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Igor Zavadsky
IGOR ZAVADSKY Kharkiv «HUMAN RIGHTS PUBLISHER» 2016 УДК 821.161.2’06-94:343.261 ББК 84(4Укр)6-442 З-13 Cover Borys Zakharov Zavadsky I. B. З-13 Jail Diaries / Igor Zavadsky; comp. Yevhen Zakharov; trans. Les Herasymchuk. — Kharkiv: LLC “Human Rights Publisher”, 2016. — 176 p. ISBN 978-617-7266-59-3 УДК 821.161.2’06-94:343.261 ББК 84(4Укр)6-442 © Igor Zavadsky, 2016 © Yevhen Zakharov, composition, 2016 © Les Herasymchuk, translation, 2016 ISBN 978-617-7266-59-3 © Borys Zakharov, cover, 2016 On March 23rd, 2012, world famous accordionist-virtuoso Igor Zavadsky and his friend and assistant Andriy Bryhida were detained on charge in corruption of minors. They were brought to the Kyiv pretrial detention center where they have been staying until now. On July 10, 2014 the Podil District Court of Kyiv sentenced Igor to thirteen years of imprisonment and Andriy to seven years. From the very beginning I could not believe in Zavadsky’s guilt. Such person could not commit crime which was imputed to him! Simply by definition, he could not commit violence, especially, in relation to minors! In any way, it did not match his moral make-up, his creativity, and his acts. The more I learned about this case — about torturing both of them on the day of apprehension in order to make Andriy slander Igor and make Igor admit committing crimes, about serious infringements of the code of practice, falsification of evidence — the more it became clear that the accused are innocent and the case was grossly fabricated. -
Russian Analytical Digest No 173: Russia and Regime Security
No. 173 12 October 2015 russian analytical digest www.css.ethz.ch/rad www.laender-analysen.de RUSSIA AND REGIME SECURITY ■■ANALYSIS From Crisis to Crisis: Russia’s Security Policy Under Putin 2 Aglaya Snetkov, Zurich ■■ANALYSIS Russia and the West: The Longer View 5 Keir Giles, London ■■ANALYSIS Putin’s Spies and Security Men: His Strongest Allies, His Greatest Weakness 8 Mark Galeotti, New York ■■ANALYSIS Analysis of the Signals and Assumptions Embedded in Russia’s Adjusted Security Doctrines 11 Katri Pynnöniemi, Helsinki ■■OPINION POLL Russian Attitudes on Russia’s Intervention in Syria 13 Institute for European, Research Centre Center for German Association for Russian, and Eurasian Studies Institute of History for East European Studies Security Studies East European Studies The George Washington University of Zurich University University of Bremen ETH Zurich RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 173, 12 October 2015 2 ANALYSIS From Crisis to Crisis: Russia’s Security Policy Under Putin Aglaya Snetkov, Zurich Abstract This article considers Russia’s more assertive foreign policy stance during the Ukraine crisis and now in terms of conducting airstrikes in Syria in support of the Assad regime. It suggests that these foreign policy-choices should be interpreted in light of questions of domestic security and how these foreign actions relate to the Putin regime’s wider political project for Russia. In this way, the regime’s previous concern about the taboo on the use of force abroad has gradually been eroded in conjunction with its shift to articulating a more patriotic and anti-Western political project following the popular protests against the regime in 2011/12. -
Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
SDN Changes 2014
OFFICE OF FOREIGN ASSETS CONTROL CHANGES TO THE Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons List SINCE JANUARY 1, 2014 This publication of Treasury's Office of Foreign AL TOKHI, Qari Saifullah (a.k.a. SAHAB, Qari; IN TUNISIA; a.k.a. ANSAR AL-SHARIA IN Assets Control ("OFAC") is designed as a a.k.a. SAIFULLAH, Qari), Quetta, Pakistan; DOB TUNISIA; a.k.a. ANSAR AL-SHARI'AH; a.k.a. reference tool providing actual notice of actions by 1964; alt. DOB 1963 to 1965; POB Daraz ANSAR AL-SHARI'AH IN TUNISIA; a.k.a. OFAC with respect to Specially Designated Jaldak, Qalat District, Zabul Province, "SUPPORTERS OF ISLAMIC LAW"), Tunisia Nationals and other entities whose property is Afghanistan; citizen Afghanistan (individual) [FTO] [SDGT]. blocked, to assist the public in complying with the [SDGT]. AL-RAYA ESTABLISHMENT FOR MEDIA various sanctions programs administered by SAHAB, Qari (a.k.a. AL TOKHI, Qari Saifullah; PRODUCTION (a.k.a. ANSAR AL-SHARIA; OFAC. The latest changes may appear here prior a.k.a. SAIFULLAH, Qari), Quetta, Pakistan; DOB a.k.a. ANSAR AL-SHARI'A BRIGADE; a.k.a. to their publication in the Federal Register, and it 1964; alt. DOB 1963 to 1965; POB Daraz ANSAR AL-SHARI'A IN BENGHAZI; a.k.a. is intended that users rely on changes indicated in Jaldak, Qalat District, Zabul Province, ANSAR AL-SHARIA IN LIBYA; a.k.a. ANSAR this document that post-date the most recent Afghanistan; citizen Afghanistan (individual) AL-SHARIAH; a.k.a. ANSAR AL-SHARIAH Federal Register publication with respect to a [SDGT]. -
Crimea: Anatomy of a Decision
Crimea: Anatomy of a decision Daniel Treisman President Vladimir Putin’s decision to seize the Crimean peninsula from Ukraine and incorporate it into Russia was the most consequential of his first 15 years in power.1 It had profound implications for both foreign and domestic policy as well as for how Russia was viewed around the world. The intervention also took most observers—both in Russia and in the West—by surprise. For these reasons, it is a promising case from which to seek insight into the concerns and processes that drive Kremlin decision-making on high-stakes issues. One can distinguish two key questions: why Putin chose to do what he did, and how the decision was made. In fact, as will become clear, the answer to the second question helps one choose among different possible answers to the first. Why did Putin order his military intelligence commandos to take control of the peninsula? In the immediate aftermath, four explanations dominated discussion in the Western media and academic circles. A first image—call this “Putin the defender”—saw the Russian intervention as a desperate response to the perceived threat of NATO enlargement. Fearing that with President Viktor Yanukovych gone Ukraine’s new government would quickly join the Western military alliance, so the argument goes, Putin struck preemptively to prevent such a major strategic loss and to break the momentum of NATO’s eastward drive (see, e.g., Mearsheimer 2014). 1 This chapter draws heavily on “Why Putin Took Crimea,” Foreign Affairs, May/June, 2016. A second image—“Putin the imperialist”—cast Crimea as the climax of a gradually unfolding, systematic project on the part of the Kremlin to recapture the lost lands of the Soviet Union. -
Inside Russia's Intelligence Agencies
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu PUTIN’S HYDRA: INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES Mark Galeotti For his birthday in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin was treated to an exhibition of faux Greek friezes showing SUMMARY him in the guise of Hercules. In one, he was slaying the • Russia’s intelligence agencies are engaged in an “hydra of sanctions”.1 active and aggressive campaign in support of the Kremlin’s wider geopolitical agenda. The image of the hydra – a voracious and vicious multi- headed beast, guided by a single mind, and which grows • As well as espionage, Moscow’s “special services” new heads as soon as one is lopped off – crops up frequently conduct active measures aimed at subverting in discussions of Russia’s intelligence and security services. and destabilising European governments, Murdered dissident Alexander Litvinenko and his co-author operations in support of Russian economic Yuri Felshtinsky wrote of the way “the old KGB, like some interests, and attacks on political enemies. multi-headed hydra, split into four new structures” after 1991.2 More recently, a British counterintelligence officer • Moscow has developed an array of overlapping described Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) as and competitive security and spy services. The a hydra because of the way that, for every plot foiled or aim is to encourage risk-taking and multiple operative expelled, more quickly appear. sources, but it also leads to turf wars and a tendency to play to Kremlin prejudices. The West finds itself in a new “hot peace” in which many consider Russia not just as an irritant or challenge, but • While much useful intelligence is collected, as an outright threat. -
Russian Helicopters Experience and Innovation
RUSSIAN HELICOPTERS EXPERIENCE AND INNOVATION © 2013 Russian Helicopters, JSC All rights reserved RUSSIAN HELICOPTERS AT A GLANCE Russian Helicopters, JSC is the sole manufacturer of “Mil” and “Kamov” civil and military helicopters. The company’s structure incorporates design bureaus, final assembly plants, components and parts manufacturers and service providers. Russian Helicopters consolidated the entire helicopter-building industry of Russia. We offer complete helicopter lifecycle from development to disposal. Russian Helicopters was founded in 2007 as a subsidiary of Oboronprom Corporation © 2013 Russian Helicopters, JSC All rights reserved FULLY INTEGRATED STRUCTURE Oboronprom TOTAL STAFF – 41,000 EMPLOYEES Russian Helicopters (98.5%) Mil Moscow Kazan Helicopters SMPP Helicopter Service Helicopter Plant (80.22%) (59.99%) Company (72.38%) (100.0%) Kamov Rostvertol Reduktor-PM (99.79%) (92.01%) (80.84%) Moscow and region NARP (9,000 employees) Kazan (95.1%) (6,500 employees) Ulan-Ude Aviation Plant (84.82%) Perm Progress Arsenyev (1,800 employees) Aviation Company Rostov-on-Don (93.14%) (7,900 employees) Kumertau Kumertau (4,000 employees) Novosibirsk Aviation PE (500 employees) (100.0%) Arsenyev (6,000 employees) Ulan-Ude (6,000 employees) © 2013 Russian Helicopters, JSC All rights reserved RUSSIAN HELICOPTERS AROUND THE WORLD Civil Total 37,530 Military Total 22,800 9% 91% 78% Civil Military Russian-made helicopters Key regions: account for nearly 14% of the Russia, CIS, India, China, Latin global fleet and are operated America, -
Naftogaz of Ukraine 2014 Annual Report
NAFTOGAZ OF UKRAINE 2014 ANNUAL REPORT New Ukraine Europe New rules Market Transparency Naftogaz Reform Europe New Ukraine Europe New rules Naftogaz Market Europe New UkraineNew Transparency Reform Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine Market Naftogaz Europe New Ukraine Reform Transparency Naftogaz EuropeReform Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine New rules Transparency New rules Transparency New rules Europe Transparency New Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Europe Market Reform Reform Naftogaz Market Reform TransparencyNew rules Reform Europe New rules Market Reform Transparency New Ukraine Transparency Transparency Naftogaz New Ukraine Naftogaz New rules Reform NaftogazTransparency Market New rules Reform Europe Reform Naftogaz New rules Europe Naftogaz New Ukraine Transparency Market Transparency New rules Naftogaz Transparency Reform Europe New rules Market New Ukraine New Ukraine Transparency New rules New rules Market Market New Ukraine Europe Transparency Reform Europe New Ukraine New Ukraine Naftogaz Transparency New rules Reform New rules Naftogaz New rules New Ukraine Reform Market Europe New rules ReformNaftogaz Transparency Europe Reform Naftogaz Transparency Reform MarketNaftogaz Reform Naftogaz New rules Naftogaz New Ukraine Market Market Naftogaz Transparency Transparency Reform Europe Transparency New rules New rules New rules Reform New Ukraine Market Transparency New rules Naftogaz Market Europe Changing for the future Ukraine’s gas transmission Entry capacity: EUROPE’S LARGEST GAS MARKETS, 2014, bcm NAFTOGAZ AT A -
Ukraine's Foreign Affairs
No. 2 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 12, 2003 5 2002: THE YEAR IN REVIEW came in a letter to the National Remembrance Institute, and Germany, while meeting in St. Petersburg, signed a Ukraine’s foreign affairs: addressed to a conference being held on the matter. statement of understanding and cooperation on the con- Poland and Ukraine also worked to continue to tinued use of Ukraine’s pipeline for transporting Russian strengthen economic ties in 2002. Poland’s recently natural gas to Germany. pluses and minuses elected Prime Minister Leszek Miller made his first visit The document envisaged European participation in a to Kyiv on February 4 to meet with his Ukrainian coun- multinational consortium that would guarantee the gas kraine’s foreign affairs this past year, like a terpart, Anatolii Kinakh, as well as with President supply. The signing came a day after Presidents Kuchma potluck dinner, consisted of good and bad Kuchma. Talks centered on the Odesa-Brody-Gdansk oil and Putin signed a separate declaration of strategic coop- moments. At the top of a very uneven year in for- pipeline. Prime Minister Miller expressed his full sup- eration in the natural gas sector, which would give eign relations was the Kolchuha affair, which increasing- port for the plan and Poland’s intention to find business Russia joint management and developmental influence ly overshadowed other developments as the year wore U partners to complete the pipeline’s Polish section over the Ukrainian tube in return for its agreement to on. However, even with accusations of President Leonid through to the Baltic seaport city of Gdansk. -
Romanov News Новости Романовых
Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №114 September 2017 Emperor Nicholas I. Watercolour by Alexander I. Klünder Monument to Emperor Nicholas I unveiled in Czech Republic September 19.TASS - A monument to Emperor Nicholas I (1825-1855) was opened in the spa town of Teplice in the north of the Czech Republic. This was announced by Consul-General of the Consulate General of the Russian Federation in Karlovy Vary (West Bohemia) Igor Melnik. "The monument to Nicholas I was erected in the very centre of Teplice next to the monuments of Peter the Great and Alexander I," he stressed. "This idea supported by local authorities, was conceived long ago, but was postponed, primarily because of the lack of necessary funds." Monuments to Russian autocrats in Teplice were created by People's Artist of Russia Vladimir Surovtsev. The patrons of the project are the organization of Russian compatriots in the Czech Republic "The Ark-Arch" and the General Consulate of the Russian Federation in Karlovy Vary. Sovereigns from the Romanov dynasty, actively implementing the idea of uniting the Slavs under the sceptre of mighty Russia on the international arena, have forever entered the history of Teplice. The Grand Duke and the future Emperor of Russia Nicholas I twice visited this city: in 1815 at the age of 19, and in 1818, when he turned 22. He took part in laying the foundation and then opening a monument to Russian soldiers who died for Europe's freedom in the struggle against Napoleon. The elder brother of Nicholas I, Emperor Alexander I, arrived in Teplice during the foreign campaigns of the Russian Imperial Army during the Napoleonic wars in 1813. -
International Crimes in Crimea
International Crimes in Crimea: An Assessment of Two and a Half Years of Russian Occupation SEPTEMBER 2016 Contents I. Introduction 6 A. Executive summary 6 B. The authors 7 C. Sources of information and methodology of documentation 7 II. Factual Background 8 A. A brief history of the Crimean Peninsula 8 B. Euromaidan 12 C. The invasion of Crimea 15 D. Two and a half years of occupation and the war in Donbas 23 III. Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court 27 IV. Contextual elements of international crimes 28 A. War crimes 28 B. Crimes against humanity 34 V. Willful killing, murder and enforced disappearances 38 A. Overview 38 B. The law 38 C. Summary of the evidence 39 D. Documented cases 41 E. Analysis 45 F. Conclusion 45 VI. Torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 46 A. Overview 46 B. The law 46 C. Summary of the evidence 47 D. Documented cases of torture and other forms of inhuman treatment 50 E. Analysis 59 F. Conclusion 59 VII. Illegal detention 60 A. Overview 60 B. The law 60 C. Summary of the evidence 62 D. Documented cases of illegal detention 66 E. Analysis 87 F. Conclusion 87 VIII. Forced displacement 88 A. Overview 88 B. The law 88 C. Summary of evidence 90 D. Analysis 93 E. Conclusion 93 IX. Crimes against public, private and cultural property 94 A. Overview 94 B. The law 94 C. Summary of evidence 96 D. Documented cases 99 E. Analysis 110 F. Conclusion 110 X. Persecution and collective punishment 111 A. Overview 111 B. -
[Public Notice 10159] Guidance on Specified Persons Under Section
This document is scheduled to be published in the Federal Register on 12/04/2017 and available online at https://federalregister.gov/d/2017-26087, and on FDsys.gov Billing Code 4710-27 DEPARTMENT OF STATE [Public Notice 10159] Guidance on Specified Persons Under Section 231 of the Countering Russian Influence in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 ACTION: Guidance to specify persons that are part of, or operate for or on behalf of, the defense and intelligence sectors of the Government of the Russian Federation; notice. SUMMARY: The Department of State is issuing this guidance to specify the persons that are part of, or operate for or on behalf of, the defense and intelligence sectors of the Government of the Russian Federation. This guidance, including the list specifying persons, was developed through a robust interagency process and may be updated or amended as circumstances warrant. APPLICABLE DATES: The specification of persons identified in this notice pursuant to the Act is applicable on [INSERT DATE OF PUBLICATION IN THE FEDERAL REGISTER] FOR FURTHER INFORMATION CONTACT: Philip A. Foley Director, Office of Counterproliferation Initiatives, Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation, Department of State, Washington, DC 20520, tel.: 202-647-5193, [email protected]. BACKGROUND: Pursuant to the authority in Section 231(d) of the Countering Russian Influence in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (Pub. L. 115-44), (“the Act”), the Secretary of State is issuing this guidance to specify the following as persons that are part of, or