Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification

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Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Syllabification Francesc Torres-Tamarit PhD Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Joan Mascaró Departament de Filologia Catalana Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres Francesc Torres-Tamarit Torres-Tamarit Francesc Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. 2012 Cover design by Olivier Collet This thesis was typeset by the author with LYX 2.0.x Syllabification and Opacity in Harmonic Serialism Francesc Torres-Tamarit PhD Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Joan Mascaró PhD Program in Cognitive Science and Language Centre de Lingüística Teòrica Departament de Filologia Catalana Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Spring 2012 Acknowledgments Worrying about my more immediate future in this period of budget cuts, accentuated slow growth of the world economy, and generalized uncertainty about what is going on has been therapeutically postposed thanks to writ- ing this dissertation. No more excuses, though. However, before planning my next step towards pursuing my career, and also before becoming an ex- smoker, it is a pleasure to mention and acknowledge those that have con- tributed to making me feel fortunate during the last three years. First, a heartfelt thank you to Joan Mascaró, my supervisor, whose en- thusiasm about research and vast knowledge of the field have pushed me towards trying to find things out. I feel privileged indeed to have been able to work with you. I also want to offer my thanks to Eulàlia Bonet, John J. McCarthy, and Isabel Oltra-Massuet, who have agreed to be members of my evaluation com- mittee. I would also like to express my gratitude to Prof. John J. McCarthy in particular. I learnt a great deal during my short stay at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, in Fall 2010, and this dissertation has benefited from that inspiring intellectual environment. I am also indebted to other people at UMass, especially Emily Elfner and Claire Moore-Cantwell, with whom I had the opportunity to discuss aspects of my work. Thanks to the members of the Centre de Lingüística Teòrica at the Uni- versitat Autònoma de Barcelona, faculty, graduate students and postdoctoral researchers. Special thanks go to its phonology community. You share col- lective responsibility for my interest in generative linguistics. Thanks also to those colleagues from whom I have received words of support and wonderful camaraderie during my writing period. i Thanks also to Prof. Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero and Prof. Marc van Oos- tendorp for your interest during conferences and talks, and through e-mail correspondence. Endless thanks to my beloved best friends. You have always understood my failures and mistakes, and cheerfully celebrated my successes. My family deserve my most sincere gratitude. Mamà, papà, Elsa i güela, de manera incondicional heu entès quines eren les meves necessitats. És just d’agrair-vos la confiança i l’amor amb què m’heu obsequiat des de sempre. This dissertation is dedicated to my family and the memory of my grand- parents. ii Abstract This dissertation explores Harmonic Serialism in the realm of syllabification. Harmonic Serialism is a derivational version of Optimality Theory (OT). In this model, Gen is restrained by a gradualness condition on candidate generation by which candidates only introduce one single modification with respect to the (latest) input, until convergence on the fully faithful candi- date is achieved (i.e., no further harmonic improvement is possible). An inescapable consequence of gradualness is the need for a Gen → Eval → Gen... loop, given that output forms are often the result of applying more than one phonological operation. In Harmonic Serialism, Eval imposes the same constraint hierarchy at every step of the derivation. The perdurabil- ity of the constraint hierarchy in Harmonic Serialism contrasts with Stratal Optimality Theory, in which the three standardly recognized levels of phono- logical evaluation (stem, word and phrase) show a different ranking of the constraint set. Harmonic Serialism is also different from another derivational version of OT called Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains, in which whole derivations are evaluated in parallel. The architecture of Harmonic Serialism, when compared with that of both Stratal Optimality Theory and Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains, is just more simple. This is why it is of interest to explore the explanatory power of Harmonic Serial- ism where standard parallel OT is challenged. The most interesting research question behind the Harmonic Serialism enterprise is defining gradualness, that is, exploring what it means to introduce one phonological operation at a time. This dissertation pursues this goal by looking at opaque interac- tions between syllabification, prosodification at higher levels of constituency, and morphology. I argue in favor of an operation-based definition of grad- iii ualness by which all prosody-building operations, including syllabification, apply in a step-wise manner. In doing so, this dissertation presents a novel theory of serial syllabification in Harmonic Serialism that has consequences for the phonology-morphology interface, as well as for the appropriate formu- lation of faithfulness constraints on moraicity. I defend the idea that syllable formation operations cannot yield a binary syllable in which one of the seg- ments in a pair of segments, but not the other segment, is contained in a prosodic constituent higher than the syllable at some intermediate level of representation, and there is no other higher prosodic category dominating both segments. This means that prosodic categories higher than the syllable create opaque domains for syllable formation operations. This situation per- mits the transparent application of phonological operations at intermediate stages of prosodification that will not coincide with the prosodification of the final output, thus giving rise to opacity. Chapter 1 introduces the basics of Harmonic Serialism and reviews the lit- erature. Chapter 2 develops a theory of syllabification in Harmonic Serialism. The hypotheses presented in chapter 2 are then tested against different kinds of data. Chapters 3 gives an account of opaque /s/ aspiration in different dialects of Spanish in which word and phrasal resyllabification counterbleed /s/ aspiration. Chapter 4 accounts for directional syllabification and opaque vowel epenthesis placement in Mongolian, where the location of epenthetic vowels depends on the morphological make-up of the word. Chapters 5 and 6 explore opaque weight by position in Harmonic Serialism. Chapter 5 deals with gemination processes in Catalan, West Germanic, and dialects of An- cient Greek. Chapter 6 explains synchronic compensatory lengthening in Komi and opaque vowel lengthening in Friulian and Alsatian French. Finally, chapter 7 concludes this dissertation and points towards potential future lines of research. iv Resum Aquesta tesi doctoral explora la teoria del Serialisme Harmònic en el domini de la sil·labificació. El Serialisme Harmònic és una versió derivacional de la Teoria de l’Optimitat (TO). En aquest model, Gen està constret per una condició de gradualitat segons la qual els candidats generats només intro- dueixen un sol canvi en relació a l’últim input, fins que la derivació con- vergeix en el candidat plenament fidel, és a dir, quan cap millora harmònica és possible. Una conseqüència inevitable de la gradualitat és l’existència d’un bucle Gen → Aval → Gen, ja que les formes superficials normalment són el resultat de l’aplicació de més d’una operació fonològica. En Serialisme Harmònic, Aval imposa la mateixa jerarquia de restriccions a cada pas de la derivació. La perdurabilitat de la jerarquia de restriccions en Serialisme Harmònic contrasta amb la Teoria de l’Optimitat Estratal, en què els tres nivells morfològics de l’avaluació fonològica (l’arrel, el mot i la frase) mostren una ordenació específica del conjunt de restriccions. El Serialisme Harmònic també és diferent d’una altra versió derivacional de la TO anomenada Teoria de l’Optimitat amb Candidats-Cadena, en què s’avaluen en paral·lel deriva- cions completes. L’arquitectura del Serialisme Harmònic, quan es compara amb la de la Teoria de l’Optimitat Estratal i la de la Teoria de l’Optimitat amb Candidats-Cadena, és més simple. És per això que resulta interessant d’explorar el poder explicatiu del Serialisme Harmònic allà on la TO paral·lela és incapaç de donar compte de certs fenòmens. La pregunta més interessant que guia la recerca en Serialisme Harmònic és definir la gradualitat, això és, explorar què significa introduir un sol canvi a cada pas de la derivació. Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu això mateix, i investiga la gradualitat a par- tir de fenòmens d’interacció opaca entre la sil·labificació, la prosodificació a v nivells més alts de constituència i la morfologia. En aquesta tesi, defenso que la gradualitat s’ha de definir a partir del concepte d’operació i que totes les operacions que creen estructura, incloses les operacions de sil·labificació, s’apliquen de manera gradual. Per tal d’explorar aquesta hipòtesi, desen- volupo una teoria serial sobre la sil·labificació en Serialisme Harmònic que té conseqüències per a la interfície fonologia-morfologia, així com també per a una formulació més ajustada de les restriccions de fidelitat a l’estructura moraica. Més concretament, proposo que les operacions de sil·labificació no poden produir una síl·laba de tipus binari si només un dels segments en un parell de segments, però no l’altre segment, està contingut en un constituent prosòdic més alt que la síl·laba en algun nivell de representació intermedi, i no hi ha cap altra categoria prosòdica que domini tots dos segments. Això significa que les categories prosòdiques superiors a la síl·laba creen domi- nis opacs per a les operacions de sil·labificació. Aquesta situació permet que algunes operacions fonològiques s’apliquin de manera transparent en es- tadis intermedis de prosodificació que no coincidiran amb la prosodificació de l’output final, donant lloc a fenòmens opacs. El capítol 1 introdueix al lector els supòsits bàsics del Serialisme Harmònic i en revisa la literatura més rellevant.
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