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Cultural Industries in the Netherlands – EVA STEGMEIJER Path-Dependent Patterns and Institutional Contexts: the Case of Architecture in Rotterdam with 10 fi Gures

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Cultural Industries in the Netherlands – EVA STEGMEIJER Path-Dependent Patterns and Institutional Contexts: the Case of Architecture in Rotterdam with 10 fi Gures PGMThema ROBERT KLOOSTERMAN Cultural Industries in the Netherlands – EVA STEGMEIJER Path-Dependent Patterns and Institutional Contexts: The Case of Architecture in Rotterdam with 10 fi gures Kulturindustrien in den Niederlanden – pfadabhängige Muster und institutionelle Kontexte: Das Beispiel der Architektur in Rotterdam Zusammenfassung: Die niederländische Architektur ist von internationaler Bedeutung. Kulturindustrien, d. h. wirtschaftliche Ak- tivitäten, bei denen die ästhetische Komponente des Produkts konstitutiv ist, bilden sich heute als vielversprechende Quelle von Wohlstand und Beschäftigung in den postindustriellen Städten heraus. Die kulturindustriellen Unternehmen sind eher relativ klein, beschäftigen hochqualifi zierte und spezialisierte Arbeitskräfte und sind zum größten Teil hoch konzentriert in räumlichen Clustern verteilt. Eine solche räumliche Ballung ermöglicht besser funktionierende Arbeitsabläufe, den Austausch von nichtkodi- fi zierbarem Wissen und darüber hinaus die Entwicklung von darauf bezogenen Institutionen (hinsichtlich Ausbildung, Informa- tion, Infrastruktur und im so ziokulturellen Bereich), die zu unterstützenden Innovationen beitragen. – Im niederländischen Kontext dominiert Amsterdam in hohem Maße die kulturelle Szene in Bezug auf Anzahl von Unternehmen und Beschäftigten. Da die Stadt diese Funktionen schon seit Jahrhunderten besitzt, ergibt sich das besondere Gewicht von Pfadabhängigkeit. Als deutliche Ausnahme von diesem Muster können die Architekturbüros gelten, die in Rotterdam sehr prominent vertreten sind. In diesem Beitrag zeigen wir, wie sich dieser spezialisierte Teilsektor der Kulturindustrien außerhalb der kulturellen Hauptstadt der Nieder- lande entwickeln konnte. Un sere These ist, dass es sich hier um die Schaffung eines kulturindustriellen Pfades in Rotterdam handelt. Es wird aufgezeigt, wie diese Herausbildung in einem komplexen Zusammenspiel zwischen institutionellen Entwicklun- gen und der Rolle eines genialen Individuums, nämlich von REM KOOLHAAS, begründet ist. Schlüsselwörter: Kulturindustrien, Institutionen, Pfadabhängigkeit, Architekturbüros Abstract: Dutch architecture matters in international perspective. Cultural industries – economic activities where the aesthetic component of the products constitute the distinguishing characteristic – are now emerging as a promising source of wealth and employment in post-industrial cities. Firms in the cultural industries tend to be relatively small and dependent on highly skilled and specialized labour and we fi nd them in most cases strongly concentrated in spatial clusters. This spatial clustering enables a better functioning of the labour market, the spill-over of tacit knowledge and, moreover, the development of dedicated institu- tions (educational, informational, infrastructural and socio-cultural) that contribute to sustained innovation. – In the Dutch con- text, Amsterdam clearly dominates the cultural scene in number of fi rms and jobs. This has been the case for centuries and it goes to show the weight of history of path dependence. There is, however, one clear exception: architectural services, where Rotterdam is very prominent. In this article, we show how this particular cultural industry could evolve outside the cultural capital of the Netherlands. We are, we argue, witnessing a case of path creation of a cultural industry in Rotterdam. We show how this evolution is grounded in a complex interplay between institutional developments and the role of an individual genius, namely REM KOOLHAAS. Keywords: Cultural industries, institutions, path dependency, architectural services 1. The Koolhaas effect1 those revolutionary architects had worked at KOOLHAAS’ Offi ce for Metropolitan Architecture (OMA) in Rotterdam. In April 2000, REM KOOLHAAS became the fi rst Dutchman The “OMA reference” turned out to be extremely impor- to win the prestigious Pritzker Architecture Prize. Although tant for architects such as KEES CHRISTIAANSE, WINY MAAS, the award was, of course, primarily for his fascinating JACOB VAN RIJS, CHRISTIAAN RAPP and WILLEM JAN NEUTEL- oeuvre, KOOLHAAS was also explicitly honoured for his in- INGS. They themselves, in the meantime, have acquired fl uence on an entirely new generation of Dutch archi- international fame (COLENBRANDER 1995). The home base tects who emerged onto the national and international of a lot of the Nachwuchs of OMA is still Rotterdam and scene after 1985 (LOOTSMA 2000). According to the chair- it seems that we are witnessing the emergence of a man of the jury of the Pritzker Prize, J. CARTER BROWN, KOOLHAAS is “the leader of a spectacularly irreverent gen- eration of Dutch architects” (Architecture Week 2000, 1 We would like to thank our colleagues BART LAMBREGTS and MERIJN VAN DER WERFF see also LAMPUGNANI 1989, p. 245). A large number of for their help and comments. 66 Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen, 148, 2004 / 4 Wirtschaftsgeographie spatial concentration of internationally renowned archi- the appearance of a crucial actor, namely REM KOOLHAAS, tectural fi rms there. has laid the foundation for a cluster of trend-setting ar- Cultural industries, to which architectural fi rms be- chitectural fi rms in Rotterdam. long, generally display a notable tendency towards spa- tial clustering (SCOTT 2000, p. 2004). In the cultural indus- tries, we typically fi nd relatively small companies which 2. Rotterdam as a centre of are very dependent on extremely specifi c high-quality contemporary architecture knowledge and which, in addition, have to deal with rap- idly fl uctuating demand. They are, hence, dependent on To assess the economic importance of cultural indus- a localized labour pool that enables them to fi nd the tries – certainly at a lower spatial scale level – is rather specifi c labour they need at the right time. In cultural in- hard. Cultural industries are diffi cult to defi ne and, more- dustries, we also fi nd the other two Marshallian forces over, the standard classifi cations used in socio-eco nom ic of economies of agglomeration at work (cf. PHELPS & statistics are not suffi ciently geared to this new ap- OZAWA, 2003): the development of dedicated suppliers proach. In a fi rst exploration, we selected eight sepa- and the creation of an “atmosphere” conducive to par- rate industries which were evidently focused on produc- ticular economic activities. This latter driver of spatial ing goods and services with a high symbolic or aesthetic clustering is especially important when dynamic econ- content (KLOOSTERMAN 2004). These eight industries are: omies of agglomeration, which are geared towards con- publishers; architectural services; advertising; movie tinuous innovation and aimed at competing on unique and video production; radio and television programme qualities of products, are more important than static production; performing arts; news agencies and jour- econ omies of agglomeration, which are aimed at cost nalists; and libraries, museums and nature protection. reduction to get the edge in markets dominated by price Figure 1 shows the extent of the total combined num- competition (CAPELLO 2001). The creation of the rather ber of jobs in these industries in each of the four largest elusive atmosphere (“it’s in the air”) is contingent on the cities in the Netherlands (G4). Amsterdam is without any development of locally-rooted institutions which, for ex- doubt the cultural capital of the Netherlands. In 2001, ample, contribute to the reproduction of high-quality fewer people (27,100) were employed in the selected work, stimulate knowledge transfer or spill-over or help industries in the three other cities together than in the to articulate a critical question as in the case of compe- capital Amsterdam (28,200). If the numbers are divided titions or specialist journals. The development of such a according to the individual industries, we see that this set of interdependent dedicated and localized institu- applies to almost all industries (KLOOSTERMAN 2004). This tions can be understood as a path-dependent process pattern, whereby one city dominates the national cul- whereby the competitive position of a certain local cul- tural landscape can also be found in the United King- tural industry is continuously being reproduced, some- dom (PRATT 1997). This dominance by one city seems to times for a very long time. The centuries-long dominance point in the direction of interlocking mechanisms be- of haute couture from Paris is one example (STORPER tween several cultural industries. These mechanisms 1997). might consist of being part of the same value chain, de- Are we now witnessing, in a similar way, the creation of a cluster of (internationally renowned) architectural fi rms in Rotterdam ? This research question forms part Fig. 1 Number of jobs in selected cultural industries in the G4 of the research project entitled “Spatial Footprints of in 1993, 1997 and 2001 (Source: KLOOSTERMAN 2004) Path Creation and Path Reproduction. Mapping Proc- Anzahl der Arbeitsplätze in ausgewählten Kulturindustrien in den vier großen Städten (G4) in 1993, 1997und 2001 (Quelle: KLOOS- esses or Globalisation and Localisation in Cultural Indus- TERMAN 2004) tries in the Dutch Delta Metropolis.” Below, we offer a tentative and positive answer to this question. Our anal- ysis consists of the following components. First, we give an indication of the quantitative importance of ar- chitectural services in Rotterdam in terms of employ- ment. Secondly, we try to ascertain whether the surpris- ingly strong position that
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