INTERPROMOTIONAL "SHAW": THE 1996 SHAW FESTIVAL SEASON
DISCOURSE AND SIMPLETON OF UNFXPECTFD ISLES
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of Graduate Studies
of
The University of Guelph
by
JENNWER LiND FLETCHER
In partial fùifhent of requirements
for the degree of
Magistenate of Arts
May, 1997
@ Jennifer Lind Fletcher, 1997 National Library BhrmtMque nationale 1*1 ofCanada du Canada Aquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Senrices services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington -ON KlAON4 -ON KlAW CaMda canada
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INTERPROMOTIONAL "SHAW": THE 1996 SHAW FESTIVAL SEASON DISCOURSE AND THE.OF.XPECEMSLES
Iennifer Lind Fletcher Advisor. University of ûuelph, 1997 Ric Knowles
This thesis is an investigation of the Shaw Festival promotional discourse focushg on the production of meanhg in the 1996 season production of -. -. Chapter one introduces the theoretical concepts. of interpromotionaiity, intertextuality, and cultural materalism; chapter two traces the bistoncal construction of "Shaw" at the Festival' and chapter three analyses the ways in which the 1996 promotionai material shaped and constnicted meaning in that season's production of the The promotionai materiai creates a discourse which naturalizes capitaiist principles and class systems, and reaSrms âheir hegemonic hold on Society. A reinforcement of dominant societd values occurs raîher than an exploration of the social criticism of Shaw's work. I wouId like to thank the Drama department at the University of Guelph for a wonderhl six years in both the B.A and M.A programs. I would especially like to thank Ric Knowies to whom I am deepiy indebted for his insights and his advice. TWyou Ric, for your continual encouragement and support in this and in the many projccts undertaken by the graduate students. Thank you aiso to Harry Laue and Lisbie Rae for your guidance, your generosity, and for the genuine care and respect you give students. To my classrnates, Cristiana Ziraldo, Glen McQuestion, Ahnes Hong, Scott Duschene, and Mark McAIpine, thank you for your support, your insights, and your fnendship. Thank you to the entire Drarna department for providing an incredile leaming atmsphere. Thank you to my fiiends here at Gudph and in far away places who have sent their encouragement and to my house mates, especidiy Andy, Stefinie, Kathy, and Greg for their support and fiendship. Thank you to isobei donaidson for her strength and a special thanks to Debby Pavlove for her tirne, her thougfitfiilness, and her insights. To my family, I give the deepest thanks again, for chiring this period as always, they have given their unconditiod love, and support. Thank you for always beiieving in me. Thank you for your strength. Thank you for your wisdom and inspiration- This thesis is dedicated to my Grandmothers: Jennie Kedand Ione Fietcher For their Iove, wisdom, and kindness. Table of Contents
Interpromotional "Shaw": The 1996 Shaw Festival Season Discourse and IkShpbnof the Unexpeed kik
Introduction...... -1
Marketing "Shaw": Foundations for an Interpromotional Comrnunity...... -9
Brands. Logos. Icoas. and Myths: The Construction of Shaw ...... -43
Conclusion...... -127
Appendix A: Examples of the Ilustrations in the 1996 Shaw Festival Sponsorship Brochure and the Shaw Festival Annual Report 1996 ...... 129
Appendix B: Examples of the Shaw Festival arch logo ...... 134
Appendk C: Examples of Adverthhg Inserts for the Shaw Fesitival House Programs ...... -137
Appendix D: Examples of Promotional Photographs fkom the 1996 Shaw Festival Season Brochure ...... 140
Appendix F: Examples of Advertisements from the 1996 Season House Programs ...... -147
Works Cited ...... -151 iii
List of Figures
Fig. 1 Shaw Festival logo. Season Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Fig. 2 Shaw Festival logo. 1990 Shaw Festival Season- Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. Fig. 3 Shaw Festival Iogo. 1990 Season. Corporate Sponsor Brochure. Shaw FestivaI Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Collection. Fig. 4 Bell Advertisement. ll&mpkm. House Program 1996 Shaw Festival Season.
n-pag- Fig. 5 Simon Bradbury. Season Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. 2-3. Fig.6 19% Shaw Festival Season Pamphlet. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival CoUection. 15. Fig. 7 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Brochure. 78. Fig, 8 Postcard. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Fig. 9 Nigel Shawn Williams and Jane Johanson. 1996 Shaw Festival Season Brochure.
10-1 1.
Fig. LO Sponsorship Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 1 1 Christophm Newton. Shaw Festival. 6.1 (1996): n-pag. Fig. 12 1995 Shaw Festival Season. Brochure. 5 1. Fig 13 Bernard Shaw, Anton Chekhov, Georges Feydeau, Bertolt Brecht, and Bruce Cowan. Calendar Hyer. 1980 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. n.pag. Fig. 14 Bernard Shaw caricature. Souvenir Program. 1982 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. npag. Fig. 15 Pggmah. Bernard Shaw. By Scott McKowen. Season Brochure. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival CoUection. Fig. 16 Bernard Shaw logo. By Scott McKowen. Greeting Card. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. n. pag.
Fig. 17 Artistic Director, Chrïstopher Newton with Am Baggley. House Rogram. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 18 Shaw's Corner. Pamphlet. Oban Inn. 1996. Fig. 19 Niagaraen-the-Lake Tourist Guide Pamphlet. n.d. Fig. 20 Niagara Nationai Historic Sites. Pamphlet. Environment Canada. n-d. Fig. 21 Bernard Shaw. Membersbip Brochure. 1976 Shaw Festivai Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Collection Fig. 22 Herb Foster as Bemard Shaw. -6~-
w Fesriyal. 1986 Shaw Festival Season. 1.
Fig. 23 Al Kozlik as Bernard Shaw and cast of Mr. Season Brochure. 1997 Shaw Festival Season. 26-27, Fig. 24 Shaw Festival Poster. .Outside Festival Theatre. Niagara-on-the-Lake. 03 Jui 1996.
Fig. 25 Book Mark. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festivai Archives. University of Guelph Arc hival Collection. Fig. 26 Bernard Shaw statue. Niagara-on-the-Lake. 19 Mar 1997. photo by Debby Pavlove. Fig. 27 House Program Advertising Inserts. Corporate Sponsorship Pamphlet. 1982 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. Fig. 28 House Program Advertising inserts. Corporate Sponsorship Pamphlet. 1982 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. Fig. 29 Simpsons Advertisement. 1976 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. Fig. 30 Shali We Ioin Lunchtirne Theatre House Program. 1996 Shaw Festivd Season. n-pag. Fig. 3 1 David Scburmann and Nora McLeIlan. Wdowbank Estate. Season Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. 74-75.
Fig. 32 Shaw Festival Corporate Sponsor Pamphiet. 1990 Shaw FestivaI Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Collection. Fig. 33 Cover. Elegant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Fig. 34 Fioira Ried, Bruce Davies and Matt Handy, and Bernard Shaw. Elegant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. npag. Fig. 38 TheHouse Program 1996 Shaw Festivai Season. n-pag. Fig. 36 "Bemard Shaw in 1936, on a trip to Hawaii." IbShphnSimDleton.House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Fig. 35 The.House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 39 Buick Riviera Advertisement. The House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 37 Roger Honeywell as an Angel; Al Kozlik as Bernard Shaw, Production History; Director's Notes; Brenda Kamino as Prola; The.House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. (Due to margin requirements and copywright agreements, this figure is separaîed into two pages. In the house program the Iayout situates Prola in a gaze upward toward the Angel.) Fig. 40 Lisa Waines as Maya, Shaun Philips as Kanchin and Janet Lo as Vashti, carrying Ben Carlson as The Reverend Hammingtap. House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Fig. 41 Robert Benson as Sir Charles Farwaters and Wendy Thatcher as Lady Farwaters; Wendy Thatcher as Lady Farwaters and Ben Carison as The Reverend Hamminstap. TheuHowe Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 42 Shaw Festival Advertisement. The 20 Jdy 1996. courtesy of the Shaw Festival. For hse who cdnot or w& no# taCe Shmv serious&, hhis pronouncements seemed rhe ideputadbxes of a summer's &y. To thme whtd hRn sen~t~~ijtIse somefimes seemeda SOC^^^, piiticcfl and mord radical of the mm&mgetous sort (rnianan 288)
Bemard Shaw and bis work may have the potentiel to be moraliy7 politicaRy, and socially radical, but in the wntext ofthe 1996 Shaw Festival season, Bernard Shaw and his work were paradoxkaiiy co11st~uctedas entertainment to be coosumed on a Ni- on-the-Lake summer âftef~loonor evenbg. This thesis expI0ces the ways in which the potential subversiveness of Bernard Shaw's work is containeci and defiised by the Shaw Festival, and specifically by the 1996 seasonts promotional matexid and Festivd discourse.
The Shaw Festival operates very rnuch iike a cornerciai business, and in doing so it constructs its audience as consumers ad"Shaw% a product. The poteutid subversiveness ofBemard Shaw is controiied by the promotional materid's construction of "Shaw"so that a hegemonic voice which is non-threatening and cuituralty afnrmativeL is produced by the Festivaî4sdiscourse. Many Shavian scholars describe Bernard Shaw and his work as socialist and highly criticai ofcapitaüst and class-based structures of society (Davis, More, Hokoyd, Hmert, Joad, Rae, Silver7S trams, Whitman). The extent to wbich Bernard Shaw was a socialist or to what degree his work was socialistic has been debated and challenged by many of these scbolars, and men by the "sociaüsts" of Bernard Shaw's lifetinie. Bernard Shaw aiigned hmiselfwith the Fabian SoQalist Society when it was formeci in Britain in 1883-84. Begiiming with Fabian Tract No. 2, a two-page leafkt entitîed AMwikt~ (which as the name suggests became a maaifesto fôr the Fabians), Shaw wrote many
l"~dturally&innative,'' a tenn coined by Herbert Mkcuse, râers to the way in which the plays are used as a vehicle to redbm the hegemonic hold the dohant ideology maintaiiis in our socKtysocKty tracts, lectures, articles, and essays on Fabiauism and socialism throughout his lifetmie2. Pnor to joining the Fabians, Shaw was a member of various social groups, including Diaiecticai and Zeteticai Societies, the Bedford Debatmg Society, the Land Refonn Union, and the first sociafist political organization in Britam, the Dernomtic Federation. During his time with the Social Democratic Federation he was encourageci to read L&Kap&d by KarI Mant Shaw stated thaî "Marx was a reweiation . . . He opened my eyes to the facts of history and civilization, gave me an entirely fiesh conception of the universe, provideci me with a purpose and a mission in We" (qtd. in Holroyd 130). Tracy Davis explains that: For Shaw, reading Capital brwght about nothing short of an epiphany. It gme him both a creed and a direction. "1 immediately became a Sociaiïst," he professed, "and fiom that hour 1 was a man with some business in the worid," taking every opportunity to proselytize on economic topics for as long as an audience would tolerate him. (9) Beniard Shaw found his political niche with the Fabian Society. "The middle-class, tolerant, educated clique that SOU@ to reform society by argument, brain power, and superior organization rather than working-class revolt was consonant with Shaw's own philosophies," wcites Davis (17). Throughout his life Shaw's cornmitment to socialism was often questioned by fiiends and feiiow Fab'i, Beatnce and Sidney Webb. Shaw was sometimes criticized for working nicely witbthe capitalist system and structures which he professed to abhor. This was especially eviht after bis marriage to the wealthy Chariotte Payne-Townshend and &er the financial successes of his plays and publications. As Tracy Davis explains, "[olnce Shaw had privaîe pmperty worth countiag, fbr the most part he held on to it and worked amicabiy within the capitalist system he supposedry denaund (69). However,
* For a sampling of Shaw's vast politicai writings see Bernard Shaw, Bactical lUt&, edited by LIoyd I. Hubenka he did continue to give financially and creatively to the -aiist jodssuch as the Statesman and to various non-cofmzlercial tlieatricai compaties and productions (Davis 69-70).
Socialism can mean difkent things to different people at différent times. What 1 am interested in is the potential for Shaw's work-as opposed to his Iifë-to subvert the dominant ideology of the present-specifically capitalism. Tracy Davis argues that Shaw, in "fom and content alike, . . . was always prepared to do whatever he thought mxssary to shake up bis feUow beings" (mi). Shaw illustrates this attitude in bis Prefàce to The Prisnet:
1am not an ordinary playwright in generd practice. 1 am a specialist in immoral and trwetical plays. My reputation has beea gained by my persistent struggle to force the pubik to reconsider its mords. (374) What this thesis argues is not that the creaîive choices made by the Shaw Festival with respect to Bernard Shaw and his work are wrong or right, but that the matenai circumstances of the Shaw Festival 1996 season inform the creative process and the audience's reception of the work which in turn make certain choices and readings more possiile than others. 1 dyzespecfically how the promotional material of the Shaw Festival 1996 season informs the meaning of that season's production of the.Not every membw of the audience wüi read the play in the same way, as there are material factors and variables which might aliow a given member of the audience to read resistantly or dialogicaiiy, but I explore the ways in which the promotional material descertain readings more possible than others for the major* of its audience in the wntext of the Festival's 1% season 1would argue that the promotional material does not encourage audience mernbers to "reconsider"th& mords, nor does it provide conditions in which capitalist values and the authority of the dominant culture or status quo can be seriously challenged or questioned. I am interesteci in how the perception of Shaw as a socialist, or at least a social activist, workiag to fight against "The Establishment," which in Robert Whitman's terms "stands for inertia and compIacency, for resistaace to change or to disturbing ideas, for the desire for certainty and Secufity rather thun skepticism and experiment," (6) are de- when filtered through the promotional discourse of the Shaw Festival. 1 am intrigued with the ways in which the Shaw Festivai, tfirough its wmmerciahtion and successftl operation within a capitalist economy, works to upho1d the very "EstabIishmentwand id& *ch many see Shaw wishing to challenge, cxiîib, and change. Although his focus is on Shakespeare ratber than Shaw, Christopher McCullough, in his article "The Cambridge Connection: Towards a hhteîialist Theatre Practice," explorés the possrile meanings of producing a radical classicai theatre witbia the confines of a contempotary cIassical theatre company and a society which regards Shakespeare as bigh culture. The same argument, 1suggest, mi@ be appüed to Shaw and the Shaw
Festival. McCullough States: "What may appear to be subversive may, in fact, prove to be the paradoxicai meaas by which a dominiult order ensures its own conthmance" (1 12).
With a focus on the material conditions of the 19% Shaw Festival season, specifically the promotionai materiai, 1wish to explore the ways in which the dominant order reafnrmç its own values and status through the (re)coastniction of Shaw in the context of the Shaw Festival in the latter part of this cedury. McCullough's argument derives ultimately from Antonio Gramsci's notion of hegemony. James M'sexphnation of the concept of . - hegemony in cithg a number of major theorists in the field, is worth quoting at Iength: Hegemony is the power or dominance that one socid group holds over others. This can refk to the "asymmetrical interdependence" of politicai- econotnic-cultural relations between and among nation-states (Straubhaar, 1991) or différences between and among d classes within a nation. Hegemorry is do^ and subordination in the field of relations structureci by power" (Hall, 1985). But hegemony is more than social power itsee it is a method for gaining and maintaining power. . . Hegernony is not a direct StUnuIation of thought or action, but, accordhg to Stuart Hdi, is a "6-amîng [ofJ al1 competing definitions of
reality withui [the dominant class's] range, bringing ali altematives withÜi
their horizons of thought. [The dominant class] sets the limits-mental and structural-within which subordinate ciasses %el and make sense of th& subordination in such a way as to sustain the dominance of those ruling over themu (1977: 333). British social theorist Philip Elliott suggested sirnilady that the most potent effect of mass media is how they subtly Muence their audiences to perceive social desand routine personal actMties. The controlling economic forces in society use the mas media to provide a "rhetoric [through] which these [concepts] are labeled, evaluated, and explaineci" (1974: 262). Television commerciats, fiir example, encourage audiences to think of themseives as "markets rather than as a public, as consumers rather than citizens"(Gitlin, 1979: 2~9.~ (3 1-33) LuIl explains that "Owners and managers of media industries produce and reproduce the content, intlections, and tones of ideas Eavourable to them fàt more easily than other social groups because they manage key socializing institutions, thereby guaranteeing that their
James Lull quotes fiom the foilowing sources: Philip Elliott. "Uses and gratifications. . research: a critique and a sociologicai alternative." 1 1Ed. J.G. Blurnler and E. Katz. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1974; T ûitiin. "Primetirneideology: the hegemonic process in television entertainment." Social 26 (1979). .: 251-66; Stuart Hall. "Culture, media, and the 'ideological efféct.'" W- Ed. J. Cman, M. ûurevitch, and J. Wooliacott, Loudon: Edward Arnold, 1977; Stuart Hall. Master's session. International Communication Association. Honoluhi, Hawaii 198s; 1. Stnibhaar. "Beyond. . media. imperialisrn:. asymmetrical- - interdependence and cultural proximity." CnticaI 8 (1991) : 39-59. points of view are mnstantly and attractively cast into the public arena" (32-33). Through advertising and promotion in the Festival brochures and house programs, the Shaw Festivai's wrporate sponsors and wealthy donors are able to "produceand reproduce the content, idectim and tones of ideas fàvouable to thn(Ld 32). Through the commmcialization and corporate sponsorship of the Shaw Festivd, a reinforcement of mainstrm sensibilities, capitatist ideologies, class systems, and patriarchal constnictiom of society occurs. This refiming of Bernard Shaw's work within a capitaiîst agenda is successtirl because it is done in subtle and almost impercepnile ways. Ldsuggests that: Predominant ideologies reflect the values of society's poiitically or economidy powerfid instiMions and persons, regardless of the type of system in place. In capitaiist countries, corporate executives greatly influence media content by sponsoring programs and advertising products. Because media coatent is not sponsored directiy by govenunent or associateci in the min& of most people with administrative authority, its idedogicai tones and trajectories are not eady recogaized, a fact that helps mgni@ the ideologicai impact. (14) 1 will demonstrate in this thesis the ways in which the potedyinterventionist and subversive character of Shaw's work is containeci within the fiame of the Festival and its consunier cornmunity and are thus controiied and rendered non-threatening to the dominant ideology. An important aspect of the Shaw Festival's financial success is the Festival's ab- to create a stroag exclusive wmmunity of sponsors, Iocd businesses, artists, and members who are dependent on each other for promotion and support. 1 wilf explore the development and deployment of George Bernard Shaw's image at the Shaw Festival and the ways in which this reconstruction of Bernard Shaw iùnctiom as spokesperson and authoritative figure for the group of artists, sponsors, members, and local businesses that its discourse constructs as "the Shaw Festival community." 1wîU also look at the creation of the Shaw Festival in terms of its own mythology and sense of history. In short, the second chapter wül explore the ways in which the Festival has shifted fiom a d tom "Saiute to Shaw" festival to a corporate cultural iadustry that fiinctim hegemonicaily. It d explore the ways in which this Shaw Festival mumges to contain and defuse Shaw's work through current marketing and promotid techniques which contniute to the formation of a commmity to surround its product, as weii as the Merehming of discordant views into the ded,closed, capitalist discourse of the Festival. This is the conterrt for the analysis of the ment 2996 Shaw Festival season. The third chapter will look at the promotion of the 1996 season, with a @c focus on the production of Shaw's The which opened on June 22,1996 and ran d September 27, 1996 in the Court House Theatre. The Festival developed a hishty polished and gfossy promotional package wfiich inchrded posters, brochures, pamphlets, programs, world-wide-web pages, press releases, electronic mail distniom7tour packages, school packages7videos, newspaper advertisements and reviews, galas7tùnd raisers, open houses, members' days, and other associateci Festival aients. The concept of "interpromotion," reférred to in my Me, is Iinked with the estabIishent and creasion of interdependent consumer wmmunities, as exploreci in chapter two, which surround and support the Shaw Festival. This marketing thmry tends to appropriate aad use for commercial ends the literary and fhhnenntally "dia1ogic"and and-hegemonic notion of intertextuality. The term "diaiogic,"bomwed 6om Bakhtin, descrii the potential oflanguage to mean many Merent things: [qhe term is obviously linked to the idea of dialogue in that it sees language as a two-way or multiple process rather than as a unitary phenornenon . . . Bakhîin's overail view of ianguage is as a field ofstnrggle between what he calis the "ceanpetal" or rmmhgk Brces which strive to impose a singulaf, &cd meaning and the "centritigai" or diahgk forces which contest or fhgment the sin* into plural or muitiple meanings. According to B- we hdthroughout western history attempts to " (Webster 394) As an institution of western culture and dominaut saciety, the Shaw Festivai, tbrough its promotional materid and marketing strategies, attempts to uni& and centraiize the world and its poss~'b1emeanings. 1will look specifically at how the promotional materid for the 1996 Shaw Festival production of The manages to do this. Whether consciowly or un~~nsci~~ly,the Shaw Festival has created an interpromotion between its various associated communities, its promotional materiai and its productions, wbich constnrcts a hegemonic master Shaw Festival discourse. Usmg the 1996 season production of IkShphmas a case study, 1will demonstrate how the potentiaily interdtural, sockht, and anti-capitalist themes in Shaw's works are defiised when read within the context of the iarger Shaw Festivai-particulariy within the hmework of its promotional carnpaign. These marketing and promotional campaigns of the Festival work to undermine the play's potential for social subversion, and to reinforce a consumer- capitaIist view of society that may otherwise have been put into question. Chapter 1: Marketing "Shawn: Foundations for an Interpromotional Community.
Although the cwrent Shaw Festival Artistic Director, Christopher Newton, claims that the Festival's association with large corporate sponsors, the tourist industry, and local Niagara region businesses does not shape any meaning within the plays produced at the Shaw Festival (iinterview), 1plan to analyze the 1996 season production of Ik by George Bernard Shaw through the cultural materialist assumption that aii aspects of the theatricai event, contextual as weIl as
"textuai," do mate rneaning for an audience and influence its understanding of the theatre experience and the work. At the Learneds Confaence in St. Catherines, on May 27, 1996 during the "Festivals on tbe Border" panel, Newton claimed, in response to Lisbie Rae's paper, "The Shaw Festival: 'On the Border during Warfârel" that he was shocked to hear the Shaw Festival refërred to as colonial or elitist. Yet moments later, in an informa1 discussion, when questioned about why corporations associate themselves with the Shaw Festival, Newton repiied, "They are happy to be associated with us. They want to be associated with a Company they regard as classy... 1 mean class as in good" (interview). "Class" or "classy" may si- "good" or "high quality" in the discowse of the dominant capitaiist ideology, but they do so due to assumptions and values embedded in our western culture that associate goodness and wortiiiness with the upper echelon of a socially stratifiecl society. In *. John Fiske's explanation of this relationship using Bourdieu's concept of "cultural capital" is worth quoting at length: a society's culture is as unequaüy distriiuted as its materiai wealth and . . . like material wealth, it serves to idente class interests and to promote and naturalize class dinereaces. Thus, those cultural fomwhich a society considers to be "hi&" for atample, classical music, fine art, litmature, or
bailet, coincide with the tastes of those with social power, whereas Iowbrow or mass cultural forms appd to those ranked low on the social structure. The point ofthis is that cuhure and ciass are closely interreiated but the discourse of culture disguises its comection with class. By using words like "taste," and "discriniination," and by appeaiïng to apparentiy universal vahies such as those of aesthetics, the discourse of culture grounds cultural differences in univerd human nature or m universai vahe systems. It pretends that CuIture is equally available to di, as dernomatic capitalism pretends that wealth is equally avaiiable to dl. The fàct that fi acquire either culture or weaitb is explainai by reference to naturai clifferences between individuais, which are expressed as differences in their natwal talents or taste; this exphtion hides the role of social class. The upshot of this is that naturdy "better"people 0.e. those with "better" taste) appreciate "better" art (Le. that which is "inherently" more universal,
aesthetic) and therefore the value system that validates "high" art and denigrates "low" art is basecl in nature, and not m the unequai distriiution of power in a class-divided society. Bourdieu's account of cultural capital reveals the attempt of tbe dominant classes to control culture for their own interests as effectively as they control the circulation of wealth. (18) The Shaw Festival promotionai material uses this discourse which naturaüzes a class- based society and associates the finaricialty elite with "highart" and in tura validates and values greatly this notion of high art. The association of high quality with the socially, economically, and culturrtUy elite seems to work against many of the socialist ideas and themes one may find in Bernard Shaw's pfays and certainly contradicts Bernard Shaw's Fabian beliefi and principles: "The essence of SOCialism for them [the Fabians] is that society should be organized and should fwiction, economicaüy and politicaiiy, 'for the equal bene& of ail'" (Wooif46). In studying the efFects of the production of meaning at the Shaw Festival tbrough the theatriddihe strategies of the Shaw Festival, 1want to take into consideration the notion of au extended performance text which inchdes the idea that promotionai materials shape meaning for an audience. When one reads a performance at the Festival one does so within the wider heof refèrence of the Shaw Festival, Niagara-on-the- Lake, the Festival's history, the associateci b-, and the associated artists. The meaning of any spedic moment within a theatricai production and of the production as a whole is thus shaped by, among other thingq the perception of the Shaw Festival and its context which is constnictd by its promotionid material and the culture at large, at this historical moment. 1 am working under the assumption îhat the types of sponsors associated with the Shaw Festival, the promotional materiai, the history, and the location of the Shaw Festival are ail part of the performance text which produces meaning for an audience and which therefore makes the meanhg itse& in part, promotional, As Andrew Wernick says in his book What an ad says about why we should want or need a particula. commodity never stands done. It brings to play intended symbolic meaning of the product and a whole range of attniuted needs, desires and values which that meanhg serves to dehe. For the same reason, the ad's discourse about needs also serves to de6ne them in relation to the world of objects in general. hdeed, the symboIic ad encodes certain fundamental assumptions about the character of wants and needs just by king an advertisement. (34-3 5)
The advertisemenîs and promotion of the Shaw Festival work not ody to constnict the Festivd audience in particular ways, but also to create meaning fbr each individuai play, the season as a whole, and, in tum, the audience's interpretation and perception of Shaw the playwright, Shaw the theatre, and Shaw the body of work Wdem Verbeke, in his article "AdvdsersDo Not Persuade Consumers: They Create Societies Around Their Brands to Maintain Power in the Marketplace," explains that, in the traditiond marketing view, "advertising was intended to shape the attitudes of the consumer and to cause subsequent desn and that this was "perceived as the chid cornponent of the marketing campaipu (188). Cment trends m marketing theory seem to be taking the focus away kmthe psychology of the consumer and placing the emphasis on comprehensive marketing comrrmnication strategies which work "intertextuaiiy" to create codtiesof consumption. The new marketing strategies which successfiil commercial entities have embraced and cbampioned reiy very much on the fundamental concepts of the interconnectedness and int&@don of products, adverthimg, and promotion. However, this interconnectedness is ahways wntined within discourses that support the use and coIISUrnption of industrially gmerated products and &ces. The use of persuasive techniques in advertisiag is ody one ievel or link in the web-like complexity of communicaîim theory. The more traditional approaches to promotion, which include
product recognition strategies, audience participation, role modelling, and celebnty endorsements, are integrated with a sophisticated communication strategy of "community" creation. "Imagesappearing on the mass media in capitalist economies," explains James Lull, "are mustered institutionaily to promote parti& products, help create communities of consumption for product groups and brand names, and generaily reinforce a consumerist atmosphere" (74). The promotion of a cultural product rnay not be as obvious as the promotion of a traditiondiy "cornmerciai"product, yet theatre
companies iike the Shaw F&d promote themseives in a mariner very similar to that of other commercial enterprises. The promotionai strategy of the Shaw Festival not only incorporates the traditional persuasiomuy techniques of advertising but also creates these "communities of consumption" surrounding its "productuwhich "reinforce a consurnerist atmosphere." This sense of wmrrmMty operates on a wmber of levels within the context of promotion. The concept of community exists not ody on the ZRlffiace Idof irnagtxreation, with the assumption that the company of artists is a comnnmity ni itseq but aiso on the level of a strategic networking, with the construction of a "community" of associated sponsor corporations and businesses and of aSgOCiafed thtrecompmies, artists, and government agencies. The Shaw Festival bas wofked over the years to create an interdependent community within and munding the Shaw Festival iu Niagara-on-the-Lake. The surfiice Ievel works to Meate a positive image of the Shaw Festival as a personable, cohesive, happy group workiug together toward a vahtaMe common goal. The more cornplex level of cornmunity works to create, mith& and improve not O* the Sbaw Festival's market share but ais0 the market sbares ofthe Shaw Festival's associateci partners-which include, for example, artists, sponsor corporations, the Canadian tourist industry, and the Canadian nation. One can hi a netwmk of promotion and interpromotion at play witb the context of the qedcexample of the Shaw Festival during the 1996 season. The concept of interpromotion is very simiIar to the conce@ of intertextuaiity. Scholars such as James Luil (16 1), John Fkke (IS3-127), and Andrew Weniick (92-95), apply the theory of intertextuality to promotion and mass media campaigns in our culture, and, 1could argue, many advertising theones have appropiated this concept of intertextuality and used intertext as a means of descniing the seif-referencing and inter- referencing of products in marketing campaigus. This "interpromotion" is used in order to strengthen branâ presence and producî promotion. However, in spite of this appropriation, "interpromotion" is fmhedlydifférent fiom Julia Kristeva's notion of intertextuality in that intertext involves an element ofpolitid work, which ojms the text to multiple readings and situates it in its sociohistoric background. Intertextuality can be defined as "a hryof the text as a network of sign systems situated in relation to other systems of sigdjiq practices (ideologicaüy marked sign usage) in a culturen (Godard 568). Webster fùither explains mtertextuality as a "networkWwbich "consists of multiple writings, and writings which are drawn ltom a range of discourses, already in circulation in some form or otheil"
When we read a text though, consciously or unconsciously we place it in wider fiames of reference of language and knowledge than those to do with a particuiar author, perioû or partidar literary criteria. In a sense, we "covernthe text with a mdtipIicity of discourses drawn fiom our own culture and experience which wdi vary according to time, place and the individual reader. (98) However, there is a fundamental Merence between the ïntertextuality of promotional çampaigns-interprornotion-and the notion of intertextuality as mined by Juiia Kristeva. Interpromotion works in a ciosed system or economy to reinforce the dominant capitalist ideology and wnsumerist commwiiîy, whereas Knstevals version of intertextuality works to exphde the possile meanings of a text. Kristeva descn'bes mtertextuality as the shattering of possible meanings which implies a chaotic, random, and infinite number of potential readings (Kristeva 111). The text is not seif-containeci, unified, or closed but open to a multitude of possible readings and associations which draw attention to the ideological and cdtural work being done by the text and therefore operate in the realm of the social where meanings can be disputeci. The misuse of Kristeva's concept of intertext has developed a "'restncted' intertextuality which fbcuses on the relations between several texts" (Godard 569). This restriction arguabiy confines the politicized pot& and contradicts the meanings Kristeva connects witb the term. Knsteva insists on the presence of the social., which creates a discourse that is never univocal but ever expanding and always dernocratizing. A rescricted, or closed discursive economy occurs with the int eq ' 'm found in the media and marketing campaigris of the Shaw Festival. The intertext of the promotionai is constructeci in rehtion and in derence to several specincaily engineered texts in order to reinforce the brand presence and ideological values of a consumerist society, and it fùnctioons within a closed, sekontained Ûrterpromotional economy that contaias rather than provokes diversification or multiplication of meanuig or refaence. The promotional texts are deiiierately constnicted with the goal of encouraging consumerism by creating a happy, cohesive, and ciosed codtyard th& products. This fom of intertexî does not challenge the perceived unity of the text or the values of the culture in which it is bebg produced but creates a network of interdependency and seIf-containment that occhdes difïérence or reference beyond its territories The circulation of these promotional images helps to "bring about commercial success and makes possiile the sprdof dominant ideologyn(Ldl74). "lntertextuaiity" on the other hmd, "orients the text to its sociohistoric sigmtication in the interaction of the dif£èrent codes, discourses, or voices tra~lsversingthe text. In short, the text is not a self-su&iait, closed system" (Godard 568). The Shaw Festival operates within its interpromotional community as a closed system. This is the fundamental marketing strategy used in community creation. From a business and marketing standpoint, it is in the cornpany's best interest to create monopolies and to Iimit consumer choice by creating package deals and products that are dependent on the use of other products in the "community." Hospitality Services on the University of GueIph campus is an example of a cIosed econornic system, in which resident students have no choice but to purchase the Hospitaihy Services med plan. Hospitality Services not only pays rent to the University but aiso pays a large sum of money that goes diredy to the scholarship fiinds for students who in tum use that money to pay for University tuition and for their meiû plan. The University charges Hospitaiity Services rent and
Hospitality in tm charges, for example, University departments for services and food. These departments are in mm granted money tiom the University for departmental expenses In addition, Hospàslity Services holds exclusive rights to liquor licences and catering on campus. ïfa department or student organization wanted to use food and services other than Hospitality Sexvices at a.ment, they would have to acquire special petmission and clearance through the University's heahh and safety unit. The Shaw Festival also creates a closed economy that depeflds on their wrporate sponsors and local businesses for support. Shaw atbacts people to the theatre who often book th& tickets using the Bell phone lines with a charge wd,who ofien me1great distances to Niagara- on-the-Lake Cm a Buiclq on Canadian Airlines, by Gray Coach), who often eat &mer at one of the local restaurants, who ofien make purchases at one of the local novelty shops, who often tour the wioeries and historic sites, and who often stay at one of the hotels or bed and brealdaists m the area. Each of these corporations and companies activeLy engages in advertising one another's products as part of the iaterpromotiod conimunity of the Shaw FestivaI. TraditionayI advdsers have used "a variety of persuasive techniques including slogans, logos, trademarks, packaging and celebrities to mate product recognition" (McElreath 177). These basic elements of advertising appear in the Shaw Festival promotions and work to create product recognition as welî as a comrnunity and market for the Shaw Festival. The name "Shaw"for example, supplies meaning for the company as a particuiar "brand" of theatre or product. The logo for the Shaw Festival appears not only as "Shaw Festival" but aiso in the fonn of George Bernard Shaw's sketched image (see figs. 1-3). "Shawnis stamped (ofien lit-) on ail it produces-theatricai seasons, individual plays, T-shirts, mugs, post-cards* et cetera. These carry not ody the comection with "Shaw" the playWright but aise with "Shaw"the conmiunity of artists, "Shawnthe theatricai season or festival, and "Shaw"the company. The associated kgeof Shaw, the playwright, defines and differesfiates produced or distriiuted gooàs under uiat sign (Wemick 107). Moreover, the sign, "Shaw,"sisnifies a network of go& by worhg in conjunction with sponsors, corporations, and Nmbusinesses. The multiple uses of the brand name, "Shaw," in association with other companies mercontributes to Fig. 1 Shaw Festival logo. Season Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season.
1 - . --- Fig. 2 Shaw Festival logo. 1990 Shaw Fig. 3 Shaw Festival logo. 1990 Season. Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. Corporate Sponsor Brochure. Shaw Festival University of Guelph Archival Collection. Archives. University of Guelph Archival CoUectic maintahhg "pre~wce"~for the name brand. An image is Mt around the company so that the customers-audience members, artists, sponsors-wilI trust the brand name as a si@er of "highquaIityn products. The beliefthat the quiility of the braudls proâuct néver changes or wavers is important to the maintenance of the brand's presence m the minds of the audience as weii as in the minds ofthe Festival's sponsors and artists. Furchermore, brand aames aad logos play a vital role witb respect to how the sponsors, the Niara businesses, and the Shaw Festival use each othet to create and reiaforce each other's images for the audience/cotl~umer.Companies Ue BeU maice specific &ence to the Shaw Festival in th& advertising (see fig. 4). The Beil advertisement not only adopts the
Festival discourse but also helps to constnict it: "There's a &ce for dapstick, suspense & &u,&L Just not on your p.bmdhsw2The bottom of the advatisement quotes Christopher Newton, Shaw Festival Artistic Director: Wenthe majority of the 300,000
Shaw festival ticket des are made tbrough our toii-free number, it's vitd to us that those lines be reliable." This discourse constnicts the theatre as entertainment with words like, "slapstick," "suspense," and "caiamityMand on the other hand as a corporate business with "ticket sales" through "toii-fieennumbers being "vital." This construction of a Festival discourse is discussed ftrther in cbapter two. As weil, the Shaw Festival makes specific reférence to other company bmds and logos within each of its production descriptions throughout its programs and brochures (see fip. 5,8). The interpromotional use of recognizabie name brands such as Bell, London Life, Canadian Tire, Consumers Gas, Canadian hperiai Bank oflommerce, A&E Television Networks, Brascan, Price
'~resenceis a marketing term used to descni a coLISWnet's recognition of a particular product, brand or company. It describes the consumer's ôbility not ody to recognize, but also remember and think about a particular product and its btand. It is the ability of a product or brand to be ever present in our environment and our tiioughts. interestingy, presence has meaning in the theatricai sense as weü, with respect to an actor's sppearance or beiuiug on the stage, and the conuection is not insignificant, as 1will suggest below. 2~ereand throughout, 1underline words to which the advertisement gives emphases through the use of contrasting lower case and upper case letters, font types, and font sizes. 1
I1
i i I I i
1 i 1 l I l I I i 1 1 i l "When the rnqority of the 300,000 Shaw Festival ticket sales are made thrvtrgh otrr toll-tee number, ifs Mfal to nr ïht those lines be reliable." ! -Christopha- Newton, Artistic Director, i Shaw Festival ,S,#vwtfieE L 1-800-889-6434 Fig. 4 Bell Advertisement. The House Rogram. 1996 Sha w Festival Season. n.pag. Waterhouse, Quino, Chubb Insurance, and ConsumersrDistniuting in the Shaw Festival Brochure brings another level of signification to "Shaw" and in ma.cases serves to refi*tme and disable the potentiai for political or social work in Shaw's plqs The logos carry with them an entire set of vahres associateci with those compaaies and brands. These intertextuai referaces are ail contained within a closed consumerkt economy. They are aii comected to each other within a promotional discourse and in tum a dominant dture which supports a consumerid atmospheze. The images and interpromotional refkrences are coll~tttlctedin order to sdthe "products"of the Shaw Festival "comm~." As well, the individuai artists &or into the dyaamics of the Shaw Festival and associated corpomte sponsors as they use each other to mate and remforce brand and Company images. Fiofken use celebnties to push their products and to mate favourabe company images. Most obviously George Bernard Shaw is us& as a celebrity figure to promote the Shaw Festival and to promote the sponsors associated with the Shaw Fesbval. However, the actors, directors, and desipers dso hction as celebrity figures in the promotion of the Shaw Festival and associated sponsors. In 1992, the Shaw
Festival begm to use photographs of various artists fiom the Shaw Festival company with Niagara-on-the-Lake locations in the background for their season brochures. From 1979 to 1991, with the exception of 1990, the Shaw Festival used detaüs from various paintings. The brochures prior to 1979, with the exception of 1974, featured images of George Bernard Shaw on their cover pages. 1wiil discuss the particular constniction of Shaw by these brochures in chapter two. The photographs of the company members in the Niagara region setting promote both the Shaw Festival and the Niagara-on-theLake . . . cornmunity. The originai promotionai image for 3ne D- is a gwdexample of this in the 1996 season brochure. Simon Bradbury races on horseback by moonlight, across the grounds of Fort George, with a ghost-like Union Jack iiiset across the A
3~hisimage is also refemed to in Christopher Newton's Amstic Director's message whicb is quoted Iater in this chapter. -. -
Fig. 5 Simon Bradbury. Season Broche. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. 2-3 -ber of promotions occur simuitaneousiy in this iayout (see fig. 5). Most obviously there is the promotion of 1 .- production, its playwright Bernard Shaw, its director Glynis Leyshon, and the Festival Theatre itself: but there is also the promotion of the Canadiail Imperia1 Bank of Commerce and Wood Gundy-co-sponsors of the production-and the promotion of one of Niagara's popular tourist and historie sites-Fort George. The image of Jane Johanson, moreover, on the far nght corner of the page litedy connects this layout with ail the other brochure pages as one flips through the 1996 season brochure. The image of Jane Johansoa in top hat and long suit tails contri'butes to the niaster Shaw FestivaI discourse which constructs the Shaw FestivaI theatre as nostalgie, as entertainment, and as bigh art. This fIip-&hroughimage has also been wntinued in the 1997 season brochure with the sequencsd photos of Ai Kozlik as GBS ridmg a bicycle through a "quairrt"Niagara-on-the-Lake treed lime-way (which also perpetuates a certain construction of Bernard Shaw as quirky?fiinny, cute, silly, and Wess). Tfiis construction of Bernard Shaw is discussed fùrhin chapters two and thme. Another example of muitiple promotions which wnnect the artist, Niagara-on-the- Lake, and the Shaw Festivai's activities in a singie layout occurs in the 1992 season brochure. Carneron Porteous, Head of Design, is promoted dong with bis work and the scenic gardens ofNiagara-on-the-Lake? over which his drawings have been scattered. Within the context of the page layout, these are ail (re)presented in co~ectionwith the promotion of the "Seminarsnwhich in turn promote specific plays, productions, and playwrights. These promotions in turn, are advertised withthe context of the larger brochure which promotes the Shaw Festival, the Niagara Region, sponsor corporations, and bcd businesses (see fig. 6). It is a complex network of si@cation wtrich is not necessarily lineat or bierarchicai, but is interwoven in a muitidimensiod space. The promotions, mwertheless, still work to mate a spe!cifïc style, discourse, and commuaity base wbich supports the coflsumption of Shaw Festival products and those of its sponsor companies. The interpromotional references jump back and forth through individual Camcmn Potiraus. Head a Design SEMINARS The Shaw Stminars are desi cd to bring together the perlorming company. audience and schc%rs in diwursmn revolving around Our work and the pcriod on which we locus. For lurrher inlor- marion or to rcgister. contact: Wuntion Co-ordinntor. Shaw Fcstivd. k>x 774. Ninpm-on-rlic-1,ikc. 0ni;irio LOS 110 (JI 6) 468-2153. Monday tlirough Friday hcrwccn lOam and 5pm. fie 1890s and their Legacy THURSDAY TO SUNDAY. JULY 16 - 19 This Cour day seminar examines the crucial dende ol the 1890s and its historical im act on rheatre. Directed by Dan Laurcncc. seminar speakers wifi include thotre historians. litcrary wholars and Shaw company members. Seminar participants will attcnd Ovcnukd. Sgrnalion. Cotrnscllor-al-Law. Widuwcrs' Houscs and Drums in rhc NigIii with oprional pcrlormances OC Cliarlcy's Attnf and Tcn Mi~trrfcAlibi. Comedy is Serious Business SUNDAY. AUGUST 23 A pratlall. a dance sequence. the familiar circumstnnces ol the "whodunit" - al1 are part of the lightcr "thcatriml chocohtes" presented at The Shaw. But the discipline to achicve such treats is as specific and demanding as chat needed lor works by Shaw. Brecht or Ibsen. This seminar will examine the serious approach needed by direcrors. actors and designers to producc Our popular larc. Seminar participants will also attcnd On Tlic Towti wdi optional perlormances ol Caunsclbr-abLaw or Tcn Miitufc Althi- - Brecht's Gennany Today SUNDAY. SEPTEMBER 13 As Brecht began wriring. Germany struggled to recovcr lrom the devastation ol World War One and laced the hard politiul rmliry olgrowing Nazism. Seven decades later. as The Shaw presents Brccht's Drums in thc Niglrc. thc political and cultunI climarc or a newly-unificd Gcrmany is clianging oncc ngnin. a rcsult or tlic cnd ! Fg.6 1992 Shaw Festival S- olthe Cold War and an alarmin rise ol right-wing and nationalist sentimenr We will erpbre thc &dnating panllcls hctwccn pm. Pamphlet. Shaw Festival Archivl and pracnt. withln tlic conrcxr olBrccht's grcatcsr phys. Scininiir of participonts will attend Drums in lhc Ni& with optional perlor- I University Gueiph Archival mancc ol Pygm~lion,Point Valainc and On Tltc Town. Collection. 15. advertisements, logos, brochures, and other promotional material. Cameron Porteous is not read in isolation but read within the context ofother promotions and promotional
materiai. In this way, the promotionai reiationsi6p operates reciprdy: the artists promote the Shw Festival and its associateci sponsors, while at the same time the artists also promote their own work and products. The rneaning and images of one iduence the meaning of the other, which in tum constnicts meanhg for Bernard Shaw and his work at the Shaw Festival. Each of these promotions is coatained withh the Shaw Festival and works to reinforce a cornrnunity m which one product depends on another for its continued use and validation. In Promotionat Wemick states that "cultural commodities are vehicls for the promotion of more than one producer's seria14 proâuct" (107). The Shaw Festival arempiifies this through the promotion of the performer's product, the designefs product, the director's product, the playwright's product, the company's product, and the sponsor's product. Corporations recognize the "vahie"of the Shaw Festival by sponsoring it, and the Shaw Festival recognizes the "value" of the corporations by incluûing them in their network or "wmmunity." The Shaw Festivd has won awards for its marketing programs: Marketing Awards 1994, the Advertising and Sales Club of Hamilton's Ace Awards 1994: the Detroit Monthly MagazinersBest of Detroit Award 1996 and the Lieutenant Govemor's Award for the Arts 1996. In the eyes of the national and provincial ftnding agencies, the Shaw Festival has becorne quite successfùi, but this notion of success is based on the Shaw Festival's abiito secure private-sector sponsonhip and to create an interdependent comrrmnity surroundmg the Shaw FFestivaI which inchides local businesses, multinational corporations, artists, and the tourist industry. Over the past thirty-five years,
4"~erialproduct" refers to a series of products that are comected and continuos. 5~heMarketing Awards '94 were awarded for Best Newspaper Campaign and Best Newspaper Single. The Ace Awards 1994 were awarded for Best Newspaper Campaign, Best Brochure Consumer Retaii and Best Outdoor Horizontal. and particulariy in the past decade, mder the arb'stic directorship ofchristopher Newton, the Shaw Festivaf has worked to estabiish and cregte an interdependent interpromotional wmmumty surrounding its product. The reiatidp between the Shaw FestivaI and local businesses, tourkt agencies- and the Niregion is reciprocai, Local businesses* tourist agencies, hoteis, restaurants, bus companies, and wineries depend on the Shaw Festival to draw in consumers to Niagara-on-the-Lake, and the Shaw Festival depends on them for financial and socid support. The Festival promotes the town and region as a tourist destination and integral part of the Festival eXpenence. Large corporations such as Bell, Canadian Tire, and Consumer's Disb'butmg also depend on the Shaw Festival for advertising and brand-name recognition and association, as the Shaw Festival depends on them for hancial support and for the perception of hi@ quaiity that is associateci with these particular corporations and businesses. As weli, the wmpany of artists and theatre workers depds on the Shaw Fatidfbr employment and t&e Shaw Festival depends on them for creativity, productMty and an aSSOCiati011with "hi& quality" work. The Shaw Festival estabIishes and maintaias its lirik with the celebrity image of Shaw through its mandate: to produce play written by Shaw and his contemporaries. The link with the actors, as cdebrities, is estabhhed through the very nature of a repertory compaiiy and its creation of an ensemble of actors which is maintained throughout the sûison (and ofien mainamed mer many years).6 A sense of community is established through these celebrity-company hks. As the curent Artistic Director, Christopher Newton, professes: At The Shaw we have a compaay of actors who have worked together for years . . . Therersa special relationship with the town and, most importantly, we have a @al relationship with each other-aad that's
6~heShaw Festival alsa inchides hose "motappearing this season" in the 1996 season as part of "The Ensemble" membership Med on the inside of every production's house program (see fig. 17). what we uitirnately share with you. Here we are. Welcome. (Shaw Festival 1992 Caiendar npag.). This short paragraph fiom the Artistic Director fùnctiom not only to wnstnict the image of a community of actors, but also to extend tbt community to include the "town" and "yoynthe reader/audience/Consumer. It is more than a relationslip; iî is a "speciai" relationship. "Welcomingwyou into that special relationship, Christopher Newton invites you to join the Shaw community by presumably becomhg a subscn'ber, patron, donor, sponsor, or at the very Ieast a consumer of the Shaw Festival pmduct(ion)s. The Shaw Festivai, then, constnicts a "community" which purports to incorporate the consumer as a privileged member of that community. In addition to theatrical productions, the Shaw Festival programs Special Events which invoke a sense of community belonging and membership. For example, th 1992 Shaw Festival Brochure boasts an "Annual Cricket Matchwôetween rival team fiom the Shaw and Stradkrd Festivals. "Corne join us on the green to cheer £br the home team!" excbthe brochure (28). A group cheering for its "home" team creates a sense of commiinity loyalty to "Shaw"like customer loyaity to a "brand." The Shaw Festival 19% Season Brochure also demies a "VinageFair & Fete" day where: a traditional English fhir is held in the gardens of the Festival Theatre. Attractions include a bicycle parade, dunk tank, childrenlsgames and races, home-made baked goods and preserves, a tea tent and lots of entertainment. Proceeds go to designated chatities. Admission is &ee- corne and join the fun! (32) W~ththis viilage fair* the Shaw Festival promotes a fiivourable image of wmmunity spirit within its own Company and extends that sense ofcommunity to the village, Niigara-on- the-Lake. It invites potential consumers to take part in the fun of& activities and good wilI of charity M-raising: to become "good citizens" in the Shaw Festivai community. The imerpromotional strategies create a Festival discourse which "incorporates" the warrn, cosy, fkiendly, and positive quaüties associated with nwmmtdy."Howm, communities define themseives, m part, by what they exclude. in thîs way, interpromotion through community creation transforms îhe concept of the intertexhial into mmething that is exclusive and closed. In tùis case, for example the discourse of the Shaw Festival exchdes those who perhaps carmot afFord the cost of a ticket or the products associated witb the eotire theatre experience. A type of musical exclusivity is demonstrated in the Lsts of "background"music with the photo credits in the season brochure (78-79). One who is not f'amitar with the pieces may feel excluded or inadequate fbr not recognizing music which is, for the most part, fiom the classical rqertoïy, and includes occasiondy obscure selections fhitiar ody to specialists (see fig. 7). Financial membership in the Shaw wrnmunity is litdy sou& after by the Shaw Festival. "We're Looking For Partners!" exclaims the 1992 Shaw Festival Brochure (45).
Each Shaw Festival season program and membership pampblet contains advertisemeiits whicb illustrate the value the Shaw Festival places on the iïteral establishment of cornmunity "membership"at "The Shaw" through hancial donations: Our continued good health and high artistic standards depend a great deal on the support of out Members. Mernbers are individuals who choose to donate $60 or more each year to the Shaw Festivai . . . We couid not do ow kind of theatre without the support of our Members. Our Members are mcialiy Unportant in another way. These are people who recognize the of the work that goes into our productions. They support this quaiity, [and] spread the word about what the Shaw Festival has to offer. Please join The Shaw as a Mernber for 1995-and perfüips take part in the special events and Members' Days that dlwnaect you more closely bebind-the-scenes at The Shaw. (Shaw Festival 1995 Season Brochure 27) Brochure concept by David Cooper, PAGE 6: Michad Bab. Richard Binsley and Sarah Scou McKowen and Christina Poddubiuk Orensceio. incation courtesy Wdowbank Estate. Queeuston. Backgruund music: Samucl Barber An direction and design by Scou McKowea. Souvcnis ballet suite. op. 28. Phowgraphy by David Cooper. PAGE 8: Ahn Gray.- PAGE 9: jan Alexandra Wriuer? by Uuismpher Newran, Smith. Boumnnière corircesy Soiled Repumion, Denis Johnston and Madyn Jackson. Smcfcrd. Background music: Franz Schubert Pitm Senaras D?cJ and Db64. Radu Lupu. COVER; Shany Fiez Andrew Gillies. Scephen Simms, Nigel Shawn Williams, Peter Hun and PAGE IO: Nigel Shaw Williams. Background Ann Baggley. Background music: The ;ln ~f music: Henry Purcell FunerdiManlt for Qum Nake In NoSmi Ar~nsmsr.! ,lilant 12. Te. PAGE 1: Chnsmpher Newton ana hm aaggiey. PAGE Gai1 Hakala. Harford. Brigine Photo inspired by trvuig Penn's pomait of Cecd Robinson. Douglas Hughes. Robert Clarke. Beaton. Background music: Alewnder von Zem- Roger Honeyweii. Karen Skidmore, Shauna Black William Vickea and Jillian Cook Back- iinsky Trio in D mi'r f;.r Pian9 iltuf Chnhez. op. 3. ground music: RaIph Vaughan Williams EngIkIt PAGE 2: Simon Bradbury. Locauon courresy Folk Smg Suire. Fort George. Special rhanks CO irisha Benois PAGE 14: biary Haney. Location courtesy and Ruffian. Background music: Joseph Haydn Inn. Symplrcnies no. $+,#2 and 43. Tafelmusik. QueenS ianding Background music: Franz Schubert Tragic' Symplrony no. 1. PAGE 4: Todd Waite, Oliver Becker, Tracey Ferena. Shaun Phiiiips and Chrisropher Royal. PAGE 16: Wendy Thcher, Karen Wood. Special thanks to 'From Japan'. Background George Dawson. Gordon Rand. Shem music: Philip Glass Song front Lpid Drrvs. Mdahe. Robert Benson and Helen Taylor. Location courtesy Randwood. Background music: Gioacchino Rossini La Ccnerrnraia.
Fig. 7 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Brochure. 78. This "betiind-the-scenes" idea reinforces the sense of exchsivity with respect to the Shaw
Festival's concept of community. Again, in the 1996 season brochure, the Festival proclaims: Membership is your ticket backstage at The Shaw. Through your Membership, aot only d you keep the play in motion, but you wili receive some wondw benefits for your efforts. Join our company by becoming a Member this year. . . . Yowrole awaits you! (27)' With The Shaw membership cornes a perceiveci prnrilege as the benefits increase with each membership category: $60 ANNUAL MEMBER . . . $125 SUPPORTING MEMBER . . . $250 CONTRIBUTING MEMBER . . . $500 SUSTAiNING MEMBER . . . $750 PERFORMING MEMBERSHIP (1996 Season Brochure 27) In the 1996 Membership pamphlet the "Governors'counciln is also listed for donations of "$1000 and above" (n-pag.). In the Shaw Festival 1995 Season Brochure, these additional categories were also available:
$1000 to $2499 PATRON $2500 to $4999 ARTISTIC CIRCLE
$5000 to $9999 BENEFACTOR $10,000 and up FOUNDERS' CIRCLE (27) As the finand investment increases, the level ofmembership hmeases toward the Uuier "circles" of the Shaw Festival community. Again tbe use of language such as "membern and "circle" creates a sense of exclusivity. One is able to becorne a part of the Shaw
'~eealso the "Get iato the Act!" Shaw Festival Membmhip Advdsement in appendor F. Festival eiîte through one's finaud contriiution, rather than through any artistic merit or accompiishment. A $2500 donation puts one into the Artistic circle and a $10,000 donation puts one on a par with the Festivai founders. By increasing her/his investment in the Company, the consumer also attains a kind of self-promotion as dhe advances thugh the social ranks of The Shaw. With the use ofthe term "self-promotion," I wish to indicate both meanings of promotion: to rise to a superior rank, adto publicize and sell a product (in this case the donor's own seif-image). The "Members'Regisîern which is "displayed in the Festival Theatre Lobby throughout the season" also serves to reinforce this sense of seif-promotion for the donor (Shaw Festival 1996 Membership n-pag.). Some of the ben& of Festival Membership include the privilege to buy and consume even more Shaw Festival products with: - specid advance notice of the coming season and the exçlusive opportunity to order tickets befare the Box Miceopens to the gmal public - a breferredDatron discount of 15% offered on tickets purchased before January 3 2,1996 for reguiar weekday performances in May, June, September and October - Members' initial order of the çeason will be processed without handling charges . . . - a Membership card entitling Members to 15% discount on most Shaw Shop items and a 10% discount at participating local merchants . . .(Shaw Festival 1996 Membership n.pag. Emphases added) The consumer participates as a valued audience member or as a patron, thus creating a sense of belonging to the Shaw Festival community, which is constructeci as an exclusive and privileged group. "Patron" also cafties with it a patriafchal overtone which reinforces a hierarchial construction of community where the father-figure is placed in a position of power and authority. The 10% discount offered at participating local merchants is a wncrete exampie of interpromotion and the creation ofa closed econoxny in which members are encouraged to shop with Id merchants who are part of the Shaw Festival community. The Shaw Festival's promotional material for its capital campaign and membership drive mesa disumm that endorses a chsystem based on fmmd contriiutions.
Members of the Shaw Festival are constnicted as cotlsumers with theh membership defined in terms of not only "privüeges"but aha pmniege that invohres a greater abiüty
to wIlSUme. The Shaw Festival legitimizesy naniralizesy and promotes the class systems that Bernard Shaw's work potentiaiiy challenges or subverts. This sense of class system even applies to the marketing used for the work produced m the Shaw Festival's three theatres-the Court Hom, the Royai George, and the Festival Theatre. Uarketing for each of these theatres is divided into genres. The 1996 Shaw Festival Season Brochure descrii the FaTheatre as: "our @hip theatre-commodious and elegant. It's where we do the plays that need 'sc.de,'some size and grandeur, whether they be drainas or des"(3). "ship," meaning a ship with an admirai on board, connotes a sense of patriotisrn and Unperialism, and adorses the notion of a hierarchy amongst the Shaw Festival theatres. The Festival Theatre then, is marketed as a leader amongst the theatres, and as big and entertainkg spectade theatre. The Court Howe is marketed as theatre for the irneiiectually elite or seasoned theatre artist. Theatre in this building is marketed as more challenging for an audience: The original prospectus for TheewY& contained a phrase that has haysdelighted me: "We assume a reasonable degree of enlightenment on the part of our readers." Nowadays it saunds a little afIécted, but we get
the gist. It recognizes that the more you know about an art form, the more you can get out of it. The piays in the Court House assume some knowIedge on the part of our audience. And as an added reward, itts the most inhate of ou.theatm-where audience and actots can interact most dramatically and most subtly. (19% SmnBrochure 9) Meanwhile, the Shaw Festival markets the Royal George as the venue for theatre that appeals to society's comon denominator: This is where we do the works that the most deservediy popuiar works ofour period-mysteries, Wers, the occasional
romance, and musicals as they were mermt to be heard: "unphgged." (1996 Shaw Festivai Season 17. Emphases added) Although small variations occur in the marketing discourse for each theatre, the Shaw Festival is able to contain them dl. The cent gemes hetp to shape audience expectations so there are not too many surprises. The audience knows what they are getting fiom each theatre. There is an appearance of diversity but the theatres are actualiy al1 under the same over-riding arch of the Shaw Festival. John Fiske relates genre to . intertextuaüty in "Gente works to promote and organize intertexhiai relations, particularly amongst primary texts." But he also points out that genre "iimits and conditions the audience response, and works to contain the possibiiities of reading. Genre is part of the textual strategies by which television attempts to control its polysemic potentiai" (1 14). By piacing certain genres in specific theatres and marketing them accordingly, the Festivai is able to contain and control audience expectations and possible polysemic readings: Audiences' cüfEerent potential pleasures are channeleci and disciplineci by genres, which operate by producing recognition of the already knom set of responses and des of engagement. Audiences are& supposed to judge a western for not being musical enough, a musical fOr not bemg very horrifïc, or a sitcom for not being dcientiy erotic. Such is the "contract" of genre. It entails a loss of fieedom of desire and demoind in order to achieve efüciency and properiy labeled packaging. (Hartley qtd. ia Fiske
1 1418
Identwg the three theatres under cWerent genres helps to control the ways in which the audience reads the meaning of each production by wntrolling the audience's horizon of expectations: Genre is a means of constnicting both the audience and the reading subject: Its work in the economic dornain is paralleled by its work in the domain of culture; that is, its work in inauencing which meanings of a program are prefmeâ by, or proffd to, which audiences. It does this by prefhg some intertextual relations and their associated meanings over others and in so fat as the retations it prefers are those proposed by the industry, its work is Likely to be reactionary- (Fiske 114) The Shaw Festival's use of genre in advertising functions as a means of containment for the potentiaüy subversive or challenging plays produceci in, for example, the Court House
Theatre. Genre helps to construct meaning for an audience by "preferring some intertextual relations and th& associated meanings over others" and by prescribing not only what the production is about, or should be about, but also who the production is fOr or should be for. These preferred meanings are most often those which support the sale of tickets, the sale of associated products, and the continuance of the Shaw Festival as a "successfiil" theatre industry. Success means maintainhg financiai stability through box- office sales, corporate and local business support, memberships, and private donations. The three theatres are üeraiiy containeci under the arch of the Shaw Festival in the 1996 Shaw Festival poster, pst-car& mini-ledet, pamphlet, and season brochure cover. This 1996 season poster illustration creates and perpetuates a particular Shaw Festival
8~ohnFiske quotes the following source: Hartley, J. "Invisible Fictions, Television Audiences and Regimes of Pleamre." Unpublished Paper. Murdoch University, Perth WA. 1985. Fig. 8 Postcard. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. Ili discourse that focuses on bistory, tradition, high gloss, class systems, and monologic unity. Images hmdiffereat festivai plays (and different seasons) are brought together under the proscenNm arch of the Festival Theatre. For exampIe, Nigel Sham Wi11iams poses as an angel for Ih&@&m poster and is part ofthe festival poster and season brochure cover in this same costume (see figs. 8-91. His wings are not the ones used in the 1996 production but very similar to the large angel wings used by Douglas Rain in the 1983 Shaw Festival season production of The Although Williams does appear m The he plays Pra rather than the Augel. A number of seasons and productions are connected and brought together in that one image of Mgel Shawn Williams as an angei.9 The large antique camera is an image which links the different aspects of the Shaw Festival's 1996 promotional materid together. The old-fashioned camera in the poster is the same one pictured in the season brochure with the Artistic Director's message and in each of the 1996 production's house programs with Christopha Newton (see fig. 17). in the 19% season brochureyantique cameras are used throughout the promotional material for the Niagara region restaurants, accommodations, and attractions. The Artistic Director's message abtnakes reference to photography and history as nostalgia:
"Looking at great photography fiom the past, you get a sense of fiozen tirne. The theatre-
-our hdof theam-breathes lifé into that fiozen moment, so tbat hman on the horse begins to move again" (1). l0 The Shaw Festival deploys the cut photo motif thmughout most of its promotional materials The 1996 Sponsorship Brochure featwes, on the cover and inside, dages of photos fiom past Festivals' productions, brochures, programs, and evms (see fig. IO).^^ (A similu aspect in most of these Spoamrship brochure photos is g~ereis dso a sense of the Shaw Festival eroticiPDg and exoticipng the rqresentaiion of "othered" cuitures in this photo of a bare-chested Mgel Shawn Wiltiams with ody a sari around his waist. 1discuss this Merin chapter three. 'O~heIuie "the man on horr the begins to move again" resonates wiih the poster and layout in the sawo brochure (2-3). l l~lsosee appendix A for examples of illustrations from the Shaw Fesiival Sponsonhip brochure and the 1996 Shaw Festival Annual Report. Fig. 1O Sponsorship Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. One of those "ovemightsuccess"stories New Honours for Christopher Newton
tion is the ody acadsmic group in yigiophone Caaada dtvod The ne.bonour clmc in mid- to themidyofcamdian thcwc, May, whui Christophcr &cd and Chrinopher is one of rhe die nationai M. Joan Chaimers fcar pnccinng profmiollai in- Awud for ArtisÜc Direction. irrr in Cur;id;t ro have beert a Whiic Chhezs Fund Ad Song& mcmberof the Anoa- forphywriting have bteaaround Won. @id you know thah as a since the 1970s. this is only the young man, Ctuinophcr wu a second ytu dman adhas univcrsiryrachcr beforc giving been given in the c;iccgory of up aadunia for the lurt of the Anhic Direction- paqain3) Christophv was a fevurrdsp#kerialucMay~r TheChaimcnAwubcl£ficc& the Association's annuai confer- tributcd the following iaforrm- aice, and rcceived bis Hoaosq tion in announcïng this ad Lift Mcmbenhip th;rt aigbt a 'Mr Newton is now in his sevcn- the Assochion's baaquct. fcuitb scvon at the Skw Festi- IF you know Chrirraphcr, yoa d Undcr bis Iaderdüp, che wili know hcisnoconeto mon Fesrid hu grown into one of bis I?tVtIS. Ahr opening Orrc CdsIvgest theurrs, dnw- farrhctorzttheRoyllAtcxuids;r ing audiences Eiom Canada, the Theatre in Toronto rhis pas US, and around the world. His Much, hc wcnc -&t into re- high scanda& wiUiagness to &c fiSks on produring 1- hdfor Mr Cindcrz, and then into dirming &O phyr z known phps of the carly Modem Age, and to shed near light once forThc~haw.Sbd WeJooin rhchdkd (witùco-dirmor the Shaw on some of the bcsc known, have contributtd to Denis Johnson) and Hobrson's Chicc.And, of course, di thir FMival's repucation for +cy and innovation, Mr New- kcouplcd with his conrinuaidutics as McDirtcror of the ton's artcnuon CO clcd in di Fcstivd operations -hm Shaw FestivaL workshop for young mon to rbt design of the seasou brochures - has beui insmuncntai in dcvdoping thir reputa- AU of us a The Shaw & grat pnde in the honom tion and in secing the Shaw Fcstivai more than double iu Christopher is uow mtiving, af'tcr half a lif&c as one oi budget, audiences and progpmming sincc 1979.' Canada's Ieadïng dcdirectors. (One of &ose aov~*gk succes" nories!) We ut gdto the awadïag bodies for 'The jury commcnded him for 'the calibre of bis dediauon, ia his this recognition, and (as Chtinopher says) for what the hir personai invcsuncnt 211 aspccts ofthe Company, and honours bring to the Shaw Festivai too.
Fig. 1 l Christopher Newton. Pshawl Shaw Festival. 6.1 (1996): n.pag. the attire of both the patrons, and the actors. Most are dressed in hrxedos, suits, or wening gowns which is a dress code most ohassociated with members of the hanciaüy etite. The commoa actMty seems to be driakitig., ciking, and socialuing in the Festival gardens.) The head shots of the actors in each production appear not ody in their
respective programs but also in their respective theatre lobbies-the Royal George, the Court House, or the Festival Theatre. This interpromotional technique wnstructs the appearance of a sustained, stable, commumty ensemble of artids. Most of these photos aiso have an "art-photo" feel to them as each photo appears to be directed or consciously composed. The photo with Fiona Reid and a photograher, above the photo credits in the
back of the brochure7for exampie, draws attention to itself as a composition (see fig. 7). The art-photo motif is also reinforcd by Christopher Newton's pose with the camera which suggests that he took aii these photos with that camera This contributes to the sense of the Shaw Festival as "high art." The Mse-arch which appears above AM Baggiey in the poster appeared as an on-going theme in the 1995 season brochure and pamphlet. The arch is used in mwly all of the 1995 photos for both the productions and the Niagara region tourist and business information pages. As well, the Shaw Festival deploys a drawn version of the arch as a logo or letter head on the inside page of the 1996 house programs and 0thpromotional materiai (see fig. 1 1 and appendix B). The "arch" . . is identifieci by Catherine Belsey in as the symbol of classic realist theaîre which strives for a unifieci, singuiar vision of the play firom the audience: The fhme provided by the proscenium asch, and the containment of the action within the hmed stage, offers a single, unifieci point of view for the audience7a comprehdevision of the events dramatized, which is also a wmprehending and therdore authoritative vision (97). In this way the proscenium arch helps to remforce the concept of a single authoritative vision and the authority, that of the Festival's promotionaf discowse7which is often directiy associated with Ctiristopher Newton (see fig. 11). The recuning styie, images Fig. 12 1995 Shaw Festival Season. Brochure. 5 1. and themes help to create a sense of unity and cohesion under the ail-encompassing arch of the Festival. There is also a paraiiel ôetween the proscenium arch of the classic realist theatre and the constniction of the arch in the Festival discourse. The arch coiistnicts the consumer's gaze with the Shaw Festival productions as objects to be consumeci (see fig.
12). l2 Although there are three separate thares and dmmirent productions in the 1996 season, they are al1 brought together and containeci under the arch of the Festival. A d&ierately interpromotional and closed reading is constructed under the arch because the productions are ail promoted within the discourse of a Festival that values unity, cohesion, high quaiity, and nostaigia. Much care and attention are &en to creating a positive, aesthetically pleming, community-minded, "highQualityu image of the Shaw Festival for the pubtic. Bernard Shaw and his work becorne reconstnicted as consumer products, signifias of high culture, and proponents of the dominant ideology-capitalism. The Shaw Festival's ability to create successfid promotional campaigns through the establishment of a cohesive interpromotional community and to produce a polished and "high quality" Festivai is partly what draws my aîtention. In a politicai atmosphme in which arts organizations and other public sector groups are king urged to behave more iike for-profit corporations, the Shaw Festival has been quite successfiil in its adaptation to a corporate structure and promotional campaign in which audience members are constructed as consumers of "hi& quaiity" products. At the same the 1am disturbed by this cultural work as the Shaw Festival upholds and reiaforces the very hierarchicai, patriarchal, colonialist, and capitalist ide& Bernard Shaw's piays might otherwise put into question. Subversive material, when placed in the context of the safe whole (the arch, the community, the sponsors, the members, the Shaw Festival discourse) is reconstructed as "culturally afknative." It no longer maintains the potential to be subversive. As Jonathan Dollimore suggests:
12~lsosee Appendix B for more examples of the promotionai material's use of the arch. Nothhg can be inbiosicaiiy or essentially subversive in the sense that prior to the ment subversiveness can be more than potential; in derwords it cannot be guaranteed a priori, independent of articulation, context and receptioa Likewise the mere thhichg of a radical idea is not what desit subversive: typicaiiy it is the context of its articulation: to whom, how many and in what circumstances; one mi@ go fbrther and suggest tbat not ody does the idea bave to be coweyed, it bas also achially to be used to refhauthority pr be seen by authority as capable and likely ofbeiag so used. It is, then, somewbat misIeading to speak fieely and only of "subversive thoughtn; what we are concemeci with (once again) is &
nrocess-(13) Shaw's work may have the poteatiai to be subversive but the circumstances under which his work is produced, fhmed, and received at the Shaw Festival defiise that potential. The work of the Shaw Festival does not retùse authority, but instead embraces it through the creation of wrporate spomrship and iocai business partnerships. The promotional materid of the Shaw Festival upholds the vaiue systems and ideah of a capitalist society and is thus incapable of posing any real challenge or threat to the authority ofthe domhant culture. Chapter 2: Brands, Logos, Icons, and Myths: The Construction of Shaw.
The 1996 Shaw Festival season was not bu& in a day but is the result of 35 years of "tradition." The reguiar Festival theatre-goer in1996 recogmzeS "Shawn- the persona, the Festival and the community-based on past Shaw Festivals and promotional mtd. Sice its inception in 1962, the Festival has focused on the aeation of a stroag codîy to surround its product. The Shaw Festivai has built its reputaton on the bistory and traditional aspects of the tomof Nm-on-&*Lake, and takes greai pride in the Festival's various partnerships and its ability to gain spo~lsorship.From its beghmhgs, the Shaw Festival has used the image of Shaw, the playwright, as the representatiod iwn of the Shaw Festival and its cotnmunity. Bemard Shaw's image is recoasmicted to suit the consumerist agenda of the Shaw Festival's interpromotid community. From the inception of the Shaw Festivai, members of its company have worked to spomm7and other theatre companies. Nor BhwdgU& chronicles fomder Bnan Doherty's enthusiasm for the playwright, Shaw, and the establishment of a summer festival. Doherty recounts the beghhgs of the Shaw FeSfivai in rnyth-like tenns with the founding fMersrallying support nom the Niara-on-theLake comm* Duriag the struggiiug eariy yeers of the Shaw Festival, when my Niagara- on-uie-Lake 16iieud and neighbour Caivin Etand and I were appeaiing to eweryone-fiends and strangers, the public at luge-for support for the
nie Strattord Festival is most often 8SSOCi8ted with the Shaw Festival. However, the Shaw Festival ha9 fodpartnerships with Toronto theatres through the "Toronto Projectsnesteblished in 1982. In the eatly 19909, package deals were promoted which included tickets to Shaw, Stratford, and the Mirvish pmductiom. In 19% OwPot was produced at the Royal Alexandra Theatre. Advertisements for the Canadian Stage Company, Canadian Opera Company, aad Glinmierglw Opera also appear in each of the 19% production programs. Shaw Festival, it was Eiiza's phrase, or some equaiiy emphatic variation of
it, that was the most fiequent response to our appeals. But as Calvin and 1 and our loyal disciples perservered, refiising to be discouraged, the phrase took on a differeat tone for us. Eliza's fiery words became our battle cry in the struggle against the Ptiilistmes. Would we give up the fight for a Shaw Festival? Not bloody likeiy! (5) As Doherty indiates, the rallying of community support for the Shaw Festival bas been a vitd part of the Festival siuce its beginning. Glen McQuestion, a long time resident of Nigara-on-the-Lake, Festival worker, and MA Drama student at University of Guelph observes: Indeed, had Doherty not had the wherewithal provided by fnends tike diionaire Calvin Rand, and the board of directors (who provided financiai assistance both in the form of donations, and as guarantors for bank loans), and had he not had the support of important in the Canadian theatre industry, it is questionable whether or not the Festival wouid have made it off the ground. Furthemore, Niigara-on-the-Lake, an historic tom established in 1782 by United Empire Loyalistq provided an excellent ideologicai backdrop for a festival dedicated to the work ofa canonized British playwright. This was most clearly acted out in 1973 shortiy after the opening of the new Festival Theatre with an official visit fiom Queen Elizabeth. (4-5) McQuestion argues that the Festival transfomeci over the course of its history from a canonized British institution into a cornrnerc~Cadian, culturai industry. Scholars such as Don Rubin have criticized the Festival for maiiitaining a cornfortable establishment character in 3s earIy years under the artistic directorship of Paxton Whitehead. in a 1976 Canadian article Rubin des: Shaw . . . has tried for sorne time to be aii things to ai.i people and operathg only 20 minutes or so fkom the American border, its artistic policies have becorne entrenched somewhere near Niagara Faüs. Attempting to appeal to as wide a cross-section of tourists and casual visitors as possible with as little controversy and politics as possiile, the Festival bas managed to turn the iconoclasm of its bearded bard into something de, quaint and gutless. This is, of course9an attempt at Universalism (often confiised with Iegitimate Intemationaiism) and if Universalism does finally manage to homogenize us ail, it will be our major arts hding agencies as much as our major festival directors whom we will have to thank. The fàct that Shaw himself has now become quite chic and
quite acceptable simply attests to the distance this theatre has put betweea theatricai challenge and TD Chargex. (129) The development and deplopent of "Shaw" throughout the Shaw Festival's Estory sets the fiamework for the 1996 season. In the Festivaits early years Bernard Shaw seemed to be deployed as a recognizable British icon and convenient name around which to focus a summer Festival-Shakespeare was already taken by the Stratford Festival. Doherty himselfaddresses the question of Shaw's role in the Shaw Fathi, stating that bis choice of Shaw was based on practical reasons: Shaw wrote many plays over a Long period of time, and people would recognize his name. In other words, "Shaw" would provide a presence for the Festival. Doherty writes: Shaw was the only outstanding playwright writing in English, with the obvious exception of Shakespeare, who produced a dcient number of plays to support a festival. 1think of Ben Jonson, for example, of Marlowe, Webster, Congreve, Goldsmitb, Sheridan, Wilde, Piero, Barrie, Maugham, and O'Casey9not ta mention the American Eugene OWeiIl. But it seemed to me that none of those men had produced enough truly great works to inspire a successîul and contiauing feStntal. Shaw, on the other han4 wrote about thirty M-length plays. . . . So theit was, a formidable body of fiffy poss1ile productions, certainly enough to sustain a festival. (7) Doherty iater rationalizes the choice of Shaw in more pisilosophical and sentimental terms: mhe more 1pondered the question-Why Shaw?-the more 1understood that there was for me a much more deepiy rooted ansver. 1became aware of just how great an inûuence Shaw had exerted on me through all the long years 1had worshipped at his shrine. 1realize now that by the the we made the decision in favour of Shaw in 1962, I had corne to consider him not only a great playwright but aha great prophet of the twentieth
The accepted dominant narrative (Doherty, Rae, Benson and Conoiiy, the Shaw estival)^ of the Shaw Festival's history characterizes the Paxton Whitehead years fiom 1967 to 1977 as a time when the Shaw Festival gaineci its Iarge audiences, fkancial strength, and corporate commun@ support. Whitehead is, however, criticized for his treatment of Bernard Shaw's work. Durhg his directorship, mny granhg munciis and critics questioned the role of Shaw, the playwright, at the Shaw Festival. Rubin's charge, cited earlier in this chapter, that the Shaw Festival has created a "chic and acceptable Shaw" which concentrates more on box office receipts than theatrical challenge is an exampie of this sentiment. Lisbie Rae writes: By the late menties, the Shaw Festival had settied very comfortably into Niagara-on-the-Lake. Under the Ieadership of Paxton Whitehead, the Festival's artistic director hm1967 to 1977, it had expanded to become
Used in classrooms and in Canadian theatre tùstory curricuîa, Benson and ConoUy's Cwtois is ggenerally accepted authoritative voice on Canadian Theatre. Lisbie Rae wrote the "ShawFestivai" section of this text. Bh Doherty and the Shaw Festival's own publications dso maimin their own narrative authority in the Shaw Festival discourse. one of Canada's fbremost theatre companies, second ody to the nearby Stratford Festival in mual incorne and qeaditure. However, its
machment to Shaw was largely CO-incidental;it succeeded in attrahg audiaces by mountmg seasons centmi on farces such as Brandon Thomas' wsAunt or Ben Travers' Ihak Critics at the federal government's grantiag agency, the Canada Councii, as wdas theatre reviewers and schoiars wondered akiud why the Festival was not explorhg Shaw in more depth; why *ce had supplanted Shaw at the centre of the festival; why a leading Canadian theatre company still importeci stars fiom Brïtain and the
U.S.;what, in &kt, the Festival was doing to make Shaw fit in Niagara- on-the-Lake. ("Newtonw1-2) Even Christopher Newton questioned the use of "Shaw" when he fut accepted the position of Artistic Director in 1980. Newton's response to the Festival's Mc Director Search Cornmittee is recounted by Lkbie Rm3 When asked by sorne of the
Board members if he liked Shaw's plays, Newton repli&, "Not very much" (qtd. in Rae "Newton"22). In his early years as Grtistic Director he even teased about taking the "Shaw"out of the Shaw Festival and renaming it the Niagara-on-&-Lake Festival. Rae explains: As for Shaw himseE although Newton schdedtwo of his Ml-length
P~YS * and- ) and one of his one-acts (Overruled),- the ratio of Shaw plays to those of his contemporaxies changed dramatidy when Newton took over, never again would the number of Shaw plays produced each year corne close to that of his contempotaries. Shaw, kefore, was fkatwed less prominently; whiie still
3~isbieRae reconstructs this moment baseci on inte~ewswith members of the Shaw Festival Board of Directors and with Christopher Newton. an important constituent of the programme, Shaw no longer ded supreme. Coupled with Newton's cooiaess towards Shaw, this deposing of their playwright set alarm beiis ringing amongst tracütionalisîs. Newton fiided their aiarm by openly musing about changing the name hmthe Shaw
Fesfival to the Niagara-on-theLake Festivai. ("Newton" 1980 4) At the begùining of his tenn as Artistic Director, Newton was perceived as an outsider and arrogant rebel who, with his cohort from the west, misbehaved and sent consemative
Niagara-on-the-Lake spinning. Rae characterizes Newton as the cause of much fiction between the dtown community and the Festival. The Board of Directors men considered t'lrùig Newton after the first season, but were persuadeci not to after graatiag agencies praised his work and aiiotted the Shaw FestivaI more funding- Christopher Newton has been depicted as the rebel who put the subversiveness and -al relmcy back into the Shaw Fe&. After a number of years at the Festival, however, Newton seems to have accepteci "Shawnand to have settied into the Niagara-on-the-Lake community. Over the years his Artistic Director's messages reflect a sense of pater appreciation, on Newton's part, for the surrounding Niagara-on-the-Lake community. There seemed to be a window dutiag which the rebelliow activïty of the Artistic Director, Chnstopher Newton, disnipted the stability and unity of the Shaw F& wmmunity. Newton attempted to challenge and question the Festival's constniction, representation, and use of "Bernard Shaw" and his work. Duriog the early Éighties, a ciiffirent image of "Shawnwas portrayed in the promotional material. The 1980 Shaw FestÎvai Season Cdendar flyer fatufes a head shot of a young Bernard Shaw with head shots of other "major" playwrights-Chekhov, Feydeau, Brecht, and Cowan-whose work was in production tbat season. The young Bernard Shaw depicted in thh image is a difterent representation of Beniard Shaw, fkom the grandtàtheriy figure with a white beard, tweed suit and tie. The flyer also &es voice and authority to other playwrights (aibeit white, deplaywrights) htured in the 1980 season not ody by displayhg th& images as Fig. 13 Bernard Shaw, Anton Chekbov, Georges Feydeau, Bertok Brecht, and Bruce Cowan. Cdendar Fîyer. 1980 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Gudph Archival CoUection. apag. prominently as Shaw's but also by supplying quotations fiom their plays (see fig. 13). Another noteworthy féature of this is the socialistic tone of the Bernard Shaw quotations and the absence of a wrporate sponsor logo. The h4ïdhcequotation addresses human nature, The ~fnlanderwquotationaddresses the construction of women in society and the QY- quotation addresses the sanctity of marriage and the construction of right and wrong with respect to romance: IidWhwe by Bernard Shaw ". . . youli get no justice here: we don? keep it. Human nature is what we stockn(Tadeton) "Human nature! Debauchery! gluttony!
selfishness! robbery of the poor! 1s that what you cdhurnan nature?" (Gunner) "No: thai's what you caii it." (Tarleton) Act II The by BmdShaw "The fickieness of the women 1 love is only equalled by the isfd constancy of the women who love me." (Charteris) Act II overruledby Bernard Shaw
"To my Engiish min4 passion is not real passion without guilt . . . . for marriage is al1 very weii; fiut it isn't romance. There's nothing wrong in it, you see." (Juno) (1 980 Shaw Festival Season Calendar n-pag.) The Shaw quotations are coatextualized in terms of other quotations from bis contemporaries rather than quotabons fiom a corporate marketing agenda The 1982 Souvenir program fmesa young, black-bearded, miscIiievous-lookiug Shaw in a cowboy hat, an ankle-length plaid jacket, and what could be read as Doc Martins (see fig. 14). Doc Martins were the foor~earchoice of skin-heads, and rude-boys during the eighties, and often read as a challenge to authority and maùistream sensibilities fiom various sides ofthe politicai specûum. In the early eighties, there seemed to be a rebelion against the conservative and traditionalist notions of the Shaw Festival and the FestivaI community and this seenis to be refîected in the types of images fiund in the Festival's - ! Fig. 15 nmmalioa. Bernard Shaw- By Scott McKoww. Season Brochure. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw FMArchives. University of Guelph Archival CoUection. npag.
Fig. 14 Bernard Shaw caricature. Souvenir Program. 1982 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. n-pag.
t Fig. 16 Bernard Shaw logo. By Scott McKowen. Greeting Card. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. n-pag. promotional material. From 1962 through to 1978 the Festival's main brochure or program always featured a photo or caricature of Bernard Shaw on its cover, with the exception of 1974, which displayed a photo of the newly built Festival Theatre. With a new Artistic Director, Leslie Yeo, in 1979 the tradition of featuring Bernard Shaw on the cover changed to the use of paintings. The painting motifwas retained under Christopher
Newton's directorship untii 1992, although in 1990 sketch drawings by Scott McKowen were featured on the cover and throughout the srnalier Shaw Festival Season pamphlet (see figs. 15-16). in 1992 the Shaw Festival began to use photographs of tbe Festival ensemble with Niagaracon-the-Lake settings in the backsround. This motif has continued through to the present 1997 season. So, as Cbristopher Newton became more cornfortable with Shaw-the playwrïght, the Festivai, and the cornmunity-and as he established a stronger Shaw Festival acting ensemble, the ensemble and the Niagamon- the-& community became more prominen@ featured in the promotional material. Also in 1991 the visiter's guide and Shaw Festival season brochure were combineci into one brochure. This made the interconnectedness between Shaw Festival productions, artists, and the local businesses in terms of th& imaging and promotional discourse even more apparent. The joining of images and promotional discourse also occurred over a period when artistic companies were forced to becorne increasiogiy dependent on corporate and private sponsorsbips, as municipal, provincial, and federal granting agencies' hding of artistic groups diminished. Refiected in the promotional material of the Shaw Festival- particularly the Season brochures-is an increasiag interconnectedness and interdependemy between the Shaw Festival, the artistic, the sponsorship, and the local business communities as the Shaw Festival establishe a stronger, more unifiai, and more interpromotional discourse with these associated partners. As the Shaw Festival became increasingly dependent on its corporate and business partuerships, its promotional material shified towards an increasingiy capitalist agenda and giossy, corporate image. Even Christopher Newton's promotional image has changed over the past decade and a ha in JENNIFER PHIPPS GORDON RAND HONA REID BUCITE ROBESON Crn3M ROWAT ROGER ROWLWDO DAVlD SCFRIWN MALCOLM SCOTT COLDE SEMPLE ' MII Fig. 17 Anisric Director, Christopher Newton with Am Baggiey. Hou* Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season n-pag. the eatly eighties his Artistic Director's photo featured a young man in jeans and a T-shirt. The 1996 image of Christopher Newton has him formaiiy dressed in a white hen suit (see fig 17). "The Festival's mandate has been differently interpreted by successive artistic directors," explains Lisbie Rae in the "Shaw Festivaln Oxfordto Canadian --Y- Although Newton's cornmitment to Shaw remains strong, the playwight has become las central to the Festival: often or@ three of ten or elmen plays are by Shaw, while other productions codict openly with Shaw's aesthetics and convictions, causing critics to question the validity of the Shaw Festival's mandate. . . . Another new venture by Newton was the "RisksNprogram, established in 1983 to mount low-budget productions of historically important play with limited appeal. Plays by Romanian playwright Ion Luca Caragiole and Poikh Stauislaw WruOewicz were adventurous choices, but those by Coward, Pirandello, Strindberg, and Wilde have ais0 been classed as "risky", indicating the restrictions imposed by a conservative audience. (494-5) The Shaw Festival history, then, as told by the Shaw Festival and many Canadian theatre historians, constructs the sixties as the period of the idyllic and mythological beginnings of the Shaw Festival where "Shaw" and his socialist notions were important, but not fÙUy realized. The seventies are wnstructed as a period in which the Shaw Festival engaged m more corparate sponsorship activities and coasidered a balauced budget vitrtlly important. During these years the Shaw Festivaî came under criticism fiom theatre scholars, granting agencies, and the press with respect to the Festival's treatment of Shaw. In the eady eighties, the solution seemed to be Christopher Newton. This particular narrative of the Shaw Festival is important to consider because as audience members opened their brochure or house program Un the summer of 1996 they were rerninded of this legacy. The Shaw Festival history is part of the discourse ofthe Festival, and comnuinity creation has always been a dued part of this history. It seems thaî over the past decade and a W Christopher Newton has realized, in terms of nimùntaining hnciai stabiiity, how important it is not to upset the Shaw Festival community adthe sponsors. It is also important to . .* note that during the same time as Beniard Shaw's plays were dirmnishmg in importance at the Festival derChristopher Newton's direct~rship~"SW was behg evermore fitmly established. A strong sense of history is embexided m the culture, promotions, and atmosphere of the Festival MitselfThis manhts itselftûrough study guides for school tours, season brochures, information pamphlets, the annual report, and production programs. AU of these promotionai mataiah contexhiah the current seasm in tenns ofpast seasons-and this is especially tme of the 1996 season, as the thirty-nfth amkersq season of the Sbaw Festival. Souvenir books available throughout the tomand in the Shaw Shop chronicle the Festival's history. Tùis history is repeated and pcrpehiated in the Festival's promotional and educational events such as the "Question and Answern periods hllowing Tuesday evening performances and in the Festival Open House and Tour, wtrich were held in March during the 1996 season. The Festival's Mstory is depicted throughout the theatres in displays of photos, set desigus, costume desigrm. and programs hmpast productions. Even the local businesses zealously communicate a sense of Festival history. Many restaurants and hotels display posters and production photos fiom past seasons, while the shops seii past souvenir programs, Festival books, and posters. The Oban Tnn. for example, has created "Shaw's Corner," a lounge in th& bar area which is fïiieci with portraits of Bernard Shaw and production photos 6om various Shaw Festival seasons (see fig. 18). The InniskiIlin Wery dedicates its second floor to the Shaw Festival with a musecull-like rwm fidi of past Festival seasom' costumes and props. A strong sense of history is also an important aspect of the Shaw Festival and Niagara-on-the-Lake,as the home of man. official cana dia^ historical sites, which are Breakfast, lunch and dinncr arc ssd in our formal dinin rwms &th the ctisp whirelinen-cabeadoth a-hem of an English mort hdnnd spcc- racular viwof chc Iake. Our rvinc lise fa~mthe berr vinmges fmm mmy of thc Niagara amwincriu Af Fig. 18 Shaw's Corner. Famphiet. Oban lnn. 19%. 57 - - Environment Environnement I+Icanada Canada Canadian Ruie Service canadien Service des para I : Niagara National Historic Sites Niaaara-on-the-Lake. Ontario Fig. 26 Niagara National Historic Sites. Pan Environment Canada. Fig. 25 Niagaraan-the-ide Tourist Guide Pamphlet. activeiy promoted in the Festival brochures. Nv-m-the-Meis scatterd with official plaques and statues honouring historical sites ofsignifïcance (see figs. 19-20). The interpromotion between these historïc sites and the Shaw Festival helps to create a closed economy as the Niagara region becornes part ofthe Festival discourse. This fwus on the histone also kokes a sense of nostdgia wbkh Susan Bennett, in a book on coatemporary productiom of Shakespeare, suggests is "cooservative (in at least two senses-its poüticai alignment and ts motive to keep things intact and unchangeci)" (5). Nostdgia, Bennett argues, "leans on an imagineci and hagimy past fich is more and better than the present and for which the carrier of the nostalgia, in a defective and diminished present, in some way or other longs" (5). As discussed earlier, Shaw's name and image have been used since the inception of the Shaw Festival in the summer of 1962. Shaw has even been comcted as a spokespemn for the Shaw Festival. The 1976 membership brochure, for example, f~esa photograph of Bernard Shaw on the wver page, together with the copy, "1 would like to speak with you privately for a moment" (n-pag.). The brochure narrates the Shaw FestXvalfs history fiom the authonal voice of Bernard Shaw, or rather the Festival's constniction of Shaw Please excuse this unseemly intrusion. But 1am visiting you in person because I understand you have attended my Festival. When it began, 15 years ago, my Festival was perfomed by 10 unpaid (!) actors playhg in an old courthouse to a vast audience of 200 people, aü of them hot, cramped, and arbilarated. Back theu, a lot ofintefigent people said the future of an enterprise bearing my name and staging my plays was 'hot bloody likely." Me. George Bernard Shaw. The gaU! Today, the skeptics have disappeared. A mnpnificeiitnew tbeatre has arisen in tbeir place. And the Shaw Festival is now one ofNorth America's major theatrical institutions. (n-pag.) This brochure is part of a capital campaign that tries to obtain hancial support from the reader: Deftcits have a nasty habit of compounding tfiemsekes rapidly ifthey aren't takm care of men more rapidly. Ifwe are to mverour hancial health, we must ask my supporters to raüy to the cause. Which means you. Many years ago, 1wrote that we have no more right to consume happiness without producing it than to consume wdth without producing it. h this accountable age, those wor& are coming home to roost. For today7 people who want to receive the direct benefits of something must be prepared to pay for them. So ifyou are interesteci in helping a festival that in 15 gruehg, glorious years has become a miracle, I ask you now join me in canying that miracle On. . . .Goodbye7 George Bernard Shaw (n-pag.) The brochure hthers its authoritaîhe image with Bernard Shaw's signature at the bottom and a smiling Bernard Shaw viewing the text (see fig. 21). This image of Shaw with a white beard, tweed jacket, knicker-knockers, knee higb socks, and shiny Wack shoes is the visual construction of Shaw most ohused in the Festival's promotid material and character creations of Bernard Shaw. In 1982, Herb Foster piayed the character of Bernard Shaw in that season's production of Pggmahwith a similar tweed costume and grandfàtherly look This character is reproduced throughout the Festival's promotional Fig. 21' Bernard Show. Membership Brochure. 1976 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Collection. Fig. 22 Herb Foster as Bernarc Festiyal. 1986 Shaw Fes material in, for example, a fiill colour, full page photo of Herb Foster as Bernard Shaw that is featured on the bidecover of -1 TW- Ofive F%ntiYal, a souvenir book for the 1986 season (see fig. 22). The Shaw in the 1996 season production of IhShpkmis consistent with these imagesyas AI Kodik mates a jovial, gran&therly Shaw outditteci in a brown tweed suit with knicker-knockers. The 1977 Shaw Festival Membership Brochure fkaîures a photograph of Bernard Shaw on the fiont wver and the words, "1 hwpu enjoy rny Festival. Now rd Iike you to loin my Club." The card attacheci krthe reader to marl back to the Festival with herhdonation begins, "Okay, Mr. Shaw Ill join your club." The Shaw Festival not only coiistnicts Shaw as its spokesperson, but aiso constnrcts him as a proponent of eütism. His "club"is one based on financial contributions. The word "club"also desa sense of exclusivity and high class, as in "Country Club," "YachtCiub," or "GolfClub. " The reader is not, for example, beuig asked to job Shaw's 'Iegion"or "Group"which might connote a more middle-cIass or workhg-class sensïôiiity. The 1997 season brochure provides another example ofthe Shaw Festival's interpromotion at work This brochure uses images fiom the previous season's productions in the promotional matérial for the ment season. On the bottom right-hand side of each page throughout the broche are photos of Al Kozlik as Bernard Shaw fiom the 1996 season production of IkSbphn. The program credits list "AL Kozlik as GBSn (79). Meet-the-company photos fature mwiy ofthe cast from the 1996 production ofCindersin their costumes. One photo combines images fiom the Shaw Festival logo by Scott McKowen with the cast fiom Mr.Cm the ctheer Bemard Shaw fiom Xh&@&n (see fig. 23). The McKowen sketch appears as the Festival logo on a poster outside the FMTheatre and in other promotional material, Festival paraphemaha, aad merchaudise fiom various seasons since 1990 (see fig. 15 and figs. 24-25). Ia this way the Festival creates an overiapping ofseasom through images which are continuaily seWcefèrencingand contained by the promotional discourse of past 'ig.23 Al Kozlik as Bmmd Shaw and cast of Mr. Season Brochure. 997 Shaw Festival Season. 26-27. -- Fi*. .24 Sbaw-Festivalposter. Outside Festival Theatre. Niagaraen-the-Lake. 03 Jul 19%. Fig. 25 Book Mark. 1990 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Coiledon. Fig. 261 Bernard Shaw statue. N~agara-on-the-Lake.19 Mar 15 ~ho6by Debby Pavlove- seasons. Although this particdm promotional image appears in the 1997 brochure and thus would not have had an influence on audiences attending The or 0th- 1996 season shows, it is nonethe1ess an exdent example of the Shaw Festival's interpromotional use of images fiom different seasons and different shows within a season. The Shaw Festival then, uses a partida image of Bernard Shaw as a grandfàtkly figure which counects with the Festival's past. The representation of Bernard Shaw used in lk%mpkmSimDIeton practidy identicai to the image of Shaw used in the 1976 capitai campaign and the 1982 production of Pggdhas well as that used for the statue of Shaw on the main Street of Niigara-on-the-Lake (see fig. 26). This particular image is carried over into the 1997 season with the photos of Al Kozlik as Bernard Shaw riding a bicycle and trimming the hedges in the Niagara Park Botanid Gardens. Strong promotional images of the Shaw FesM now exkit tbroughout Niagara-on-the-Lake as the Festival has literaiiy writteu itselfinto the history of the town, creating a coiiective sense of nostaigia Sponsorship has been a part of the Shaw Festival since its inception in the SUIIltIler of 1962. Brian Doherly begm the Company m conjunction with a campaign to gain support for the Festival ftom the local businesses and townspeople of Niagara-on-the- Lake. in 1963, Doherty "helped to establish the Shaw Festival Theatre Foundation as a non-profit society with an elected voluxrteer Board of Governors and a mandate to produce the works of George BmdShaw and his contemporaries" (Shaw Festival Information n.pag.). Major corporate sponsorship began in the early menties with the construction of the Festival Theatre. In 1976 sponsors were able to place one page advertking inserts in the Festival progrm. Many of these iaserts deploy a caricaturai image of Bernard Shaw in their advertisements (see figs. 27-29). The Simpsons advertisement fiom 1978 even provides a quote fkom "G.B.S.on himseE" dong with silhouette image of Bernard Shaw (see fig. 29)- Msny of these inserts use quotations fiom Shaw in order to endorse their company product andfor to mate a positive image of the "Busy yourself!" SHAW .: y. Shaw 1-2Stiva Artistic Director - Christopher Newton Fig. 27 House Program Advertising -S. Coqmate Spoasorship Pamphlet. 1982 Shaw Festival Season Shaw Festivai Arches. University of Guelph Archivai Coflection. hrcn timifd is pimwd ln rpoaw COMMI'ITED ?OTHE FINE ART OF BUSINESS ~rwd~yiuppai(ln9 the punult of exeillinca la taki lhiUlm& lrouble We are pleased to sponsor today's perfomanci of TONS OF MO= SHAW ESTNAL THEATRE FOUNDATION, CANADA Fig. 28 House Program Advertising Inserts. Corporate Sponsorship Pamphlet. 1982 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Coiiection. G. B.S. on himself: Tne whole point of the uearure is thar he is unique, fantastic. unrepresenrarive. inimitable, impossible, undesriable on an y large swle. utterly unlike an ybod y char e ver exisred be fore, hopelessl y unnarural and void of an y real passion. '7he Chesterbelloc" 7908, in Pen Porrraits and Reviews Simpsons is pro ud fo &e sponsoring the Fesrival ,pen-ormances for Sarurdas*.-y. July 1, 1978. _ .-- Fig. 29 Simpsons Advertisement. 1976 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archivai Collection. company. The 1978 advertisement for Northern Telecom quotes BedShaw fiom Man '"Do you not how that where there is a wiil there is a wai, that whatever Man reaiiy wishes to do he will fidydiscover a means of doing?" The advertisement uses this quotation as au endoment and rationalization for the growt.of their company fiom a domestic Canadian enterprise to "one of the &est-growing mdtinatiod companies in the world teIecommunications equipment industry." T&anada PipeLines uses the fôliowing quotation from Shaw: Tn my plays you will not be teased and plagued with happiness, goodness and virtue, or with crime and romance, or indeed, with any senseless thing of that sort. My plays have only one subject: iife, and onty one attriiute: interest in Me. (n-~ag.)~ The advertisement recontextualizes Bernard Shaw's words with a summary "saiute to the Shaw Festival" line at the bottom which seems to place an oppositional spin on the quotation. Stating that his plays are about We, Bernard Shaw seems very dcalof the popular, cornmerciai, "hi& art," and spectacle theatre which is "plaguedwith Iüippiness, goodness and Wtue, or with crime and romance." The TramCanada Pipeline advertisement has taken the politics out of Shaw's words and managed to reaflüm the Shaw Festival's work as "high art. " With the last line of the advertisement, "We salute the Shaw Festival for enrichhg our appreciation of a great drarnatist's fine and lively art," a depoliticized discourse is created. Many of these ridvertisements contain a generic sense ofhigh &e and hi& art which is supposeci to be representative of the Shaw Festival. Tbe 1982 Corporate Sponsor pamphlet, containhg samples of corparate advertisements used in the Shaw Festival house programs, displays many examples of a generic seme of high culture and %ee appendix C for more examples of advertisements with Shaw image and guutatious. high art which is translatai into symbols for tbe Shaw Festival (see figs. 27-28). The Spectator and Stelco ads both make referace to audience applause and performances equipped with spot lights. The Permanent and Northeni Telecom advertisements mix symbois of the ballet, the opera, the orchestra, and the theatre which associate the Festival and these companies with a sense of high art or hi& &ee James Ld obsezyes that: Commercial advertising not only asserts, references, and reinforces preferred ideologies, it often suggests thaî products and services errist to help mate a better world, despite stroag evidence to the contrary in many cases. Specific campaigus are designed to sd images of companies as socialiy responsible as much as to d th& products. The indirect technique is caiied institutionai advertising. Warm, fkay, incomplete, often misleading daims - aii designed to rmtke us feel good about the sponsor and about oudves . . . are regularly made . . . to accomplish this goal. international Business Machines (iBM), hrexample, claims to be "helping to put information to work for peuple," without speiiing out which people benefit, in what ways, and at whose expense. (13) The sponsors use Shaw as a cultural authority to endorse their commercialized product and, as Ld suggests, to create "warm, iùzzy, incomplete," and "oflen misleading ciaims" in order for us to feel good about the corporations and ourselves. Often Shaw's words are refiamed and recontextualvled in order to rekfbrce a capitalkt and commercial agenda. The November 19% Shaw Festival membership drive letter provides an excellent example of the Festival's abiliiy to respin Shaw's original socialist intentions into an endorsement of capitaiist pursuits with this quote fiom Shaw's CandiAn Excellence always cornes at a ph,and th's why your membersbip is so important to us. As GBS hunselfsaid: "H LNThe wealth thaî you produce now, by becwruig a Shaw meniber, will corne back to you many times over when you experience ail that Shaw membérsbip offers*(Klose) This is the same quotation used in the 1976 membership brochure cited earlier in this chapter (see fig. 21). The concept of becoming an elite Shaw mmber by invesîing monetary "weaiih" into the Festival Company, and then watching that investment "wme back to you many tirnes overu-in other words making monetary gains fiom other peopIels hard work-is one of the capitalistic values Shaw's words and his Mancist critique of surplus capitai criticize and put into question. In "Eariy Fabians and British Socialism," Woolf quotes Sidney Webb, a fnend and Fabian wiieague of Shaw: "private property in land and capital necessady keeps the msny workers pefmanently poor (through no fautt of theh owa) in order to make the few idlers rich (hmno merit of their own)" (45). "The a phkt notion,' said Shaw, 'that arnoog fiee competitors wealth must go to the industrious, and poverty be the just and naturd punishment of the lazly and improvident, proved as iliusory as the apparent flatness of the earth'" (qtd. in Woolf45). Bernard Shaw's classic Marxist critique of surplus capital is recontextuaüzed m order to seme the needs of the Shaw Festival's capital carnpaign. The meaning ofthe phrase has been totally changed by its context. This recontextualization of Shaw's poténtially socialist themes into endorsements of capitalism infiuences the creation of meaning not only for individuai advertisements, the Festival's capital campaign, and its membership drives, but also for the theatrïcal work of Shaw denproduceci at the Festival. The Shaw Festival has a long tradition of procuring strong corporate and private sector support. A sponsor since 1972, Beil Canada amouuced th& latest partnership with the Festival in March 19%. Beii promiseci a total of $3OO,OOO to the Festival over the next tbree years. "Beii is at the leading edge of telecommunications and The Shaw is at the leading edge of theatre. It seems only fitting that we work together," States the . . Festivaik Administratrve Director Colleen Black in a Shaw Festival press release. Vith this partnersbip, Ben Canada becomes the official sponsor of aii three Shaw Festival box offices. Ben Canada will ahserve as production sponsor of Shaw's Lunchtime preSentationsn (Shaw Festival Press Release). Cleariy, when large swns of money are "donateci" to arts organizations like the Shaw Festival, they do not corne doutstrings attached. In exchange fbr their donation, Bell Canada's logo is disphyed promineatly throughout the 1996 season programs, ledets, brochures, and pamphlets. The logo appears on the postcards, in ptint ads, and on banuers in the Festival lobby. Anywhere the Shaw Festival box oEce number is located, the Bell Advantage logo is ahdispIayed. Befi Canada has a direct duence in the creation of manhg for "Shaw"and the Shaw Festivai, whether one are an audience member or someone who has ody read the promotionai material on the Festival or browsed the FMweb site. One press release describes Bell's înfiuence in designing the images and messages in the web site: "Sponsoring the Shaw Festival internet site, Beii Canada lent its expertise to a complete r&g&n of the Shaw Festival site. The redesign is aimed at attracting a aew audience to The Shaw while maintaining a quality look and fel that patrons wiIl recognize" ("Shaw Festival Press Release," ernphasis added). The press release conchdes with a statement fiom Bell Canada that illustrates not only the interpromotion between the Festival and Bel and an active effort to create a closed cornmunity, but also the wann, f'uzy, and incomplete corporate message of the type descrii by Ld above: "The Shaw Festival offers Bell the opportunity to be associateci with one of the greatest arts organizations in North America," said Etisabeth Ostiguy, AVP of Multimedia Poiicy, Ben Canada. "At Beil, our business is all about bringing people together through communications. Bell wili contiaue to support the arts community by helping to b~gcreators, perforaiers and fans together." (Shaw Festival Press Release) In November 1996, the Shaw Festival received the Lieutenant Governor's Award for the Arts. "The $25,000 award recojgnizes The Sbawls exceptional efforts in acquixing private sector and community support," states the Festival's niedia release. It is ironic that an Arts award is based on a company's admmistratnr. . e merit rather than its artistic merit but this is perhaj~san even more tehg rdection of our c~rreapoiiticai ciimate and the currently dominant value system at work in our society: The Shaw Festival was specificaüy tecognized fbr its exciting long-term partnership with Bencanadaand other corporate partners, the dmmatic hcrease in membership support and innovative fund raismg events held in Toronto and Niagara, among other initiatives. ("Shaw Festival Receives" 1) These new sorts of partnerships may be crucial to the fimue prosperity of the arts m Canada but they also create a dependence on the corporate sector and its value systems: In response to receivhg the award Shaw Festival artistic director 7.. . noted that "it is thanks to the support of our coprate partuers and the community that The Shaw will rernain a vital and responsive theatre company into the next century." ("Shaw Festival Keceivesn 1) The Shaw Festival's ability to procure substantial sponsonhip, advertising, and wrporate partnerships has Little to do directiy with its artistic rnerits or the content of its seasons and productions. Some Iarge corporations are more interesteci in the demographics and volume of the audience than the artistic quaiity or social relevame of the theatre. One could argue, perhaps, that it is the content of the seasons and productions that draws the audience volume in the first place; on the 0thhan& however, it could be exceptional marketing and promotionai campaigns, in wnjunction with strong community support for the Shaw Festivai, in terms of the tourist industry, foc.businesses, and artistic groups, that draws a large audience. Stewatt Low, Public Relations Wor for General Motors of Caaada, explaias that 'generally we [Gend Motors] look at the arts as a marketing opporhimty more than anythmg. Wbat it rdycornes down to is volume and the number of mipressi0ns*5 (ieMew). The fïrst criterion that GM addresses is the demographics of the audience and how this matches with a particular product they me taking to market. What is the age, education, maritaI status, fâmify statu, type of occupation, and Myincorne ofthe typid audience member? Secondly, the company considers how mmy people wiii be exposed to the product and what the cost per advertisement is, based on that volume. The kt question GM asks itseIf is, "Does it desens? fiom our perspective?" Does the audience demographic fit with one of GM's brands? GdMotors is interestecl in "a venue that aftracts the people they can expose th& products to, who have the same type ofvahies as one oftheir brands. Do we go to the Shaw because of the content? Not necessarily," errpiains Low, "wego to the Shaw because of the demographic exposure for our product and because we cmnegotiate an ad rate th offers value." Low adds, "The only time we wouldn't look at pIacing an ad with a theatre company is ifthey were doing somethmg îhat was beyond the nom mially and if the audience does not match with our products." If the content is questionable, Luw explains, "the ad agency will usually corne to seek our cou~lseiand well teil them- weU no, that's too controversial to be 8SSOCiated with us and does not fit ou-coprate vahies." So ûenerd Motors' fmeniost sponsorship wncern is achieving targeted exposure for one of th& products to a large volume of people whose perceived vafue systems match the fows of that particular produa. They are in no way interested in changing or chalienging the values of the dominant ideology but instead work consciously to uphoId and reinforce the perceived values of a Shaw Festival audience member as consumer. The GM advertisements are constructeci to sel their products based on th& appeal to and reioforammt of the assumed duesystem of the Low descl- thaî any 5"hpressions"Uidicates the number times a brand or product is atposed to an audience. Both the Bell and Buick advertisements that qprin the 19% season Shaw Festival house programs are discussed m more detail in chapter three. production of work that questions or subverts those vahies, "that is too fâr outside the social nom," wddbeaten mnthing mrporate In addition to the creation of long-tem, strong, and supportive communities with corporate sponsors and Idbusinesses, the Shaw Festival has endeavored to build a strong and Ioyd wmmumty of Festival members and subscribers. Audience participation is a key perdonary technique used by the Festivalk marketing campaigns and promotional events to build a community of comumers, As McEIreath and Miller indicate, adverhm use "audience participation to influence consumer predispositions and buying behaviours" (McElreath, Miller 177). According to socid psychology's "eIaboration likelihood modei,' persuasion techniques which involve a "central routen for processing information, as opposed to "periphd routes," command more staying power in the consumer's muid. By requiring a wxlsumer to actively participate in and interact with the promotional material, the company creates an advertising message wbich is more likely to lead to a "relativelyenduring and *rdattitude change" (remernbering and believing the advertisement) and cousequentiy "to consistent action" @urchasing the product) (Alcock, Carment, Sadava 168). Alcock, Carment, and Sadava explain that, "the central of persuasion involves cognitive dvity, that is, making the effort to understand the message and think about the issuen (168). The Shaw Seminar Series, for example, creates this "central route." The Seminars are "designed"to engage the potential consumer in an active discussion about issues relating to the Shaw Festival: 'III the winter of 1995 General Moton pulied a large portion of corporate spoasorship out of the Shaw Festival auci wntinued with ody singie page advertisements in the house programs. Low explains that one of the rea;sons for this move was the Shaw Festival's inability to treat General Motors and th& loaned GM vehicie with respect. Apparently the vehicles were returned with extensive darnages. General Motors shifted their corporate auiding to the Stra&rd Festival where they klt sponsors to be more appreciated. The Shaw Seminam are desiped to bring together the performing compariy, audience and scholars in discussion rwohriag around our work and the period on which we focus. (Shaw Festival 199 1 Brochure 17) Bringing poteatiai co~ls~mmtogether, the Seminars strive to create a sense of dty amongst the "cumpany, audience and scholarsn and support for the Shaw Festival product. h 1991, even the theatre des were actively brought into the promotional comrnunity of The Shaw, with a seminar ded"Who Needs the Critics?" Fonner New yak The^ ctitic Stanley Kau5mn, literary critic Ann Saddiemyer, and Shaw scholar Beniard F. Dukore were imiited to lead the disaission This promotionai gimmick demonstrates the Shaw Festival's need for the dcsto be "good citizens" of th& promotional community. By hming the critics and scholars within the arch ofthe Shaw Festival promotional diswurse, the Shaw Fe&d can potentiaüy contain ancl controI even the aitic's and scholar's chcourse with respect to the Shaw Festival. Throughout its history, the Shaw Festival has created maay package ddswith student groups and schools. "Shaw Trek" in 1980 and 1981, and "Class Acts" in 199 1 are package deals which also f'iraction to inmease "centd routen processing, as children are enwuraged to study and Ieam the plays in school and then experience the Shaw Festival product in the theatres. "This special programme is designeci to encourage shidents to attend hetheatre," states the 1991 Shaw Festival Brochure (14). However, they are not encouraged to attend "just any" live theatre; they are encouraged to attend "The Shaw." Promotional materials such as "Study Guidesnand "educational videotapes,"which are given to the schools, not ody promote the Shaw Festival but dm teach students how to consume "The Shaw": Study Guides provide tachers with a comprehensive resource for each productioii. Eoy synapses, background materid, contextuai dyses, production infocmati~as well as discussion and actbity suggestions for classes help to prepare both teachers and students for th& visit to the theatre. (Class Acts epag) School chiidreu and educators are indoctrinated with the concept of what "the theatre" shouid be. "ChActsw teaches young consumers a value system which incIudes theatre going as a "Class Act." Class Acts, of course, plays on the words "class"and "act," "class"sigmsing both school classroom and social upper class, and "Act" sigtifyhg the appropriate actions or actMties for those classes as wel as "Act," the conventionai structurai &sion in the theme. The Shaw Festival becornes associateci not oniy with the classroom and with sociaüy eue activities, but also represents itselfas a "ClassAct": a classroom show and a "claasy"productioe A lifestyle and vdue system is promoted in which theatre is associated with "class." The Study Guides and school package tours, then, contriiute greatiy to a dismurse of "Shawnwhich no? ody coostnicts the theatre as high art and teaches the children how to read the meaning of "Shaw,"but also wnditions them to becorne good consumers. Teaching consumers at an early age to attend the theatre creates a "routine"for them. These roritines are possible when the Shaw Festivaf is able to shape the leaniing environment of the schools. As Verbeke descriks: consumers are quite flaaile but [they] also . . . develop routines and. . . those routines condition the neural networks. We stress, however, that these routines are possible O* because the manufàcturer has created an environment which dows the consumer to develop routines, and that the consumeis routines can fluctuate. (192) An "environment which allows the consumer to develop routines" is created with the formaton of "societies"or commuaifies (Verbeke 192). Leaming "play scripts" at schools is wupled with consumiag product(ion)s at the Shaw Festival. By paclraguig its product within a "wmmunity" (both the school community and the buskscommunity), the Shaw Festival attempts to mate lifestyle routines wbich not only promote th& owa product but also the products of th& BSSOciated corporate, artistic, and business partners. In this way a closed economy is created in which the comrentions and values of the Shaw Festival are not put into question The coasumption of the Festival's and its associated partners' products goes unquaîioned. "Class Acts" and the Iarger Festival discourse also connect with the concept of social Iearning and behaviour modeiüng for a consumerist life-styie. Theatrical productions at the Shaw Festival operate in ways Warto Wernick's description of those of tekvision shows, in that their "afEluent domestic settings . . . amount to general plugs for the liféstyle package which they glamorously present" (100). This is especiaiiy true when the Shaw Festival's discourse creates an atmosphere in which the theatrical production itself is wnsidered as a product to be consumeci and often acts interpromotionally as an extended commercial for its associated products. The Festival's sets, costumes, receptions, and special auction events, to name a few, of'ten serve as social modeis for consumer and materiahic We-styles. In 1995 the Shaw Festival even displayed a GM car in their fiont lobby-another example of Me-style modelling. The Festival discourse nahiralizes a We-style which includes leisure time for such activities as "Lunch tirne conversations" with Festival artists, fine dining, and stroiis in the gardem. It is a We-style which supports as valuable the owning and driving of a "luxuriousn General Motors Buick Riviera. There is a sense of grandeur, spectacle, and status. Shows Like Mr.m and and We J- feanired in the Royal George Theatre where the Shaw Festival produces "the works that everyone cmappreciate," al1 present glamorous and rich Me-styles in set and costume designs f9r the main characters (see fig. 30). Costumes worn by actors in the promotionai material, such as the coat-tails and top hat on Peter Hutt in the 1996 Season poster, connote a particular upper-class, weil-todo %style (see fig. 7). In the 1996 Season Brochure, the acton posed as both servants and upper-ciass visitors at the Wflowbank Estate in Queenston, reinforcing and naturalizing a stratified, class-based society (see fig. 3 1). Shows like Denison's Marsh '%ALL WE JOlN THE LADIES?. 1996 Fig. 30 Sbsll We J- Lunchtime Theatre House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. mpag. Fig. 3 1 David Schunaami and Naa McLeUan Wiowûank Estate. Season Brochure. 19% Shaw Festival Season. 74-75. Hay, mounted in the Court House theatre in 1996, do not portray an upper-class liféstyle, but the characters fiorn this show are not used in the promotional material for membership drives and season brochures. The cast of Mr. however, is. Outfitted in snappy white country-club suits, the actors serve as promotional images for the membership campaign and "meet the companyn pictures in the 1997 Season s roc hure^. The theatricaf production is a "commodity" to be consumeci, but it is also a vehick for marketing the Buick, the cafk, the Niagara rej@on,Canadian Airiines, and CanaAian tourism: cdtural production . . . is mediated by the commodity fonn not just once, but twice. For the consumer, a newspaper is a terminal gd[pmduct]; but for the advertiser it is a vitai relay in the marketing of something else . . . mhe whole media product is an ad. . . For besides the paid ads, the "realw (or non-advertising) content of a newspaper, magazine, or television show serves as a mgnet to draw audiences to the ads in its midst. (Wernick 99) An example of an ad in the "midst"of the theatrical production is the actuai buse program. The programs (which are Wed not only with promotional advertisernents for the Shaw Festival in the form of artists' biographies, and production and season information but also with advertisements for local businesses and sponsor corporations) fûnction like television "commercials"which are rdbefore the show, during intermissions, and &er the show- In some cases these commercials-special souvenir programs-are even purch& by the audience. Packageci in this way, the Shaw Festival presents the coIlSUrner/audience with "More Thm Just A Play" (Corporate apag) (see fig. 32). In the corporate spousorship flyer, the sketched icon of Bernard Shaw is fiameci as a comrnodity. W~thhis image endosed within a circuiar border and wine glasses, he almost 8~lsosee appendices A and D for more examples of promotional material photographs which associate the Shaw Festival with the upper class. Fig. 32 Shaw Festival Coprate Sponsor Pamphlet. 1990 Shaw Festival Scsson. Shaw Fdd Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. looks as though he is himselfbeing serveci up on a plate for the consumer's dining pleasure. Lifestyle routines are promoted which involve the consumption of 'More Than Just A Play." The discourse of the theatre is incorporateci into the discourse of a capital carnpaign focused on corporate spoosorship. The purchase of dinner, accommodation, transportation, ciothes, r&eshments, and souvenirs is promoted as part of The Shaw product package. An entire community of restaurants, hotels, tourist sights, souvenir shops, and transportation fkilities (planes, trains, boats, buses, and automobiles) surrounds the Shaw Festival. The strengh of this cornmunity is used in promotional material not only for the potential audience member but also br the potedial corporate sponsor. The Shaw Festival exists within the context of the greater community of businesses and products. "Eachpromotional message refèrs us to a commodity which is itselfthe site of another promotion" (Wemick 121); but the site of promotion in this case is designed to refer the reader back to the Shaw Festival in terms of the history, the product, and the community. This contaiment of Shaw's work and image within the conservative and consumer community of the Shaw Festivai hegemonidy reinfôrces capitalist ideology in which material goods are highly valued and hierarchicaliy stratiiied societies based on people's socio-ecornonic backgrounds are taken as the nom. The Shaw FestivaI has formuiated a number of package deds to entice audience members to experience Niagamon-the-Lake to its Hfùllestwand to encourage more consumiag throughout the Festival community. One such package, calleci "Elegant Traditions," promotes a number ofproducts in its pamphlet in temofa "unique package offering the finer things in life at an anorciable ph,in historic Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, Canadan (1993 npag.). The 1996 Elegant Traditions package includes: One night's accommodation at the Prince of Wdes Hotel with breakfast and dinner fiom their regthmenus. Two tickets to any Shaw Festival production (select fiom eleven plays in three theatres - playbiii listeci on other side). A seIf-guided tour of lnniskillin Wmery, a speciai tote bag and a limited edition boule ofwine signeci by the wine maker- A visit to Fort George. A community is forrned as each proudepends on the others for its own promotion and consumption. An illusion is created that these tbings belong togder and collectively add up to a more powerfiil signifier than the sum of th& individuai siiificacations. As weil, the advertisement extends beyond the promotion of obvious pduct goods and senices (tickets, accommodation, wine) to inchxde the promotion of Nia-on-the-Lake, Ontario and Canada, whose images are in tum used to promote the Shaw Festival. Many of the photos deployed in the 1996 Elegant Traditions pamphlet are promotional photos f?om the 1996 Shaw Festival season brochure (see figs. 33-34) and production photos from the 1995 season. Photos of Shaw Festival actors--Fiona Reid, Bruce Davies, and Matt Handy in Niagara region settings-are used in addition to a photo of Bernard Shaw driving a fknd's car, which in turn resonates with the GM Buick adverthement (see fig. 39). The leaûet, moreover, is also able to employ the cultural authority of Bernard Shaw. He is depicted in the context of this advertisement-which also resonates with the season certain associations with upper-class society and the cuhuraüy elite. Tradition ties in with the Shaw Festival's focus on the placement ofitselfi.the history ofNiagara-on-the-Lake as well as the history of Bemard Shaw, western theatre production, and "themodem world. "9 In 1992, the Shaw Festival created a "Festival Passport" for its commumty. The Shaw and Stdord companies, as weU as selected hotels, wete constructeci as cohesive Prices for the weekend per couple are boidly mark:ed in U.S. mency in the Elegant Traditions brochure, with the Canadian exchonge written in sxnaü print et the bottom of the page. Clearly this brochure is targeted at an internationai, but mostly American, market. Fig. 33 Cover. Elegant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1996 Shaw Festivai Sasoa Fig. 34 Fiona Riad, Bruce Davies and Man Handy, and Bernard Shaw. E1egant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. nations unto thdves. The passport holder receives "starnps" for visiting différent regions (botels and theatricai productions) of these "nations." As weii, the Shaw Festival postcards help to reinfOrce this concept of nation. Not oniy do the postcards foster the illusion of a nation, they aiso extend the promotional network to include the fiends of the consumers Chnstopher Newton models the appropriate behaviour for the consumer by niling in the fit postcard in each package: Dear Old Friend - Having a wondertùl the! Nie amazing plays in three wonderfiil theatres. Gardens evetywhere. The cards tear off Send them to Uncle Vanya and Cousin Bette - send them to everyone in the gang. Theyll love this place. Wish you were here! Christopher N. (Postcard 1991 n-pag.) As weii as acting as a mode1 for the composition of the postcard, "Old Friend" also operates as an address to the consumer. The impression is created that "we" (the consumer, the Shaw Festival, Christopher Newton, and the recipient of the postcard) are ail "Old Friends." This postcard also constnicts a community that knows who "Uncle Vanya and Cousin Betten are, and in doing so it exchides those who do not catch the joke that these are actuaiiy characterd names. By sending the postcards, moreover, the consumer acts as an advertising agent for the Shaw Festival. This &es the advertisement a personal edge-it is no longer ''junk" mail. With this active participation in the Shaw Festival promotions, a partnership is estabiished with the consumer. The 1996 postcard uses the season poster (see fig. 8) and includes a message fiom Michael Ball, Shaw Festival ensemble member, to his "Friends." The postcard not only promotes the 1996 season but pays special attention to the Festival theatre and a new Wypackage devised for those 18 years and under. This postcard not only creates an environment which conditions a younger generation in the routine of theaîre gohg and the wasumption of associated products, but also perpetuates a social@ comervative sense of traditionai fândy vatues as the discourse constructs the theatre as enjoyable entertainment for the whole famity- Dear Friends, We've got a new famiy package at the Festival Theatre. For wery aduit ticket, you can purchase an additionai youth ticket at half price. Young at hemt doesnt wunt - sorry! It's for 18 years and under. So the swashbuckling wit of me Devil 1s -- the spectacuiar thrüls of Rashomon and the rich humour of Hobson's Ch- cm dl be My outings. Give us a cal1 today. SincereIy yom7Michael Bal1 (n.pag) Afso listed on the back of this postcard, of course7are the Shaw Festival Box Ofnce nmber, intemet address, and the Beii Advmtage logo. Again, the postcard constnicts the Shaw Festivai as a wmnxidity but tries always to give the appearance of having a personalized, intimate relatimhip between the Festival and its customers. The many layers of promotionai campaign mate a network of partnerships between the Shaw Festal "product"and the wtlsumer/audience and between and among the various artists, sponsor corporations7goverment agencies, and Niagara businesses. With this network of piatnerships, a "business system" or "community" is generated around the product. This is key to the concept of interpromotion and the creation of a strong closed economy for the Shaw Festivai, which results in a successful Shaw Festival marketing campaign. It also creates a Festival discourse that recanstnias Beniard Shaw and his work as promoters of capitalism and the dominant ideology. The commuxûty remforces the practices and attitudes of the dominant ideology. This mong community or network of marketing chmisushers the Shaw Festival and its associated sponsors toward the formation of a wtual monopoly in the Niagara region market place. nie stronger the promotionai aetwork, the more accepteci and reïnfbrced the values of the onginai Shaw Festival commudy becorne, thus maiataining the Festival's presence in the market place. In this sense the Festival "corne(and the imapinn of Fknard Shaw) promotes more inîangiile quaiities and products, such as the notion of Nmgaro-on-the- Lake, ciass systems, commerciaüsm, and materialism. As the Festival's promotions reinforce the value systems of the dommant ideology, these vdue systexns in tutn support and strengthen the effectiveness of the Shaw Festival promotions. The Shaw FestivaI1s "success" is based not on the persuasiveness of any isolaîed advertisemexrt but on the Shaw Festival's abiito create a closed interdependeut community around its product. When audiences open their prograrns for lkshghmthey are entering a long- established tradition of community interdependence and interpromotion. The Shaw Festival takes great pride in its bistofical perspectives and in the telling of its own mythologies, and in doing so it creates a sense of noStatgïa When audiences open theh programs they are comecting with a construction of a pdcuiar "Bernard Shaw" who has throughout the Festivai's history acted as the Shaw F&vd logo and its authoritative spokesperson. This particuiar Mage of Beniard Shaw, howevér, has been consistently associated with the iïnanciaiiy, cuituraily, and socialiy elite. Chapter 3 Reading Beniard Shaw's ofthe the potentid to be a subversive play f~ra western audience. The program fbr the 1996 season production at the Shaw Festival proclaims that The contains an anticipation of "postcolonialist preoccupations and postmodernïst tendencies" and "prescient commentary on Eurocentric presumptions about the other worlds over which Britain and Europe held sway" (npag.). Yet the promotional material, tbrough the use of graphics chosen, notes about the meaning of the play, the advertiscments, and the introduction of the promotional image of a Bernard Shaw character on stage, serves to reinforce the authority of western culture. Eurocentric presumptions about "other" cultures are reinforced, rather than challengeci, by the promotional material. The programs, brochures, press releases and posters of The_SimDleton at the Shaw Festival in 1996, fiame and contain the show in such a way that its potentiai as an interrogative, postcolonial, or (poiiticaiiy) postmodernistl text is defused. I use the term . . interrogative as defmed by Catherine Belsey in whkh questions the notion of the narrator or impiied author (the subject of enunciation) as a unifieci and all- knowing authority. The in- text . . . disrupts the unity of the reader by discouraging identification with a unifieci subject of the enunciatioa The position of the "author" inscribed in the tes, if it caa be located at aii, is seen as questionhg or as literally contradictory. . . . mt dmliteraiiy invite the reader to produce amers to the questions it implicitly or expiicitly raises. . . . n]he interrogative text retiises a singie point of Mew, however complex II use poiiticaiiy posmiodemist to rdèr to the type of engaged postmodernism by Lida Hutcheon in . . niism and elsewhere, not the disengaged, playfid postmodemism-- of the popular imagination. and compreheLlSive, but brings points of view into umesolved collision or contradictiom it therefbre &ses the hierarchy of discr,ufses of classic reaiism, and no authoriai or authoritative discourse points to a single position which is the place of the coherence of meaning. (91-92) The promotional materials fiame the text in such a way as to provide a sense of closure and impfied arrthority in the persona ofthe Bernard Shaw character. Although Bernard Shaw is presented as an exotic eccentric in some ways, he is nevertheless construcîed as an autfiority figure. It is important to note the areas in which he does have authority as a high dure icon, which inchide the script and the adFestival performances. He has authority, however, as a "product," but he is not necesdy considered an authority in terms of social criticism. The appropriation of the concepts of intercultumi and intertextual into the respectful discourses of the multinational and interpromotional at the Shaw Festival work not to question but to rdEmthe stahis quo and the whe systerns of the dominam aihure, and to assimilate "the othered" cultures iato the fiamework of the dominant ideology. The promotional materiai manages to do this by fiamhg the production as fiolow entertabment, as an extravagance of the creative genius of Shaw, as a consumable commerd product, and as wdortabiy distant history. The promotional materid works, moreover, to reinforce the "orientaiist"construction of the east as the exotic and iaferior oh.ûrientalism, like interpromotion, works to universalize the dominant culture's notion of sameness. It too, is a closed capitalist economy as opposed to an open system téaturing a detdedlack of unity or closure (which is also part of the concept of intertextuaüty and the idea of the interrogative text) and it invokes a universaliet understanclhg of human nature that privileges the currently dominant. What may appear to a dominant culture to be universai buman nature may actuany be a sameness that we, as the West, have constnicted based on our own values and social structures. As Edward Said argues in Onentalism. where he examiiles western scholarsiiip'a consbuction of "the east" as other: Orientaiism is -and does not simply represent- a considerable dimension of modern poIiticai-inteUechial culture, and as such has iess to do with the Chient than it does with "ourwworld. (12) In 0thwords what we, as Westerners, say about the Orient speaks more about us than it acîuaiiy does about the Chient. Marvin Carlson adds to Said's arguments with his conceni that, the "problem with the apparent& praiseworthy tramculturai enterprise remains . . . that the initiatiag culture L wbich in the case of the Shaw Festival is western dture] risks ahivays imposing its own value systems upon others in the name of human brotherhood and universai concerns" (91). So, as Said suggests, the Shaw Festival's use of the "Chient" perhaps says more about the west than the east or any sort of "univdwncerns. Carlson goes on to say that: As such theorkm as Derrida and Blau have wamed us, the universai, üke the unmediated, can be and has been a dangerous and seifdeceptive vision, denying the voice of the Other in an attempt to transcend it. (91) The promotionai material for the 1996 season at the Shaw Festivai, then, partakes in the orientalist enterprise by denying the voice of the "other" in an attempt to (re)present it or transcend it and by appropnating the genuineiy intercultural with globalization, or multinationalism, in much the same way as intertextuality is appropriated by the interpromotionai. Theoffoffers the opportunity for an intenaingiing ofeastem and western cultures, and for a &que of western values through a process of defàmiiiion, but the promotionai material represents the east as the generic other and leaves little room for the parcicular, for the anaiysis of cultural différence, or for actmlly hearing "the voice of the Other." Act 1of the published script of Theprovides a potential for the representation of an open family of equal partners without a patriarchal structure of white western male ownership over the fàmiiy. The Unexpected Ides fdyinitidy consists of six people-Hy- Young Womaa (Mrs. Hyering), Pra, Prola, Sir CbarIes Famaters, and Lady Farwaters. Th& relatioaship is çonstmcted by the playscript as a My coiiective. There is a potential for democracy and equaIity mong eastern and westem members and even among semai partners. Sir Charles and Lady Farwaters descrii th& famiy to new corner Clergyman Iddy as "a mixai one" and spec* that th& "famiIy arrangements are not those in Engiand (Act 142). Su Charles explains that the four Britons joined an "eastem experimeat" in which its "object was to try out the result of a biological blend of the flesh and spirit of the West with the flesh and spirit of the east. We formed a famihr of six parents" (Act 143). Iddy, not quite comprehending what it means to live in this collective faudy, indicates his interest in proposhg to Maya, one of the daughters. Lady Farwaters responds that Maya would: "consider[.s] horable proposal dishonorable, . . . unless it includes aü the Iadies of the bdy. You will not be aiiowed to pick and choose and make distinctions. You marry ail or none" (Act I 46). So ail the members of the six-person fàmiiy have the potentiai to be wnsidered equal pariners both CUlturaUy and sexuaüy. The east is represented in various pictures (taken or created during Shaw's lifetime) throughwt the program : Pitcairn Island, India, Easter Island, New Zealand, Ceylon, Savage Island, Polynesia, Samoa, and Hawaii (se fig. 35-36 and appendix E). The photos and engrawigs were chosen presumably to hvoke the images of cultures crossing and mixing and to situate lkSh&mn in a inciai-historical context. The promotional materiai's use of the various locations to represent the "east," however, reinforces a generic rather than carefiilly historicized sense of "other" and works at least in this context to reinforce the dominance ofthe western world over the "other." Pitcairn Isiand (see appendix E) is the only specific location that is named in the playscript (Act II 63) and represented in the house program. The white Westerners (mostly men} are @en specific identities in these pictures. They have names and profbsions as in the examples of Scottish novelist and poet Robert Louis Stevenson (see fig. 39, and Bemard Shaw (see fig. 36). The white Westemer is the subject taking action in the foreign (other) pIace: The Scoih'sh navelist and poei Robert buis Stevenson (1850-1 896) and his farnily an the pasch of their home in Sornoa (Huiton Dautsch]. Fig. 35 D&mpkm House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Fig. 36 "Bernard Shaw in 1936, on a trip to Hawaü."lkShgbm House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. "missionaries at Savage Island," "British tourists in India," and "Mrand Mrs Shaw about to embark for New Zdand" (see appendk E). Many figures and production photos in ll&mpkm house program support reading Sir Charles, Hugo Hyering and Pra, moreover, as the "natucal"My leaders. Beginning with the Artistic Directois photo, men are ptaced in a position of dominance throughout the program. Christopher Newton hoIds the control of the camera and Ann BaggIey (eroticized in a black corset) is positioned as the focus of the camerals gaze (see fig. 17). The Ange1 and the Bernard Shaw characters are the nrst production photos in the house prograni, and both these men are featured in positions ofpower, with pen and paper in hand. The white, male Ange1 dresseci in a cleric's dom,has the power to decide who iives and who perishes, and who is considerd usefiil and who is useless in the world. The Bernard Shaw character is also constnicted as the dtimate divine power as he controis the characters and the action of the play through his writing and authorid voice that sometimes speaks in unison with the charsicters. The events and characters on the stage are clearly his creation, as Glynis Leyshon points out in the Director's Notes (which are positioned on the page opposite to the photos of the Angel and Shaw). Also on the opposite page is the ody picture of Proia in the program. In a passive, semi-recunbeat position, she look insecurely up at the Angel and Beniard Shaw cbarader photos. (see fig. 37) Again the photos ia app& E and figures 35-36 feahife the western male in positions of dominance or ownership with respect to the "others" in the photos. The wood engraving by John Farleigh (see fig. 38) pictures the fidy dothed older white man (Christ) offering the naked "Black Girl" a holy cup, She leans passiveiy against the well in what couid be considerd an eroticized pose as she Iooks over one shouider at the man and timidly &es bis cup. The political and ideologicai messages embedded in the advertisements and programs are not completely obvious, but instead are represented as naturai, or as common sense- The more naturd they appear the more powerfiil the messages becorne. Advertisements and promotid material work best when one understands them as natmi, and when one is unconscious of PRODUCTION HISTORY ThSintpIerun of dle Uncxprirzd Idzs was hst performed on 18 February 1935 by the Theacre Guild at the GuiId Theatre, New York. New productions followed the same year ac the Tean Poiskr m Poiana and ac the MaIvern Festival in England. The play was revived by the Am Thea~eClub in London in 1945, but had to wait und 1995 for is kt'public* presentaaon in London. The Sinrplmn had its Canadian premiere in November t 959 at Hart House Theaae, University of Toronto, in a student pro- duction directed by Robert GiII. The only professional production in Canada was at che Shaw Festival in 1983,which (according co Shaw's biographer Michael Holroyd) revealed "che drarnatic possibilities of a play long regarded as unproducible". Fig. 37 Roger Honeywell as an Angel; Al Kozlik as Bernard Shaw; Production History; Director'e Notes; Brenda Kamino as Prola; The Siouse Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Seeson. DIRECTOR'S NOTES by GIym Leyshon There is nothhg that people will not believe nowadays iE oniy it be presented to them as Science ... I myself began like that; and 1am ending by receiving every sciedic statement with dour suspicion whiist giving very respecdul consideration to the inspirations and revelations of the prophets and poets." - Bernard Shaw, PreFace to The Simpkron arht Unexpend lslrs Nea~gche end of his long life, Shaw began to snuggle against che disquieting absolucism of out modem fairh in science. in his dramaac Fable The Simpleton of the Unexpccted Mes, he secs out to 'throw coconurs" at such blind belief, and in doing so he creates a briiliandy idiosyncraac vision of our journey chrough the twenaeth century. Leaving behind the decaying remains of nineteenth-cenniry coloniitfism (wonderfuIly penonified by the Rhodesian derk Wh), six unlikely human behgs decide CO Face the new cenmry by committing themselves to a glorious experirnen~Like Prospero before thern, they seek to mnsform rheir island paradise inro a brave nav world. this arne using the science OF eugenics. Devised widi the best of intenuons and the highest of goals, cheir experiment at ktappears superEicïaiiy rewarding. Yet as the fable unfolds. the resula of science without conscience become increasingly alamiing, and ulti- ,;iately desoucuve. The highiy personal nanire of this work prompted us co move GBS literaily ont0 che stage with his creauons. We see him delighüng in broad satirical iabs as weil as embncing the hgile maqic of his Island. hbsc celiingly of all. we see hirn surveying che remains of our cenmry aher 'Judgernent,' and hnding in Our Mures a glorious and unsentimental affirmaaon of Life. His fina1 words to us provide a surprisingly generous grace-note to his long iife-dong with a shining vision of humanicy sailing shakiiy into the unchaned waters of the new milIenium. iNClDENTAL MUSIC Music chosen by MsLeyshon For this production is taken mainly horn two CDS pro- duced by CBC Records: O Bali: Colin tlilcfkre and His Legacy; and Mrrsic far Haven and Eurrk by the Canadian composer Alexina Louie. While these two recordings emphasize the play's theme of East-meecr-West, out pro- ducaon aIso uses selections by Mozare, Puccini, Handel, Richard Strauss, John Tavener, Cole Porter, and Gilbert and SuIlivan. figure is sepamteci into two pages. In the house program the Iayout siniates Prola in a gaze upward toward the Angel.) bicerpt hwn Bernard Shaw's THE ADVENTURES of the BLACK GIRL IN HER SEARCH for GOD HER NEXT ADVENTURE was ara well where she stopped to drink, and suddenly saw a man whom she had not noticed before sitting beside it As she was about to scoop up some water in her hand he produced a ct~pFrom nowhere and said *Take this and drink in remembrzince of me." Thank you, baas" she said, and drank. "Thank you kindly." She gave hun back che cup; and he made it dis- appear Like a conjurer, at which she laughed and he laughed too. "That was clever, baas" she said. 'Greac magician, you. You perhaps tell black woman sotnediinp. 1am in search of Cod. Where is hg" 'Within you' said die conjurer. 'Within me too." -1 diink so' said the girl. "Buc what is fidu "Our father' said the conjurer. The black girl made a wry face and thoughr for a moment. 'Why not our mocherl" she said then. Ic was the conjurer's turn to make a wry hce; and he made it "Our rnothen wouid have us put Wdengming by John Farleigh for Bernard thern before God,' he said. 'If 1 had been guided by Shaw's The Advenlures of the Blcrck Gid in Her my mother 1 should perhaps have been a rich man Seorch for God (1932) inscead of an outcasc and a wanderer; but 1 should not have found God." 'My father beat me Erom the rime 1 was Little und 1 was big enough to lay lum out with my knobkeny" said the black girl; "and even aher that hr uied to sel1 me to a white baas-soldier who had let3 his wife across the seas. 1 have always rehsed co Say 'Our Eather which art in heaven.' 1 always Say 'Our grandhther.' 1will not have a God who is my Fathrr.' That need not prevent us loving one another like brother and sister" said the conjurer smiling; for the gnndhther amendment tickled his sense of humor. Besides, he was a goodnatured hUow who smiled whenever he could. -A woman does not love her brother" said the the black girl. 'Her hem tums Erorn her brother to a smnger as rny heart tums to you." -Weil: let us drop the Eamily: it is oniy a meta- phor" said the conjurer. Weare ali members of the sarne body of mankind, and therefore members one of another. Let us leave it at chat" Fig. 38 IW3mp&m House Prograrn. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. the societal programming and conditionhg they perpetuate. The programs, brochures and other promotionai materiai work effectiveiy because they are hegemonic in their abito subtly r-e an audience's expectatim and points of reference. Presumably the pictures are meant to resonate with images ftom the play; for example, "Missionary at Savage Island" (see appendix E) echoes Clergyman Iddy's arrivaf at the Unexpected Isles. The images conjured by the name "Savage Island" help to constnict the Unexpected Mes as savage, primitive, and unciviiized. The figure invokes an image of natives who are welcoming and warm but primitive in relation to the more sophisticated and spintual "west"represented by the Missionary. There is aiso a sense of the West saving the natives' sods by subordinating them to the patriarcbal structure of the western religions. Through its treatment of the Clergyman, Iddy, and its interrogation of organized religion, IWShpkm has the potential to be read as a criticai andysis of the church, which fiinctions as ideologid state apparatus (as defined by Althusser), for the perpetuation of a dominant western culture. During their first encouter, Prola asks Iddy "What is your religion?" He replies, "The Christian religion, of course. 1am a clergyman." When ProIa questions, "Wiiat is the Christian religion?" Iddy fin& it difEc-uit to answer. This draws attention to the assumption that the Christian religion is naturd and that ail people know and understand it. Iddy mers, 'Weil, it is-weli, 1suppose it is the Christian religion. 1thought everybody knew" (Prologue 38-39). However, as demonstrateci in chapter two, the figure of Beniard Shaw is not thought of as radical, and thus the dqiction of Clergyman Iddy is perhaps not read as an aîtack oa organized religion. Instead Iddy is read as an indiviw who is -y, bumbling, and simpleminded, rather than as a critique of the church as a whole. The illustration of "the head of the recumbent Buddha and his stone paow at Polo~aniwa"(see appendix E) connects perhaps with Iddy's 6rst enCounter with the four children, Maya, Vashti, Ianga and Kancliin in the garden when he mistakes them for wooden idols. The . . .1beg your pardoa 1fm I am trespassing. 1 am a strmger here; and 1 could not fhd a road up fiom the beach 1thought 1 *. mi@ across through your grounds. -1 But 1 assure you 1 had no idea 1was intniding on consecrateci ground. Era, You are not on consecrateci ground, except in so far as aü ground is çonsecrated. The -. Oh, excuse me. 1thought-those idols- Em. Idols! The Ob, of course not idols. 1meant those gods and goddesses-(Act I 35) The specifics of culturd ciifference, however, are not explored in the promotional material. Rather, as Christopher Newton writes in the season brochure: It's a comic Wle that starts off like a Conrad novel in the immigration office of some tetrile colony of the Old Empire - perhaps the Maldive Islands or some God-forsaken outpost in the China Sea. matter because we soon realize that the world bastumed upside down. (Season Brochure 11) (emphases added) The east is given a generic othemess, and no partidar meaning or cdtures are represented in depth or detail. Only the &ce impression of the Westemer Iooking in is remotely represented, and as Newton pl- indicates in his description of the play, the Unexpected Isles are constnicted as a terrible dsmy, or as some God-forsaken outDost. Clearly the east, as a "world . . . tumed upside do-" is consûucted in terms of the West. The non-white, non-western "others" in the house program illustrations are @en identities ody as "the Black girl" (see fig 38), as "bis hmüy" (see fig. 39, or not at ail: &e The 2~orexamples of illustrations which do not give the "eastern" peoples identities see appendix E. Sim&&m where each character has a name, with the exception of the British f'e characters. In tbis case the British males retain ownership over the British fernales as "The Young Wornan" becornes "Mrs. Hyering" and the ''Engiish lady tourist" is later known as "Lady Famaters." The Priest and Priestess of the Unexpected Isles, Pra and Prola, and the children of the fhmiiy collective, Vashti, Maya, Kanchin, and Janga, each maintain their own mdividuai names without a patronymic name attacheci. Iddy tries to assign Maya to Sir Charles Fanvater's ownership in Act I, where he pleads with her, "Respect my cloth, Miss Famalas," but she answers distinctly, "bhya is my namen (Act 1 49. emphases added). men Vashti and Maya partner with Iddy, he does not become their master. They do not change their name to bis, but retain their own identity. This has the potential to be a subversion of the dominant concept of ownership and individuality in which famiiy names are taken for granted and children h&mg to th& parents-especiaiîy their father-rather than tùnctioning as quais in a collective society. There is a sense of dominance and paternity-of traditional "~yvaluesw-that is constructeci as naturai in the promotional materid and Festival discourse. Pra and Prola have many names and many identities. These characters indicate in the playscript that there are many ways to read them depending on the circumsfances and the position of the reader. The Y.WW 1s bis name Pra? The He has many names; but he answers to Pra when you cd him. . , . The E 0- Is your name Prola? The She has many ~lil~lles:some of them ternile ones; but she mersto Prola when you caii her. (Prologue, iii 30-3 1) 1 would argue that the house program defuses tbe potentiai for people to have many names and many identities and confines even the audience to restricîed social roles as construded by the dominant ideoIogy. In the iltusîration featuring Charlotte Payne- Townshend Shaw and Bernard Shaw boardhg the RMS Rangitane in the house program, the caption at the bottom reads, "Mrand Mrs Benrard Shaw about to embark for New Zeaiand on the RMS RangitaneenChariotte becornes "MrsShaw." in Ik SimDleton_ frola speaks agaiast this owaership and dominance but the house program seems to naturalize it. Prola chanenges the concept of women's "natural"dependence on men: Cve never aüowed you or any other man to cut me off my own stem and deme a parasite on his. That sort of love and sacrifice is not the co~l~ummationof a capable woman's existence: it is the temptation she must resist at di costs. (Act II 79) The has the potential to represent a world in which east and west, female and deare equai. In the promotional materiai, the Westemer, especially the white male, is givw more value and importance and this representation reinforces the patriarchy and the dominance of western culture over the east. In the house program, for example, there seems to be no sense of equaiity in this intercultural exchange, sharing or exploration of difference? and certainly no voice of what is represented as the "other." This fiames the audience's horizon of expectation going into the show. Moments in The when equaiity and power are shedby ail may be read as a bcyof Shaw, or as simply exotic. Mead of opening up the text and possïbly subverting the cultural dynamics and hegemonic dominance of the west, ïhS&Mm program subtly reinforces dominant western ideology. The promotiod material for The constructs a discourse in which certain readings are more possi'ble than others; and so, moments can be easily dismisseci in the play of equity between the east and west, fdeand male. Prola's strength as an eastem wornan is rendered non-threatening to the Festival audience because she is constructed by the program as an exotic "other." The meaning of her strength and leadership is contextuajized as a fable. In the script, Prola insists that the Mygroup and socim should be based on equality and refiises any role ofgovernance or domination over even her chiidrerr Vashti. Prola is she who decides. Prola is she who unites. Vashti. Prola is she who knows. M@a No one can withstand Prola ProIa. Be quiet, you two. You shali not make an id01 of me. Kanchin. We shall make you Empress of the Isles. Janpa. Prola the First. Vashti. Homage, Prola. Mava. Love, Prola. Kanchin. Obedience, Prola. m. Absolute de,Prola. M.Aii your burdens on me. Lazy idle children. -.. Kanchin. We have made this house a temple. lanna. We have made Prola its goddess. Maga. We have made it a palace. Vashti. A palace for Queen Prola. Ka&. She shall reign. Janna. For ever and ever. -. -. ri]Haii, Prola, ow goddess! rJanna.1Haü, Prola, our empress! AU_Four. rnishinnveson knees]Hail! Prola. Wd you provoke me to box yow eus, you abominable idolaters. Get up this instant. Go and scrub the floors. Do anything that is dirty and grubby and srneily enough to shew that you tive in a real world and not in a fool's paradise. KI catch you grovelling to me, a aeature of the same clay as youselves, but hrtunately for you with a Memore cornmon sense, 1 wiH beat the davishness out of your bones. (Act ïI, 60-64) However, this insistence on equdity and collective, CO-operativehg is undennineci by hierarchicai and patriarchal representations of Myin the promotional material. Scenes such as the invasion of the Unexpected Isles by the world's navies provide an opportunity for the interrogation of clifference as each nation sen& its demands and interpretations of Iddy's relationship with the MycolIeCtive. However, the promotional material makes the possiiilities less iikely for reading this as serious rather than farcical. Different viewpoints and alternative constructions of society, such as the communal iiving arrangement in which personal possessions and competitiveness are not vaiued, are containeci within this capitalist/consumerist discourse and consequently are defiised. This works in similar ways to the appropriation of the concept of the intercultural by the corporate western world when "interdturd" is rearticulated as "multinational." The current series of International Business Machines (IBM) television commercials provides an example of a multinational corporation appropriating the intercultural to suggest a sense of worldwide sameness and worId culture. These cornmerciais often depict members of an "othered" culture convershg about IBM in theù own language with English subtitles. The IBM commercial clallns fieedom and fiee choice kr people but fails to communicate tnithfiilly that this sense of freedom redy ody applies to a nmdl privileged portion of the world's population. Intercultural text or discourse may have the possïôility for the interrogation of diffêrence, but muitinatioIizllism works to manage and gloss over any sense of difti;rence so that the other is aiways swdiowed up, consumed, or exploited by the dominant centre uuder the guise of globalurrtioz~ A wiversalization of humankind occurs, in which the powerfiil centre defines the tenns and vahres for the others and fiames these in such a way that they are presented as the essence of human nature. In other words, universalization naturaüzes the dominant western point of view and reinforces its power position in relation to other cultures. The concepts of the intercultural and intertextual assist in politicizing the work in the sense that they hction interrogatively and challenge the validity of a single authorid voice, dethe interpromotional and dtinational work to reinforce, reaffirm and naturalize the authority of dominaut centre, in this case a capitalist, western, North American Society. As the photos in figures 35-36 and 38 illustrate, the east is always represented in terms of the West. This representation of the east in the promotional material also demonstrates what Edward Said perhaps means when he States: in a quite constant way, Orientalism depends for its strategy on this fiexiile superiority, which puts the Westemer in a whole series of possible relationships with the Orient without ever losing him the relative upper hami (7) The has the potential to challenge western society's perceptions and assumptions about what is usefui and useless in our own culture. For example, in the last Act, as angels amive in the British territories to execute the Judgment Day, questions are raised about who is worthy to continue living: "We angels are executing a judgment. The Iives which have no use, no meanitlg, no purpose, wili fade out. You will have to juste your existence or perish. Only the elect shall survive" (Act 1I 69). Pra gives an account of the disappearances as they are reportai through the news. Many of the lives deemed useless are the oaes society currently afFords great value, including economists, politicians, academics, medical proféssionals, "TitledLadies," and "popular leaders of fàshion and fmous beauties": Ers . . Extraordim'y disappearances. Indescri'bable panic. Stock Exchange closes: oniy two memkn left. Howe of Cornmom decimatai: ody fourteen mernbers to be found: none of Cabinet rd. House of Lords still musters fifty mernbers; but not one ofthem has ever attendecl a meeting of the Chamber. Mayhir a desert: six hotels left without a single guest. Fresh disappeatances. Crowded intercession service at Westmuister Abbey brought to a close by disappearance of the congregation . . . There is gmxd agreement tbat ow losses are imparable, though their bad effects are as yet deIt. But before long- What's the use of gohg on, Pra? The angels are weeding the -garden. The useiess people, the mischievous pmpIe, the selfish somebodies and the noisy nobodies, are dissolhg into space, which is the simplest fbrm of matter- We here are awaiting our own dwm. (Act 475) The concept of usefùi and useless posed by the script provides a potential for interrogation of the value systems of the dominant culture. P~dieacemembers codd be Ieft questionhg or challenging their own vaiue systems and their roles in society. Ifthis debate did occur it was mnsciously or unconsciously framed and contahed at the 19% Shaw Festival by The program, Shaw Festivai Brochures, and the context of the Shaw Festival theatre experience, What is usefd and important to the Sbaw Festival and what the Shaw Festival fèels is us& and important to the reader/mdience is included in the programs and brochures. For example the essay uicluded in the house program by A M. Giibs provides the folowing imerpretation: Shaw satiricdy refiects on both the rise of authoritarianism in Europe, and the hysterical jingoism and cultural and political subservience of the British colonies. . . The abstractions the chiidren fînaiiy turn into . . . Love, Pride, Heroism and Empire - are treated very criticaliy in the play. Westem impeinalism is irnpticitty likened to a Fawtian quest for power, ending in empty but potentiy dangerous mantras. house program n.pag.) The promotional material constructs the "mantras"of the children as the dangerow aspect of the situation and creates a sense that Shaw's satire applies sâfely to the distant past and to distant coutries. What does a lack of moral conscience in the cbildren mean for the Shaw Festival audience? The could potentially draw parallels between the coupling ofBritish characters with Pra and Prola to create "four wonderfiil cbildren [with] ail sorts of talents, ail sorts of accomplisbments, all sorts ofcharms. . . mut] not between the whole four of them a scrap of moral conscience'' (Act I, 44) and the appropriation of the east by western capital campaip. Tbe campaigns, of course, mate cornmerciais and merchandise that are beautifid and imaghtive (for exampIe Coca Cola's "Weare the worid, we are the children" camp-), but are dwoid ofany real "usefihessn in terms of hum* and lacking any moral conscience in tams of social responsibüity. 1wodd argue that the construction of the 1996 season Shaw Festival promotional material and the production of- does not suggest this reading. Interpromotional Shaw in a way exacts judgment on who and what is deemed useful and useless, and so the audience members read the meaning ofhdgment Day and rnake assumptions about who in society is usefiil or useless, without any real sense of threat to or subversion of the current and seemiagly nadconstruction of western society. Consciously or uncoIlSCiousIy, the program prescribes for the reader what is useful- director's notes, company pictures and biographies, üsts of sponsors, govemors, contriiutors and artists pictures of the "east," short essays on Shaw, excerpts fkom his other works, and commercial advertisements. Each house program for the 1996 seamn is fiameci by an advertisement for the Buick Riviera on the inside cover (see fig. 39) and one for the Preservation Fine Art Gallery on the back cover. The Buick Riviera advertisement wnstructs the readedaudience in terms of mainstream North American middle-upp&-cIsiss fdyvalues: b As ktwe can at being subtle, we wodd Iüce to suggest that since you've spent so much of your the proMding for oks- &and care for the My,a Mucation for the kids, a better standard of Mgfor everyone - it might be time for you to provide samethhg aice and even luxunous for yourself. Buick Riviera. Itls how you get there. (n.pag.) Fig. 39 Buick Riviera Advertisement. nie House Program 1996 Shaw Festive Season. npag. Blurred in the background to the text and the insets of the cars are two tdstone piiiars, a wrought-iron gateway and large trees wùich give the impression of a wealthy estate. This subtle background supports the image of status and resonates with the estate and CO*- home images of Niagara-on-the-Lake, including the image of the Preservation ûallery on the back cover (see appendix F). The ad's text brings with it an entire set of assumptions and implied values. There is the asswnption that presumed caring, giving, and time spent providing for others can and should be rewarded with a cornmodifieci definition of personal pleasure (Luli 1l), in this case the luxury car, and that seiûess acts and kindness towards even your own fdymust have some sort of mataid reward or compensation in the end for the individual who "spent" herh"time providing for others." So the is "spent," not given, and in this imagined world of the Buick Riviera there must be some individual retum and reward for that investment which cornes in the form of a material cornrnodity. How does this fit in with the concept of the fbdy in where there is little sense of material possessions and where everything is shared-including sexual partners? The concept of shared communal hg,which might challenge the structure of our society and the value placed on indhidualism and materiaiism, is contained by the promotional materiai. The promotional matenal allows the reader to dismiss easiiy the coU&e famiiy and unpossessiveness as part of the Unexpected Isles expriment (which Prola and Pra refer to as a f'dilure in Act II), or to perhaps understand and read it as part of the exoticism of the "east" and "other." The costumes of the children in production and üiustrations in the house program help to invoke a sense of harmless htasy and contribute to the construction of the daughters as objects of the heterodmale gaze (see fig. 40). When Iddy is cartied away by the chi1drex.1,~the scene is perhaps dismissed as an exotic fàntasy of Beniard Shaw's becawe the representation of the show in the house 3~hestage directions at the end of Act 1 in the publisheci script suggest that only Iddy, - . THE SIMPLETON OF THE UNEXPECTED ISLES, 1996 Fig. 40 Lisa Waines as Maya, Shaun Philips as Kanchin and Janet Lo as Vashti, carrying Ben Carlson as The Reverend Hamriiingtap. House Program. 19% Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Vashti, and Maya have sexual relations: "The three ernbrace with interlacecl arms and vanish in black darkness" (50). In the 1996 Shaw Festival production, however, Iddy is carried off stage by both the &ers and brothers. program constnicts this world as a "comic fàblewand as a whimsical, light-hearted creation of the Intefpromotiod Shaw. Even though the production places all four chübin the "seduction"scenes with Iddy and dl four carry him off stage, the homoeroticism may not be read by the audience. In the promotid materiai, the two women are cleariy seen ca-g Iddy whiie Kanchin is somewhat bidden in the back for support (see fig. 40). The promotional material clearly supports heterosemd couplin& with photos of Pra and Mrs Hyering together, and Lady and Si.Charles Farwaters together. Lady Famaters is dso depicted in very "mothedynposes with her head gdyresting on Sir Charles's and Iddy's head in both pictures and with her hand lovhgly codorting them like a mother and child (see fig. 41). Perhaps the notion of an older English woman as an actively sexual being, or the notion that she may have many roles and identities, is somehow threatening. Howwex, any suggestion of Lady Fanvaters' awakened saruality is defiised as she is constructeci as the mother figure in IkShpkmprogram. Prola who is ciearly marked as the leader of the Wy,ifthere is to be a leader, is not represented in these motherly poses. Ln fact Prola is not wen included with the other members of the family in the production photos. The notion of the collective is dismissed as Vashti and Maya are consaucted as exotic t emptresses. Rehunuig back to the Buick advertisement, there is also an assumption tha better standard of living is dkectiy linked with "cornfort," "a Modem education,'' and owning a "luxurious"Buick Riviera, ali of which contriiutes to the Festival discourse of status, wnsumerism, and materialism. This GM advertisement does not make specifk reference to Bernard Shaw and the content of his work but does resonate with the Festival diswufse of high quality and Iuxury. Paul Hummert in Shaw's interprets the playscript of- Simaleton terms of religion fùnctioning as an analogy for capitalism. His reading of Wilks's suicide and Hyerings plunge into the waters off the cm of life includes a potential for the play to subvert the dominant ideology's conception Fig. 41 Robert Bensoa as Sir Charles Farwaters and Wendy Thatcher as Lady F~tcwaters;Wendy Thatcher as Lady Farwaters and Ben Carlson as The Reverend Hammingtap. lbSmpha House Progrm. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. of capitaiism: The prologue to Ih&&bn is a Wtization of the bîblical theme, "Unless ye are bom again of water and the Holy Ghost ye shall not be saved": the only way in which the Emigration Oflicer and the Young Woman cmwash the stains of capitalism hmtheir souls is by a death- de- plunge into the sea. Wilks, a subordhate to the Emigration CMEcer, refùses to leave capitalism or the Emigration ûfiïce and blows his brains out after realizing that he was no Cecil Rhodes; that he did not fïnd diamonds in his back yard; that the deofcapitalisrn is the "golden nile of exception" which makes a man ricb and the "leaden deof poverty for the millionsn-he was one of the millions. And yet he dies still singing the praises of capitalist England, "Let the whoIe earth be England and let Englïshmen rule it. [Siaaulp] Rule Brîtannia- Britannia niles the wa-" (prologue i). . . Wbably dernonstrates the reason why English proletarians would never rebel. (178-1 79) Unlike WiIks, Hyering manages to redeem blfbyleaving his old Life and existence as an Emigration ûflicer behind. He joins the Unexpected Mes Wycollective rather than trying to dethern. He discards his possessions and hes with the famiy members in the temple, The imaginexi fàmily in the Buick Riviera advertirnent is much diffèrent fiom the fadyin the world of the Unexpected Isles. Shaw, the playwright, creates a world in which material and individuai possessions are irrelevant, where everything is shared, incIuding lovers, where group needs are more important than the individual se& and "how you get there" does not matter. "There," in terms of the Buick ad, clearly suggests status, accompiishment, cornfort, or luxwy-al1 rneasuces of individual success in a capitalist economy. AIso implicit in the Buick advertisement's he, "It's how you get there," is perhaps the Shaw Festival. The Buick ad works to support a c01lsumer Iifèstyle, m which the ownership of a luxury car is important and the ab* to drive to the Festival in that luxury provides one not only with status, but also with a sense of individual accomplishment and reward. As the Shaw Festival is located in a relatively smd community, Niagaraen-the- Lake, a large percentage of the Shaw Festival visitors would be cornmuthg by car. Pages forty-four to forty-men in the Shaw Festival 1996 Season Brochure, éatitled "How to Get Here" in the table ofcontents, provide extensive maps to the Shaw Festival, tips for driving, and a posslMe "seIf-guideci tour of the outstanding vineyards in the Niagara region" (47). In a sense, the advertisement is promoting not ody the Buick Riviera, but also the liestyle and value system that would support owning and driving a 1- car and that makes certain readings of lhS@km production more possible than others. At the same tirne, it also resonates with the image ofthe Niagara-on-theLake comunity: well-educated, middle- to upper-class people wÎth traditional "Myvalues," living in the maaicureci landscape of country estates and quaint turn-of-the-century homes. Since the temple is an imagined off-stage home for the fa@, advertisements iike these perhaps help to constnict a certain vision of grandeur and luxury for the Unexpected Ides group. The glossy format and the impression of high class, together with its rich, dark colours, and soft textures, resonates with neariy all the promotional material the Shaw Festival produces. As aii these interpromotional references work within a closeci system of the Shaw Festival as a community, we, as audience members, are not challenged to reconsider or question our cultural values but are encourageci to maintain the statu quo and societal standards. In addition, the Preservation Gallery advertisanent with its pink tum-of-the- century style home and soft lighthg, on the back cover of the house program4 helps reinforce the traditional and home-tm country image of the Shaw Festival and the %e house programs of each production in the 1996 Festival season contain the same advertisements. This adds to the sense of unity and cohesion of the Festival discourse. Niagara-on-theLake "comrnunity"which is part of the Festival discourse and which is in tum an iduence on an audience's understanding ofthe production. The Shaw Festival's promotiod discourses are very much in sync with the promotionai discourses of the Niagata region, -ch involve wine, fine food, 1WCUTious acco~ll~~lodations,and tradition. The Shaw F&al Brochure dedicates many pages to descriptions of Niagara Region Attractions7Accommodation Senices, Bed & Breakfàsts (with eighty-men listings), House Rentals, Spa Accommodation, Camphg (wiui only one listing), Dining, Specialty Foods, Wmeries, Antiques, Attractions, Books, Fashion, Florists, Galleries, Gats and SeMces (which List Budget Rentals and Sentineal [sic] Carrïages) (48-77). The listing of eighty-seven bed and breakfbt locations is worth noting, as the idea of a bed and breakfast conjures images ofa quaint littie tomand suggests that the townspeople are willuig to kt visitors into their community and homes as opposed to forcing them to stay at more impersouai hotels. These discourses of tourism resonate with the representation of the Unexpected Ides in The in whkh many of the British characters are fist introduced as todas. For example the settiag of the play begins in an Emigration OfFce where a Young Woman enters as a tourist and convinces the Emigration ûflicer, Hyering, to "shew Cher] around the town" (Prologue scene i 22). Later in the prologue, Lady Farwaters is introduced in the stage directions as, "-v to&- Rm . wa-ed in. trvtng to identift thebo& '' (scene üi 28). The Shaw FestivaI focuses on traditionally "bigh-class"attractions which reinforce the Festival's bqge of bigh-art and "great theatre." The historic and natural settings of Niagara are emphasized in the headings for the different "Niagara Region Attractions" which include, Scenic Drives, Historie Sites, Wme Route, Fniitlands, Museums, Galleries, Walking Tours, Hikllig Trails and Park, The Welland Canal, Great Cities Nearby (Toronto and Buffalo), and Niagara Regional Events as opposed to any mention of places such as Marineiand or attractions such as the wax rnuseums and haunted houses of Niagara FaI1smain street5 Emphases and omissions of this type appear throughout the promotional discourse of the Niagara setting and attractions in the Shaw Festival 1996 Season Brochure (48-5 1). The Festival ahoffers a "Liousine Theatre Package" (43) which def'initely @es the impression that the Shaw Festival is theatre for the wealthy (or those who waat to be seen as wealthy), and resonates again with the Buick Riviera advertisement: "lttshow you get there." In addition there is an emphasis placed on preserving tradition, and on a nostalgic6 glorification of the historiai. Museums, historical sites and the "Preservation Gallery" are advertised in the 2996 season brochures, pamphlets and production programs (see appendix F). These interpromotions among the Sbw Festival, its associated artistic community, sponsors, corporations, and the Niagara region work to create and reinforce an image of luxury, status, and culture for their products and in tum natutalize the capitalkt value systems. in terms of Thethe Preservation Gallery invokes a sense of nostdgia which reiaforces and reasserts a traditionalist value systern and sense of aesthetics. h heIps to construct the Uaexpected Isles' utopian ideal, which involves the abandonment of individual homes and property for a communal lMng arrangement, as whimsicd, and perhaps even preposterous. Furthermore, the types of artistic companies with whom the Shaw Festival associates, such as the Glimmerglass Opera, the Canadian ûpera coqany, the Canadian Stage Company (see appendix F), and the Stratford Festival (73), reinforce a sense of the S~igure7 in chapter one supports this notion with quotations such as: "In contrast to the bustling cornmerciaüsm of Niagara Falls, Niagara-on-theLake is a charming, beautifiilly preserved 19th century town." 6~ostalgiaalso works to mate a the bdof "communitylland unity at the exp- of "otheredncultures. Susan Benuett writes: "collective nostalgia cm promote a feeling of comrnunity wbich works to downplay or (even if only temporatily) disregard divisive positionalities (ch, race, gender and so on); when nostalgia is produced and experienced coliectively then, it cm promote a false and likely dangerous sense of "wew(Davis 1979: 1 12) (5). Susan Bennett borrows fiom Fred Davis. -y A of Ndgi~New York: The Free Press, 1970. Shaw Festival's productions as high-art and dso feed hto the image of Shaw as sophisticaîed and luxutious. The 0th- artistic companies, except for the ('Xmmerglass, Iocated in the United States, carry the name "Canadian"m th& compzmy title, which implies a sense of national importance and de. While the Stratford Festival does not have "CanadianI1or "national" in its name (ahhough at one point in time it did refèr to itself as Canada's national theatre), it is the largest Theatre Festival in North Arnerica and has an association with the highest of theatricai high-cuhre icons-Shakespeare- The sense of national and Western international scale add to the credibiiity and perceived importance of the Shaw Festival in a society that associates success and high quality with large, nationai or rnultuiational companies. So the Shaw Festival is constructeci and read as a multinationai enterprise. The multinational assumes a position of power which supposedly manages to represent and serve the best interests of ali nations and cultures. What actually happem is an appropriation and exploitation of those cultures. In the dcationof ail voices, the dominant voice always prevails and the traditionally powerless voices remain silenced. In this way the organization cm cIaim that it is inclusive and working with the best interests of aii people in mind. However, this is rarely true because what is in the best interest of a multinational wmpany is amassing capital and making money. As mainstream theatres, these artistic companies are also safe and non-threatening. The Canadian Stage Company advertisement does contain an inset for as a "Gay Fantasia on National Themes," a play which created a smaü outcry of public letters to the Citadel Artistic Director, Duncan McIntosh when it played in Edmonton eariier in the year. However h&hhmia in been rbeenrecognized and legitimized nationally and internationaiiy with awards such as the Pulitzer Prize. It is also perhaps its being perceived as being titiiiatingîy "rad" or risque, which marks it as trendy and d&ses any potentiaI subversiveness or politicai work The advertisements found at the begimiing and end of the program also help to heThe as a ato be sold and the Shaw Festival as an i- For srample, as outlined in chapter one, the Beii advertisernent (see fig. 4) emphasizes the . . consumerist and admmtdve business side of the Shaw Festival and invokes the corporate discourse ofefiiciency. The Shaw Festival and Bell are coastructed as "serious" businesses, which adds to the notion that the stage is where fiivolous fàbles Wre Xhe happa and the box office is where the reaf and impoitant action 4.e. makhg money- takes place. The Shaw Festival 1996 Season production of ll&hpkm Simbletonected by Glynis Leyshon creates a character, Bernard Shaw, that is not in the published script of the play. Although the character does aot appear in script, his presence, as we have seen, is a fàmiiïar one at the Shaw Festival. As outihed in chapter two, tbis Bernard Shaw, played by Ai Kozlik, is based on the Festivat logo and the popularized image of Shaw. Lt appears throughout their promotional material and merchandise such as note pads, postcards, gardeniag aprons, mugs, sweat-shirts, and so on. So one of the key promotional tools used throughout the Festival discourse is litedfy placed on stage as a character in a Shaw Festival production. 1am not questionhg the creative choices made but am using this Bernard Shaw character as an illustration that certain choices are more possible than others given the material conditions of the 1996 Sbaw Festival season. 1 am also analyzing the effect that these choices have on the production's commuaication of meaning. The promotional material makes it possible to add a chamter to the production that the audience will recognize as Bernard Shaw. The particular associations that this spdkBernard Shaw conjures work, not surprisingly, to wutain the potential subversiveness of the production. Shaw is constructeci as a cute, whimsicai, old playWright The photo of Al Kozlüc m The Simpkzn program sitting cross-legged atop a cargo box with bi-focals, bare feet and a bottle of wine give an image of a playfid @ky writer with pen and journal in hand (see fig. 37). It is a fiudiar and non-threatening image which has becme associateci with the Niagara-on-the-Lake region, and one that has been constructeci as weicoming. It is used to entice! people to spend and kestth& the and money in the Shaw Festival commUMfies (the region, the businesses7 both local and multinational, and the adsts) Furthemore, the cbaracter of Shaw on stage acts as an interpromotion for the Shaw Festival and its associated business partriers, and also works to reinforce the notion of playwright, Shaw in particular7 as authorky figure--aibeÎÎ one who is a arte, ecdc, dated "authority" and not to be taken too seriously except as an authority on product. Shaw the character fiames the performance in such a way that the production seems cuntained within the imagination of Bernard Shaw. His imagination at the paticular time he wrote moreover, is hedas one of an extravagant senior who likes to induige himselfin creative "flourishes." program descri'bes the meaning of this play with a short essay fiom AM.Gibbs in which the tùial paragraph dismisses the content of the play but still endows Shaw with a creative genius: "My bolt is shot as far as any defimte target is concerned," he [Shaw] said; "and now, as my playwrïght fadty still goes on with the impetus of 30 years vital activity, I shoot &O the air more and more exîravagady without any premeditation whatever - advienne (come what may)." The saiberant, fiee-wheeling spontaneity of many of the late flourishes of Shaw's creative genius is weil capturd in these words. At the time of mgtliis letter the 77-year-oId playwright had about sixteen years of "vital activity" still to come. (epag.) In her program notes, director Leyshon ckariy wnstructs Bernard Shaw's ownership and authority with respect to this production. The highly persoaal nature of this work prompted us to move GBS literalfy ont0 the stage with his creations. Wesee him delighting in broad satirical jabs as weii as embracing the fkagile magic of bis Island. Most tellingly of aii, we see him swveying the remains of our century after "Judgment," and hding in our Mures a glorious and unsentimental monof lie - dong with a sbining vision of humanity sailing shakiiy mto the uncharted waters of the new milie~ium. program. tlpag. emphases added) in addition, the promotional material and in partidar this passage fiom the Director's Notes create a sease of hope for the merather than a sense of despair, wbich seems imminent and Iooming in the playscript. In the last image of the 1996 season production of Thethe family coUective is gathered together on the life boat with Bernard Shaw steering their course. However, by the end of the published script, Pra and Prola seem to be the only characters who remain in the world. The script leaves the reader questionhg hermis own existence and role in society with little sense of closure. The promotional materiai, on the other hand, seems to stifle any questions one might have about the future of our society and in what directions our current systems are leading us. The promotional materiai provides the audience with a sense of hope and satisfaction as we find "in our failures a glorious and unsentimentai affirmation of Iifê-dong with a shining vision of humanity." In short, we have learned our lessons; the problems raid by the script are solved, and so there is little need remaining to question beyond what we see and hear b&re us in the theatre. 1think the script has the potential to challenge the "shining vision" and portrays a more desperate and disparaging vision of the kture, where not even a sense of hope exists for the youth of society. In the youth, Maya, Vashti, Janga and Kanchin, al1 perish. They are the first to be deemed useless and the first to disappear on the Judgment Day in the Unexpected Mes. The promotionai material and the representation of Bernard Shaw on stage "sailing"his characters "into the uncharted waters of the new millennium" provides a sense of faith and dehany threat of an apocalyptic tiiture. Furthermore, the promotional material descrii The as a "dramatic fable"' (House Program), a "comic fable" (Shaw Festival "Recent News", Shaw Festival 1996 Season Brochure) and a "bribdyidiosyncratic vision" (House Program). This notion is also reinforced in a newspaper idvertisement for the Festival which cites the foiiowing qyotations hmcritics to descni The Si _' :ni; "Viand comic delights," "visuaily sumptuous production. . .fàntastically beautifù2" and "Bernard Shaw at his sexiest, silliest and most surrealn (see fig. 4~).~Christopher Newton in the Shaw Festival 1996 season brochure fhmes IkShpkmas oddest of ail Shaw's plays." The Shpl&n seems to be dismissed as a quirky theatrical expriment on the part of a Shaw nearing senility. provides the potential for traditional modes of power to be questioned. Power in terrns of coloriai, bureaucratie, authontarian, and patriarchai deare afforded iittle value in the Unexpected Isles. These systems and constructions of society are diiectly attacked in the proIogue tfuough the suicide of WiIks, in the scenes with the children, who are a mockery of bhd obedience and a hierarchical, stratifieci society (Act II); in the lampooning of the naval batth over Iddy's involvement with the family collection; and in the scenes with the news reports of disappearing stock exchange and House of Cornons members (Act tT, 75-76). However, the promotional material helps to constnict these scenes as light-hearted and preposterous. As well, the promotional . . Fable is defineci in the of Cummtl&& as 1. fictional esp. supernaturai, story. b mord taie, esp. with animais as characters. 2 legendary tales coiiectively (in fable). 3a lie. b thing ody supposai to exist. [.th fabula discourse] 8~hisadvenisement aiso demonstrates the interpromotionai use of Al KodiL as Bernard Shaw in the context of an advertisement for five difltérent productions and the Shaw Festivai. Again Shaw is constructed as an authority in terms of entertainment and product but not necessarily in tmsof social criticism. Notice also the reference to "haif-price family tickets" and the Beil insert at the bottom of the page. . . S. .. . c.6.PLAYBOY if t~è ,- iC:HOBSON/S . - .. WESTERN WOUD-'- stilf has the power to entertain ad CHOICE" movs a contemporary audience, thanks to this evocative production" HAMICTOW SILCCATOIL FLAWLESS" THE TORONTO STAR "Demonsrrates the astonishing vLrsatiliy of the Shaw's actors" - "~&tantial and solid. ..couid ' . . well bccomc the Peupte's Choice SO~ . . - . of this 35th Shaw season".. . THE SWLETON of the - XMULTON SCLCTATOK UNEXPECIXD ISLES "Visual and comic. ' . ddights%a cm.L run> -r . ,. . "A visually sumpttrous . . . producriort ... fantastically . . . beatltifutffso-.~~~ . .. 7 i;.; . .-. . . . . Fig. 42 Shaw Festival Advertisement. The 20 Mail.20~1996. wurtesy of the Shaw Festival. material helps to direct the audience member to rdany subversion or alternate d&on of power as part of the "siiiiness" of Bernard Shaw's fàble. Would the sexuai, maternai, and interpersonal power of ProIa (an Asian woman) and the couective existence of the group subvert western society's notion of power? 1 would argue tbat in this particular production of it does not. Any sort of power the production &es to the collective or to Prola, is undermineci not only by the representation of race and gender in the promotional material, but also by the presence of Shaw on the stage controlling and writing the action, and by what this partidar reconstruction of Bernard Shaw represents. The interpromotional Shaw tùnctions as a cultural authonty and as a spokesperson for the Shaw Fe& and its associated partners, which in tum constructs füm as a spokesperson for capitalism, whose values are embedded within patriarchy, indiidualism, commercialism, and materidism. Does the communal grouping of the fdyunit subvert the traditional constructions of power within the fdy? Perhaps not, when companies such as General Motors and the Festival run ads in the program that perpetuate and naturirlize a traditional sense of family values and a patriarchal construction of the heterosexual, normative farnily. The Unexpected Isles is constmcted in this context as an exotic and titillating representation of "other," and sornething that is entertaining and fiui but not to be taken too seriously. The composition of the fiatemal and cooperative social grouping in the Unexpected ïsles potentially challenges the western concept of Myand authority, but the presence of the interpromotional Bernard Shaw contains this. The reader is dwzys remindeci of Shaw's wntrol and his authority. We are conditioned to read Bernard Shaw as the ultirnate authority figure on the stage and the others as subject to his imagination. We are conditioned to read someone as the leader, or as the provider for the -y. The production is fiamed in such a way-through the figures of the British tourists, Bemard Shaw in Hawaii, Robert Louis Stevenson and his My,through the production photos, and through the program notes-that the audience is not encouraged to read the meaning of 3kShpkm fiom Prola or Pra's perspective. With the presence of this iriterpromotiod Shaw, the west (rad as the white male) always has the upper hand. This relates to westem capitalist corporations who are in the position of power in multinational vemhires. The concept of rnanaging diversity is always in western controt, on western terms, and for western profit. Bernard Shaw's presence on stage reinforces the notion of the playwright as the authoritative figure whkh in turn reinforces a hierarchical and patriarchal system. The representation of the playwright as an aii-knowing patriarchai figure supports the notion of a central authoritarian voice. In this way the interpromotion suengthens the centre of authority, as opposed to decentring authority by acknowledging the different voices and idluences which help to construct the performance text. This key dialogic element of intertext-muitiple voices which contribute to multiple meanings of a text-is defbsed by the way in which the promotional material fiames the production. When lhShphnis discordant with the social norm of the Shaw Festival discourse and interpromotional construction of Bernard Shaw, the discordance is framed as "magicai,""odd," and the wanderings of a progressively feeble mind. The program provides the audience with an easy way to dismiss any material in the production that is threatening or chalienging to the audience's idea of a sociai norm or to the authority of the interpromotionai Shaw and the dominant ideology. Interpromotionai Shaw becomes the cultural authority on stage. Although the character of Prola provides the potentid to denaturaliie the social and fdystructure for a western audience (Prola could be consûucted as the matriarch of the family unit or the family unit itseif could be read as tnily democratic, and as demonstrated earlier, Prola discourages and criticizes the chiidren's wilhgness to make her empress and to blindly obey her), "Shaw," the white male, is still comfortably controlling his characters 6om the sidelines with conductor-iike finger movements which oîlen prompt characters' lines and technical cues. The paîriarchd structure of western culture is naturaiized by this constmction The Shaw Festival does not portray Bernard Shaw as a socialist. The way Bernard Shaw appears in the programs and in the production, in terms of orchestrating the show and wntrolling the characters, constructs "Shaw" as a cultural authorïty for a capitalist, patriarchal, el&, Western society. It is not Shaw the young Fabian sociaiist but Shaw the grandfàîherly, harmless, quirlq old man who is before the audience. Shaw has becorne the reconstmcted corporate spokesperson and as such defùses any potentially subversive material. "Other" voices may be given opportunity to speak but these voices are contained within the context of "Shavds" imagination, which is a particdarly (re)constnrcted Shaw. This "Shaw" is also contained within the context of the Shaw Festival, whiçh is in turn contained within the context of a capitalist and patriarchal society. The suggestion of an alternative structure to western society is containecl by the presence of Bernard Shaw as the omnipotent figure on stage who has authority in terrns of the written word, theatrical experience and Shaw Festival product(i0n)s but not necesmily in terms of social criticism. Other ideas such as communal Living, the devaiuing of material goods, individualism, and colIective organizational structures which rnight potentiaily challenge western thought are dissipated within the structure of the larger, safer whole of the Shaw Festival. The sociaIist and poliical ideas are non- subversive because they are contained and contro1led and given particular qualifications by the Shaw Festival discourse which either reconstnicts any socialist rneaning into capitaüst tems or dismisses it as quirky. This "Shaw" dso carries with him, in a sense, a cultural authority, especially in tenns of the Shaw Festival. Bernard Shaw is quoted throughout the other 1996 season production programs and throughout the entire history of the Shaw Festival, as describeci in chapter two, in subscription drive pamphlets, sponsors' advertisements, and season brochures. He has been mythologized as a genius and his word and perceiveci greatness are ftrther reinforcd spedicalty through the promotional material by the prideging of his text, his image, and his name. A reconstnrcted Shaw Iitedy becomes part of the comrnunity-as an image symbolizing the Festival, as a commodified object for sale throughout Niagara-on-the-Lake, and as an audience member in The "delightfully" watching his creation (TbSimphm House Program n-pag.) He becornes a non-threatening member of the community and thus serves to uphold the values ofthat cornmunity, which has been constnicted as fundamentaily consemtive and corporaie: 1must wani you, before you attempt to enjoy my plays, to clear out of your consciousness most resolutely every thing you have ever read about me in a newspaper. ûtherwise you wïil not enjoy them: you will read them with a sophisticated mi.&and a store of beliets concerning me which have not the slightest foundation either in prosaic fact or in poetic truth. . . . The person they (journalists) represent me to be, not only does not e>cist, but could not possibly exist. George Bernard Shaw. (Shaw Festival. Student Study Guide. 13) The Shaw Festival inciuded this quotation in the "Final Note" of the 1984 Student Study euide for Devil-1 s DISFJPLI:. "They"refers to jodstsbut perhaps should apply to the Shaw Festival itself. Of course one cannot "clearout of your consciousness ... every thing you have ever read" about Shaw. Neither cm you clear out the Festival's representation of "Shaw" when you enter the theatre. The Shaw Festival's construction of "Shawttfiavours Our reading consciously and unconsciously. This is not Bernard Shaw, but "Shaw," a character created by the Festival to move goods, to symbolize a playful and non-threatening image of the qua.int, traditionai, small-town communi~of Niagara-on- the-Lake (but one who is, nevertheless, author-itative). He is an old fiiend and is mythologized as the cute, old, quirky, hdess, genius with whom we have become comfortably Eimiliar. He has corne to represent the "beginningof the Modem age." His image is used to link the products of the sponsors with the artistic productivity of the Festival and the comunity of Niagara-on-the-Me. His words are quoted and fiamed in such a way that they are used as proof and mpport for the products in the community and as reinforcement for the dominant ideology of contemporaty Canada. Conclusion This thesis has explored the appropriation of the concept of intertextuality by the corporate mainstream for the purpose and practices of capitalism. Interpromotion, the name 1 have borrowed flom contemporary marketing theory to apply to this appropriation, employs the intertextua1 idea that a text never stands alone but is interconnected with multiple refierences to other texts, media, and ideas outside of th* text for the purpose of constructing a complex network of promotional materia1 which supports, reinforces, and shapes the messages of arry one particular advertisement. Interpromotion uses the notion that one text is not rad in isolation, but in comection with many other texts and in connection with the reader's own experiences. The Shaw Festival and its sponsor corporations, associated arlists and theatres, and local businesses appropriate this notion of intertext to create the monologic discourse of the Shaw Festival. The Shaw Festival manages to reconstnict "Shaw" in a Festival discourse that contniutes to the hegemonic and monolithic domination that corporate multinationaIs have over society. Rather than challenge the status quo this reconstructed "Shaw" manages to rdnnand support it. The promotional materid creates a discourse which naturdizes capitalist principles md class systerns, and rea.£fimstheir hegemonic hold on society. The Shaw Festival has been able to create within and throughout its irderpromotional cornmunity a closed and interdependent discursive economy. The Festival manages to reframe, recontextualize, and respin Shaw's work to support a capitalist and paûiarchal agenda It has adopted,the discourses of globaiization and multinationaiism, diversity management, community creation, target audiences, efficiency, individualism, cornpetitiveness, and consumerism. The Festivai hctions hegemonically to reaffirm the dominant ideology and its marketing and promotional campaigns work best when the readedaudieuce is unconscious or uuaware of beiig petsuaded, when the promotional material is rad as comon sense, and when Festivdts underlying value systems are read, not as something constructed, but as something naturd. In short, the Festival cornmunity's interpromotional campaign is extremely effective because it is cornmerciai without appearing to be so. Within the context of the current neo- consenative politicai climate of Ontario, Canada, and within the context of the community within which the Shaw Festivai has surrounded itself, the Festival's success depends on the success of its associateci partners and members. Would it really make "sense" to seriously challenge and question their value systems, and power structures? The Shaw Festivai is the mode1 artistic business, multinational and and its success in part depends on the perpetuation of the principles and values which constnrct it as successfùl. What does this mean for the production of Shaw's works at the Shaw Fe- in Niagara- on-the-Lake, in 1996? While society as a whole might benefit fiom an open economy, an intertextual and intercuitural inciusiveness rather than exclusiveness and a dialogic discourse, the Shaw Festival as an individual organization in our current society would not. Because the individual and the success of the individual are much more valued than the collective, it is in the Shaw Festival's best interest to contain and defùse sort of potentiaily subversive material. In the "expected isles" of the capitalist worId, corne judgment day, the money-rnakers and the consumers will be deerned the "usehl" and worthy of survival-any "others" dlbe IabeUed useless and be destined to perish. Rather than perish, the Shaw Festival has worked to construct itself as an "important" cultural and tourist industry and successflll multinational corporation. Appendix k- Examples of the 111ustrations in the 1996 Shaw Festival Sponsorsbip Brochure and the Shaw Festival Annuai Report 1996. ANNUAL REPORT Annual Report. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Sponsorship Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. GnM Lamb Ckop vali briic Pairu Cab Fifo Pq. :-J .. in bucc RbmJade - vaioPnP~ u?lnuauPI*L newl GOURMET PICNJC CNriioi~withSodrPnnhiuc .t .-a ,,' DISPLAS MENU Sponsorship Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festival Smn.n.pag. UNIQUE SPONSORSHIP OPPORTUNITIES Sponsorship Brochure. 1996 Sbw Fertinl Season. n.pag. 134 Appendix B: Examples ofthe Shaw Festival arch logo I 1 PLAYS THREE THEATRES APRIL LI TO OCTOBER 27. 1936 Tire DEVIL'S DISCIPLE RASHOMON HOBSON'S CHOICE At IDEAL HUSBAND THE SIMPLETON of tlre UNEXPECTED rsm THE PLAYBOY ofrire WESTERN WOW WHHAY rilr CIND ERS THE HOLLOW Single uckea range hom S 12 to $60 Canadian SHAU WE JolN (including GST) tire LADIESC UUMU-W5 THE CONJUROR Shaw Festival Box Office em IKTERNET 1800 511-SHAW - http://www.shawFestt.com Front and Back. Mini-Iedet . 1996 Shaw Festival Season. THIRTY-FIFTH SEASON Festival 1996 The Shaw Festival is the cnly theam in the world chat specializes exclusively in the plays of Bernard Shaw and his contemporaries (1656- 1950). These are noc just "plays about die beginnuig of the modem worldw- chey are also plays of Jfrr thne. and encourage us to reflect on our presenr-day values. Do Our ideas O€decent behaviour change in noubted timesl hdif so. what smndards are imrnucabIeC These questions Lie ac the hem of ThDrvili Dkipk and Hobsan 's Choicr. Can we rmsr ourselves to set ego aside for the sake of mith SHAW FmAL,BOX 774. mCARA-ON-THE-Lm. ObKARIO, CANADA LOS 1JO Shaw Festival Box Office LON(905) 468-2172 FAX 24 houn (90% 468-3804 '* - ON THE INTERiiET http://www.shawfesr.com Shaw Festival arch logo. House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. 1996 Shaw Festival Season ~dverti~Gent.Advoice. 17-30 Jul1996. Shaw Festival. 137 Appendix C: Examples of Advertising Inserts fbr the Shaw Fesival House Programs. !DO punor know diar where there is a will there is a way? that whatever Man redly wishes to do he dlfinaUy discover a means of doing? Man and Superman George Bernard Shaw , i i Ii :i I. i. l i 1 .: ~e agrec, ~i.~haw. ~hat's one reason ! salutc the Shaw kcidfor cnriching our ap why, in seven years, we have moved from ; pmiation of a grcat damacisi's ftnc and livclv arc. an almost pureIy domestic Canadian i i Company into one of the fastest-growing multinational companies in the world telecommunications equipment industry. ; 1 i I ' .! . TramCanada PipeLines Northm Telecom Advertisement . TransCanaAn Pipelines AdYertisement . 1976 Shaw Festival Season. Shaw Festival 1976 Shaw Festivai Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival CoUection. Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collecti Some ofthe Every member of a cornmunity plays an important role in the artistic endeavorç of that community Support for cultural aclivities - the ballet. opera. syrnphony. theatre - make these produc- tions possible thereby enriching Ihe cultural life of this country- As a business mernber of this cornmunity. The Permanent is proud to be a part of these activities. As an individual member WU can help by your continued interest and attendance. Enjoy this performance. Its sponsored by The Permanent and by yw. We'li always be here to help you make it. The Permanent Advertisement. 1976 Shaw Festivd Season. Shaw Festival Archives. University of Guelph Archival Collection. Appendac D: ExampIes of Promotiod Photogra hs fkom the 1996 Shaw Festival Season BroctnireP . THE ANCHORAGE BAR AND GRILL (905) 468-2 141 186 Ricardo Sueet, Niagara-on-che-Lake, LOS 1JO. CasuaI dining, specializuig in seafood, speciacuIar view €rom patio. Se~ngIunch and dinner. Summer houn 11:30 am to 1am. Dinner for two $15-$40. Neil Barclay (with David Welsh). WdowbsnL Estate. Seawn Brochure. 1996 Shaw F Season. 68. '~otethe actors are wnstnicted as exnployees or guests of the Wdowbank Estate. The actors fùnction as a promotion for the inns and restaurants listed in the brochure. Also note the use of the camera in each photo which helps to create a sense of unity throughout the brochure. SOUTH LANDING INN (905) 262-4634 21 Front Sueet, Queenston, Ontario, LOS ZLO. farly 1800s historic inn with 5 rooms and new 18-unit annex. Overiooking Niagara River below Brock's Monument 10-minute drive to The Shaw on the scenic Niagara Parkway, and 15 minures to Niagara Falls. Bicycle ad. Croups welcorne. Surnrner races $80-$95, winter raw $55-865. VINTNER'S INN (905) 562-3581 3836 Main Street, Jordan, Ontario, LOR 1SO. A country inn in the historic village of Jordan, across from On The Twenty and Cave Spring Cellars. Opening in June of 1996 with lumry ameniries such as heplaces, iacunis and central air. $175 per double lot3 suite. WHITE OAKS INN AND RACQUET CLUB (905) 688-2550 or 1-800-263-5766 253 Taylor Road, Niagara-on-the-Lake, LOS 1JO-Lmry reson set on 13 acres in Niagara's heartland. Extensive Eimess and racquet club. Weli appohted suites, superb dining and hendly, parnpering staff. Theatre packages available. Packages start at $79. Bruce Davies and Mat Handy. Wdowbank Estate. Season Brochure. 1996 Shaw Festiva Season. 56. Appendix E: Examples of Illustrations from The Simphn House Program. Consumers ~~stributing - is proud to sponsor the Shaw Festival's 1996 production of THE SIMPLETON OF THE UNEXPECTED ISLES "Pitcairn ~sland."The Si ' ::n~HouseProgram. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. apag. This page: British burisk in India, l9ZOs [Mory Evans Pidure tibrory/John Madeilan); hster Island (Hulton Deutsch]. Opposiie: bîr and Mrs Bernard Shaw about to embark br New hlond on the RMS Rangifune, February 1934 (Hulton Deukch). "British toutim in Idaaad Easter Island." IhShpkm. House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. npag. "Head of the recumbei ~uddh-a and Ys stone pillow n Poloim~iwa,Ceyloo; missionafies n Savage Island, Polynesix temple at Ahnedabad, Indiau IkSmpkm House Prognm. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. This page: wood mg-ng by John Farleigh for Bernard Shaw's fie Advenhrar of be Bld Girl in Her Search for God (1932). GBS collabomted close with Farleigh on the creation of his book, sending him ideas for the drowings in Le lorm of roug2: sketches, and w'ting more mpy &en the illusimtor/designer asked him io, in order îo fiIl out a page here or there. "Wood engraving by John Farleigh for Bemard Shaw's The of- . mrGad." - House Program. 1996 Shaw Festivsl Season. n-pag. "Mr and Mrs Bernard Shaw about to embark for New ZeaIand on the RMS Ranghe." House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Appendix F: Exampies of Advahmm fiom the 1996 Season House Program- Shaw Festival Menbership. Advertisemq 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n-pag. Canadian Opera Company Advertisement. Grimmerglass Opera Advertisemeiit. George Eastman House International Museum Advertisement. e.House Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. npag. THE CANADIAN STAGE COMPANY 1996-97 SEASON in DOWNTOWN TORONTO ARCADIA TOM STOPPARD NOEL COWARD ATLANTIS MAUREEN HUNTER THlRTEEN HANDS CAROL SHIELDS Subscribe to receive the best seats at great savings with 100% flexibility. See al1 5 plays for $88! CALL FOR A FREE BROCHURE (416) 368-3110 PLUS AN EXCLUSIVE SUBSCRIBER OFFERr 15% OFF TICKET PRICES FOR I CANADIAN STAGES PRODUCTION OF A OAT IAYTAtlh ON NATIONAL tUtYlt ClLT ON#: IILL#UNIUU 4CCROACMtt ClRT WO: PtRltTROlKA By TONY KUSHNER The Canadian Stage Company Advertisement. TheHouse Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. apag. Works Cited Alcock, JiBiu Carment, and Stan Sadava. AUkghmk of So-. 3rd edn. Scarborough: Prentice HalI, 1994. Aithusser, Louis. "Ideology and ideologicd State Apparatus." -. -. Trans. Ben Brewster, London: New Lefi Books, 1977. Bell Advantage. Advertisement. Shaw Festival 1996 9. House Program. N-p.: n.p., 1996. n-pag. Belsey, Catherine. -. *. New York: Routledge, 1980. Benson, Eugene, and L.W.ConoUy, eds. Q&rd Cc. Toronto: Mord UP, 1989. . . Bennett, Susan. S. London: Routledge, 1996. Buick Riviera. Advertisement. Shaw Festival 19% 9. House Program. Np.: ap., 19%. npag. CarIson, Mamin. "Brook and Mnouchkine: Passages to India?" lkhkmhd Perfonnaace. Ed. Patrice Pavis. New York: Routledge, 1996. 79-91. . . Davis, Tracey C. c.Westport: Praeger, 1994. Doherty, Brh mody -w Fdval 1962-1973 N.p.: Bryant Press, 1974. Dollimore, Jonathan. "Shakespeare, Cultural Materialism and the New Histoncism." . . e: New E- Ed. Jonathan Dollimore and Alan Sinfield. ithaca: Corneii UP, 1985. 2-17. Dukore, Bernard Frank. -. Columbia: Missouri UP, 1373. . . Fiske, John. . London: Routledge, 1989. Godard, Barbara. "Iatertextuality."Eu&pda of Cc Schalars.- kena R Makaryk Toronto: Toronto üP, 19%. 568-7 1. Hawke, I. Howard. Letter to Corporate Sponsors. nd. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotionai Matexid 1964-1996.University of Guelph Archivai CoUection MacLaughiin Library: XZ1 MS A2 12002 Holroyâ, Michael. Bernardw: 1856 - 1898 lk&mh& Love. Vol. 1. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1990. . . Hutcheon, Linda. The of Postmodwism. London: Routiedge, 1989. Hummert, Paul G A.Lincoln: Nebraska UP, 1973. Joad, Cynl Edwin Mitchinson, ed. Sha-: An London: ûdhams P, 1953. Klose, Valerie. Fund Raishg Letter to "Friend of the Shaw Festival." Shaw Festivd. Nov 1996. Kristwa, Julia. Kristeva Ed. Toril Moi. New York: Columbia UP, 1986. Leyshon, Glynis. Director's Notes. 9,Houe Program. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. n.pag. Low, Stewart. Telephone Interview. 17 Mar 1997. . . Ld,James. m.New York: Columbia UP, 1995. . . Marcuse, Herbert. Essays in -. Trans. Ieremy Shapiro. Boston: Beacon, 1968. McCuilough, Christopher. "The Cambridge Connection: Towards a Materialist Theatre Practice."The Ed. Graham Holdemess, Manchester: Manchester W,1988. 1 12-21. McEireath, Maric, and Page W.Miiler. eds. ratroduction to Needham Heights, MA: GUui P, 1993. McQuestion, Glen "Reçonsiderhg the Shaw Festival.*Unpublished essay. U of Guelph. 1995. Newton, Christopher. Artistic Director's Message. 1996 Season Brochure. Shaw Festival. 1. -. Persoaal Interview. St. Catharines, 27 May 1996. --. "Festivals on the Border." Panel chaired by Susan Bennett. Association for Canadian Theatre Research. Leamed Societies Conference. St. Catharines, 27 May 1996. Rae, Lisbie. "The Newton Years at the Shaw Festival.'' Diss. U of Toronto, 1995. -. "The Shaw Festival: 'On the Border du~gWarfare.'" Association for Canadian Theatre Research. Leanied Societies Conference. St. Catharines, 27 May 1996. -. 'The Shaw Festival.'' mdCompaniPD to C-. Ed. Eugene Beason and L.W.ConoUy. Toronto: Mord UP, 1989.493-95. Rubh, Don. "Focuson the Festivals."u, 12 (FA 1976) : 128-34. Said, Edward W. -. New York: Vmtage, 1979. Shaw Festival. 199 1 Season. Brochure, Shaw Festivai Archives. Promotional Material 1964- 19%. University of Guelph Archival Collection. MacLaughlin Library: XZ1 MS A212002 - 1990 Season. Brochure. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964-1996. University of Guelph Archival Collection. MacLaughlin Library: XZI MS A212002 ---. 1992 Season. Calendar Fiyer. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964- 1996. University of Guelph Archivai Collection. MiacLaughlin Library : XZ1 MS A212002 - 1995 Season. Brochure. 1995. - 1996 Season. Brochure. 1996. -. 1996 Season, Pamphlet. 19%. -. -he YY . Erin, Ontario: Boston Mills P, 1986. - CIass Acts. Brochure. 199 1. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Uatenal 1964- 1996. University of Guelph Archival Collection. MacLaughlin Library: XZ1 MS A212002 -. Corporate Sponsor. Pamphlet. 1990. Shaw Festivai Archives. Promotional Material 1964- 19%. University of Guelph Archivai Coilection. MacLaughlin Libtary: XZ1 MS A2 12002 --. Elegant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1993. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964- 1996. University of Guelph Archivai Collection, MacLaughlin Library- XZ1 MS A212002 --. Elegant Traditions. Pamphlet. 1996. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964-1996. University of Guelph Archival Collection. MacLaugblur Library: XZ1 MS A212002 -. Festivai Passport. 1992. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964-1996. Umversity of Guelph Archivai Collection. MacLaughlin Lbrary: XZ1 MS A212002 --. Shaw Festival Information. Leafiet- 1996. -. "Shaw Festival Press Release." Press Release 6. E-mail to Shaw niailuig Iist. 6 Mar 1996. - "Shaw Festivai Receives Lieutenant Governor's Award." Media Release. 18 Nov? 1996. -. Membership. Brochure. 1976. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Materiai 1964- 1996. University of Guelph Archival Coiiection. MacLaughh Li'brary: XZ1 MS A212002 -. Mernbership. Brochure. 1996. -. Postcard. 1991. Shaw Festival Archives. Promotional Material 1964-1996. University of Guelph Archivai CoUection. MacLaughün Library: XZ 1 MS A2 12002 --. Postcard. 1996 Shaw Festivai Season- 1996. - Poster. 1996 Shaw Festival Season. 1996. -. "Recent News fiom The Shaw." Press Release 9. E-mail to shaw maiiing Est. 22 May 2996. -- ected Isles. House Program. 1996. -. Sponsorship. Brochure. 1996. -t - - -, Student Study Guide. This: Devd s Drsupk. 1984. Shaw, George Bernard. Candida--. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1977. - London: Constable, 1947. -- Pou.Ed. Lloyd J. Hubenka. Lincoln: Nebraska UP,1976. - - -- The Siûipl- the Cix and the ThregJbre Play bv B- Shax. Toronto: Macmillan Canada, 1936. Silver, Arnold. StDarkeroSt: Stanford UP, 1982. the -. By George Bernard Shaw. Dit. Glynis Leyshon. Perf. Ben Carlson, Roger Hoaeywell, and Wendy Thatcher. Shaw Festival, Niagara-on-the-Lake. 22 Jun to 27 Sept 1996. . * Strauss, Erich. Beniard Socdalism. London: Goilancz, 1942. Verbeke, Willem. "Advertisers Do Not Persuade Consumers: They Create Societies Around Their Brands to Maintain Power in the Marketplace." . Adv-I.. l ' Ed Mark P. McEireath and Page W. Milier, Needham Heights, MA: Ginn, 1993. 188-98. Webster, Roger. -ary Theory: An btnxh&n. New York: Edward Arnold, 1992. *. Wemick, Andrew. -e: Advd London. Sage PubEcations, 1991. Whitman, Robert F. Shaw Piay of Ideas. Sthacx Comell UP, 1977. WooF Leonard. *Ebriy Fabiam and British Socialism."Shaw An Anhhgy &aEEd. Cyril E.M. Joad. London: Odhams P, 1953. 39-53. TEST TAÜGET- (~~13) APPLIED IMAGE. lnc -a 1653 East Main Street -; Rochesîer. NY 14609 USA ,---- Phaie: 71W482-0300 ------Far 716Eûû-5989