rubens seems to utilize mythological beings in his portraits of both males and females, the overall message appears to differ. It is also remarkable that Rubens creates artworks for this string of widows, namely the Archduchess Isabella, the Countess of Arundel, and Marie de’ Medici. Was Rubens sought out by these particular women to paint their likenesses or was he drawn to them, advocating himself as an artist that could relate in paint what they wanted the world to see and think about them? Another study would look at how Rubens treats widows in comparison to other contemporaries, as it appears that he was a champion for their causes and power, which often leads scholars to think that he champions women in general and prompts scholars to produce a feministic reading of his artworks.76
While this cycle highlights triumph in the face of adversity, there is also the underlying message that shows the devotion of a wife and mother. It is important to consider that the artwork of any artist does not exist in a vacuum – they have to get their inspiration from somewhere and, in Rubens’ case, his mother was a powerful influence. The personal lived experience of artists is the most accessible thing that they have available to them, and there is no need to ignore what they know best. By utilizing this knowledge to create images, it lends a certain naturalism in terms of depicting scenes that are fantastical, but that somehow seem real due to the underlying narrative, which allows the viewer to experience precisely what the artist wants them to think and feel.
76 See Johnson and Sarah R. Cohen, “Rubens’s France: Gender and Personification in the Marie de Medicis Cycle,” Art Bulletin 85, No. 3 (September 2003), 490-522.
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FIGURES
FIGURE 1. Vittore Carpaccio, Arrival of the English Ambassadors to the King of Brittany, Cycle of St. Ursula, c. 1495-1500, Oil on Canvas, 275 x 589 cm, Gallery of the Accademia di Venezia, Sala di Sant’Orsola, Room XXI
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FIGURE 2. Victory Stele of Naram-Sin, King of Akkad, c. 2250 BCE, Spicular Limestone, 200 x 150 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 3. Law Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon, c. 1792-1750 BCE, Basalt, 225 x 65 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 4. Peter Paul Rubens, Ceiling of the Banqueting House, Whitehall, c. 1632-1634, Nine Oil on Canvas Paintings, 3352.8 x 1676.4 cm, Banqueting House, Whitehall Palace, London, England
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FIGURE 5. Peter Paul Rubens, Rape of Hippodamia (The Lapiths and the Centaurs), c. 1636-1638, Oil on Canvas, 182.5 x 285.5 cm, Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid, Spain
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FIGURE 6. Anthony van Dyck, Henrietta Maria of France, Queen Consort of England, c. 1636-1638, Oil on Canvas, 107.32 x 85.09 cm, San Diego Museum of Art, San Diego, California
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FIGURE 7. Peter Paul Rubens, Portrait of Francesco I de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 247 x 116 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 8. Peter Paul Rubens, Portrait of Johanna of Austria, Grand Duchess of Tuscany, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 247 x 116 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 9. Anthony van Dyck, Portrait of Gaston of France, Duke of Orleans, 1632 or 1634, Oil on Canvas, 193 x 119 cm, Musée Condé, Chantilly, Oise, France
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FIGURE 10. Peter Paul Rubens, The Fates Spinning the Destiny of Marie de’ Medici, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 153 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 11. Peter Paul Rubens, The Birth of the Princess, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 12. Peter Paul Rubens, The Education of the Princess, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 13. Peter Paul Rubens, The Presentation of the Portrait of Marie de’ Medici to Henri IV, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 14. Peter Paul Rubens, The Wedding by Proxy of Marie de’ Medici to King Henri IV, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 15. Peter Paul Rubens, The Disembarkation at Marseilles, c. 1621- 1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 16. Peter Paul Rubens, The Meeting of Marie de’ Medici and Henri IV at Lyons, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
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FIGURE 17. Peter Paul Rubens, The Birth of the Dauphin at Fontainebleau, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
69
FIGURE 18. Peter Paul Rubens, The Consignment of the Regency, c. 1621- 1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
70
FIGURE 19. Peter Paul Rubens, The Coronation in Saint-Denis, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 727 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
71
FIGURE 20. Peter Paul Rubens, Portrait of Isabella Brandt, c. 1620-1625, Oil on Wood, 53 x 46 cm, The Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, Ohio
72
FIGURE 21. Peter Paul Rubens, The Death of Henri IV and the Proclamation of the Regency, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 727 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
73
FIGURE 22. Peter Paul Rubens, The Council of the Gods, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 727 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
74
FIGURE 23. Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumph at Juliers, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
75
FIGURE 24. Peter Paul Rubens, The Exchange of Princesses at the Spanish Border, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
76
FIGURE 25. Peter Paul Rubens, The Felicity of the Regency of Marie de’ Medici, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
77
FIGURE 26. Peter Paul Rubens, Louis XIII Comes of Age, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
78
FIGURE 27. Peter Paul Rubens, The Escape from Blois, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
79
FIGURE 28. Peter Paul Rubens, The Negotiations at Angoulême, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
80
FIGURE 29. Peter Paul Rubens, The Queen Opts for Security, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
81
FIGURE 30. Peter Paul Rubens, The Reconciliation of the Queen and Her Son, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 295 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
82
FIGURE 31. Peter Paul Rubens, The Triumph of Truth, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 394 x 160 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
83
FIGURE 32. Peter Paul Rubens, The Queen Triumphant, c. 1621-1625, Oil on Canvas, 276 x 149 cm, Musée du Louvre, Paris, France
84
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