508 Scrinium X (2014). Syrians and the Others

A set of studies in current discussions of the Opusc. is discussed including some papers delivered at the International Symposium on Saint Maximus the Confessor (Belgrade, October 18−21, 2012). It is stated that Maximus’ late teachings, especially those expressed in Opusc. 1, put equal stress on the need for a total deliverance of the human will to God (according to the pattern compassionately given to us by Christ in Gethsemane), and on the personal diversity among the saints with regard to their way of being and movement in God, characteristics which correspond to the measure and character of their love for Him. There is no need to retain deliberate choice or gnomic will in heaven in order for these personal differences to be preserved. An addendum to the present translation of the Opusc. contains a paper by G. Benevich “St Maximus Confessor in Russia.” Here Benevich makes the noteworthy observation that many views found in modern “personalistic” interpretations of Maximus’ teaching on Christ’s wills had already been expressed in 1933 by Fr. Sergey Bulgakov. G. B.

Warren T. WOODFIN, The Embodied Icon. Liturgical and Sacramental Power in Byzantium (Ox‐ ford Studies in Byzantium), Oxford: Oxford Uni‐ versity Press, 2012, xxxvi+340 p., Ill., Col. Plates. ISBN 978‐0‐19‐259209‐8 The monograph considers the changes in Byzantine liturgical dress from the end of the eleventh century onward. Examining the surviv‐ ing Byzantine vestments, their representations on wall paintings and mosaics, and contemporary textual evidence, W. T. Woodfin relates the embroidered imagery both to the program of images used in churches, and to the hierarchical code of dress prevailing in the impe‐ rial court. The most interesting observations concern the rivalry between Byzantine emperors and . In the Middle Byzantine period, imperial art and religious iconography combined to present the em‐ peror and his court as visible counterparts of the invisible court of Christ and his angels and saints in heaven. The emperor, as head of

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 05:44:46PM via free access Warren T. Woodfin 509 the earthly empire, was the functional equivalent of Christ on earth. In art, however, the emperor resembles not Christ, but the archangels who, like the emperor, wear a divetesion and loros. The iconography of Christ, the emperor, and the angels creates a distinction between the emperor’s position in the earthly hierarchy and in the heavenly one. The emperor was an icon of Christ, but the likeness was limited by their difference of dress: the emperor resembles the archangels, Christ’s servants. At the same time, Byzantine theology held that the repre‐ sented Christ in the liturgy. The decoration of liturgical vestments with the images of Christ tied the identification of the bishop’s litur‐ gical role with that of Christ, and physical juxtaposition of the bishop and Christ’s image in the icons and frescoes of the church interior gradually strengthened the theological identification of the bishop with Christ. Whereas Middle Byzantine art presents the emperor as the functional equivalent of Christ but dissimilar in appearance, the images in ecclesiastical art of the Palaiologan period tied the patri‐ archs and bishops to Christ both in terms of function and likeness. In Late Byzantine liturgical art the angels are dressed as , in a and orarion, and the former association between the emper‐ or and the angels is maintained by the vesting of the emperor as a in church ceremonies, but it places him in a rank second to the bishop. In addition, the Byzantine clergy, by combining elements from the costume of various prestigious offices, adopted bit by bit the insignia of the court — the sakkos, the , the colours of imperial offices, the regalia of the emperor and his high officials — as indices of exalted rank without inserting themselves into any specific posi‐ tion in the imperial hierarchy. Thus, while the ideology of the emperor as the image of Christ continued in the realm of imperial ceremonial, his prestige was defi‐ nitely eclipsed within the church, which was increasingly the place where ritual reflected real power. W. T. Woodfin considers that this process started at the time of Michael Keroularios, Patriarch of Con‐ stantinople, and was gradually accomplished by his successors. This book contains three Appendices: A) a very informative handlist of embroidered vestments up to ca. 1500 (3 sakkoi, 1 mitre, 5 omophoria, 8 epigonatia, 52 epitrachelia, 8 epimanikia, and 1 orarion), with descriptions of their locations, dimensions, dates, iconography, ornaments and literature; B) a list of the embroidered vestments de‐

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 05:44:46PM via free access 510 Scrinium X (2014). Syrians and the Others scribed in Byzantine texts; C) the according to the Textus Receptus of the Greek rite. The edition is provided with 79 black‐and‐white illustrations, 22 colour plates, a bibliography, and an index. T. Sénina (mon. Kassia) Saint Petersburg State University of Aerospace Instrumentation

TWO BOOKS ON FR ANTONII (ANTHONY) BULATOVICH (1870–1919) AND THE IMIASLAVIE (ONOMATODOXY, NAME‐GLORIFYING)

Tom DYKSTRA, Hallowed Be Thy Name: The Name‐ Glorifying Dispute in the and on Mt. Athos, 1912–1914, St Paul, MN: OCABS Press, 2013, p. 244. ISBN 1‐60191‐030‐4 This book, which uses an icon of Fr Antonii (Bulatovich) on the front cover, is a reworking of the author’s 1988 PhD thesis defended at the St. Vladimir Theological Seminary under the supervision of the late Fr John Meyendorff (1926–1992). At the time, it was certainly a pio‐ neering work, especially for its English‐speaking audience. The abun‐ dant flow of publications in Russian would start only ca 1994. A most systematic but biased account of the struggle on Mt. Athos was then available through a small monograph by Constantine Papoulidis in Greek (1977). There was, moreover, a largely historical article by a famous Jesuit specialist in Russian theology Bernhard Schultze (1902– 1990) (published in 1951 in German). And, finally, Antoine Nivière, a French specialist in the topic, had started to work simultaneously with Tom Dykstra and, at first, without them knowing each other. However, unlike Antoine Nivière, Tom Dykstra was not especially interested in the impact of the Imiaslavie on the so‐called “Russian religious philosophy” (Florensky, S. Bulgakov, Losev) and the Rus‐ sian culture of the “Silver Century” as a whole. His main goal was to provide a reliable account of events within the frame of the history of the Church. Thus, his work did not come into fashion when it was

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 05:44:46PM via free access