Two Antilynching Art Exhibitions: Politicized Viewpoints, Racial Perspectives, Gendered Constraints Author(S): Helen Langa Source: American Art, Vol

Two Antilynching Art Exhibitions: Politicized Viewpoints, Racial Perspectives, Gendered Constraints Author(s): Helen Langa Source: American Art, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Spring, 1999), pp. 10-39 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Smithsonian American Art Museum Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3109305 . Accessed: 26/07/2011 11:26

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http://www.jstor.org Two AntilynchingArt Exhibitions PoliticizedViewpoints, Racial Perspectives, Gendered Constraints

Helen Langa Two artexhibitions protesting lynch titleof an introductoryessay in one of violencein theUnited States were held thetwo exhibition catalogues even in New YorkCity early in 1935,both proclaimed"Pictures Can Fight!"' seekingto drawpublic attention to the The firstexhibition, titled An Art horrifyingfact that lynching continued to CommentaryonLynching, was organized be a seriousproblem in thefourth decade forthe NAACP byits director, Walter ofthe century. Although the number of White.It openedon February15 andran lynchingshad declinedfrom over one throughMarch 2, 1935,at theArthur U. hundredeach year in the1890s to tenin NewtonGalleries uptown on 57thStreet. 1929,it had risenagain to twenty-eight Whitehad recentlyrevived the NAACP's in 1933,and itwas clear that lynch legislativecampaign against lynching, terrorismhad notyet been eradicated. whichhad slowedearlier in thedecade, Lynchingswere most common in the and wasseeking publicity and support for South,but they took place in all partsof theCostigan-Wagner Bill, new antilynch- thecountry during the interwar decades. inglegislation introduced into Congress Whilelynch mobs usually targeted forthe first time in 1934. He conceived AfricanAmericans, they also murdered theexhibition as a uniqueway to draw Italians,Chinese, Mexicans, and Native attentionto thiseffort, which supporters Americans,and attackedwomen and hopedwould have a betterchance of childrenas wellas men.The terrorizing successthan earlier legislation because threatof lynch murder was frequently it refrainedfrom holding individual intensifiedby the torture, dismember- participantsresponsible for mob violence ment,and burningof victims. Through whilemandating prosecution of collabo- thesevirulent expressions of racial hatred, ratinglocal officials and fines for their lyncherssought to assertthe supremacy of communities. whiterule not only over their victims but The secondshow, called Struggle for also throughouttheir communities. NegroRights, was developed by leftist Organizersof the two exhibitions hoped membersof the Artists' Union and several thatvisual art could play a significantrole Communist-affiliatedorganizations that PrentissTaylor, Christin in opposinglynching by increasing public includedthe John Reed Club, the Alabama,1932. Lithograph,22.3 x awarenessof the and InternationalLabor Defense, and the 15.5 cm x 6 Collection problem, bymoving (8 ? ? in.). from ofthe Library of Congress, viewers empathyto activesupport Harlem-basedVanguard group. It was Washington,D.C. forproposed legislative remedies. The heldat theAmerican Contemporary Art

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I .. ., . Gallery(ACA) on EighthStreet in lynchingwere inflected not onlyby GreenwichVillage, opening on March 3 divergentpolitical tactics for achieving and closingMarch 16, immediately racialjustice in America,but also by their followingthe NAACP show. The leftist own racial,ethnic, and genderidentities. sponsorsof the StruggleforNegro Rights Artistswere also influencedby contempo- exhibition(hereafter indicated as Negro rarycultural discourses that articulated Rights)advocated support for more lynching'ssocial impactin relationto radicalantilynch legislation titled the Bill conceptsof manhood and victimization, forNegro Rightsand the Suppressionof religiousexperience and communal Lynching,which demanded the death suffering,and interracialsolidarity and penaltyfor lynchers and connectedthe antiracistresistance. abolitionof lynchingto broaderefforts to expandAfrican Americans' civil equality. Adherentsrecognized that this bill had no DivergentOrganizational Politics chance forsuccess in Congress,but saw it as assertinga principledstand for justice Artists'choices about theirown works by insistingthat lynching be treatedas oftenreiterated the divergentpolitical murder.2Thus, while the NAACP show opinionsof the groupsthat organized the intendedto use the high-culturalassocia- two exhibitions.The particularviews of tionsof artto drawattention to its each groupwere evident both in the legislativecampaign, the NegroRights exhibitioncatalogues and in the differing exhibitionproposed both an alternative waysin whichthe shows were organized. politicalanalysis and a critiqueof the Even the titlesgiven to the exhibitions NAACP forelitism and itsfailure to offer suggestedtwo differentapproaches to a radicalvision. engagingpublic opinion about lynching. Artistswho participatedin thetwo An Art Commentaryon Lynchingevoked exhibitionsfaced the dauntingchallenge respectableand somewhatdistanced of developingvisual images that both considerationof the theme,while Struggle portrayedand condemnedlynching as forNegro Rights sounded both militant racistviolence. News reports,sociological and exhortatory.The catalogues(figs. 1 analyses,and literaryworks most often and 2) similarlydemonstrated the two depictedlynch murder as a violentsocial groups'contrasting goals and strategies.3 spectacle,a viciousattack fomented by WalterWhite solicitedshort introductory whiteperpetrators and focusedon a black essaysfor the NAACP cataloguefrom victim.Many artistswho opposed SherwoodAnderson and ErskineCaldwell, lynchingdrew on aspectsof thisscenario, whitewriters who wererecognized for but otherssought alternative types of theirinterest in ruraland Southern imagerythat were less brutalin their themes.Anderson's text argued that details,but werestill intended to prompt "poor whitemen" lynchedNegroes to viewersto a deeperunderstanding of assertsocial superiority,and his remarks racism'scosts. Although individual artist's impliedthat economic injustice lay choicesin approachingthe subjectvaried behindlynching. Caldwell similarly considerably,consideration of theirworks ascribedlynching to the Deep South's as a groupsuggests that their ideas were poverty,and arguedthat it caused a modulatedby theirpolitical and cultural "deterioration"of social values; "the affiliationsas much as by empathyand passageand enforcementof antilynching imaginativeinvention. Such a compari- laws,"Caldwell concluded,offered the son demonstratesthat artists' responses to primarymeans to end "furtherdescent the opportunityto make artagainst into the sloughof barbarism."White also

12 Spring1999 * FOR NEGRO * AN ARTCOMMENTARY ON LYNCHING

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blWoma.rnsgsd by HE FUGIIVE JOHNREED CLUB * ARTISTSUNION c, JohnS..to C:y ARTISTS COMMITTEE OF ACTION LEAGUEOF STRUGGLEFOR NEGRO RIGHTS ArthurU. NewtonGalleries INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE Eleven East Street Fifty-seventh THEVANGUARD New YorkCity Inrodudionby ANGELO HERNDON Gaoleies open I0:00 AtM. tc 5:00 P.M. daily,except Sunday ACA GALLERY * 52 WEST 8th STREET

1 Exhibition An Art cataloguecover, reproduceda lithographby the promi- artistwell knownfor his leftistsympa- on Commentary Lynching,1935. nentwhite regionalist artist John Steuart Collectionof the University of Iowa thies.By suggestivelyportraying a crudely Libraries,Iowa City,Iowa Curryto illustratethe cataloguecover. racistsign tackedto a tree,with a lynch Titled TheFugitive, Curry's print por- rope hangingover an upperlimb, 2 Exhibitioncatalogue cover, trayeda terrifiedblack man hidingin a Refregier'sprint seems intended to elicit Strugglefor Negro Rights, 1935. treeto fromwhite AntonRefregier Papers, Archives of escape lynchers,who outrageat racistattitudes while avoiding AmericanArt, Smithsonian Institu- werevisible on horsebackbelow. While the explicitillustration of racialviolence tion, D.C. Washington, the essaysreflected contemporary socio- or African-Americanvulnerability. logical explanationsthat connected "PicturesCan Fight!,"an introductionto lynchingto whitepoverty, Curry's print thecatalogue, written by Angelo Herndon, sharplydramatized black vulnerability. also contrastedstrongly with the NAACP both Together textsand imageempha- essays.Herndon was a youngAfrican- sized the urgentneed fornational legisla- AmericanCommunist whose recent tiveremedies. sentencingto twentyyears on a Georgia The cataloguefor the Strugglefor chain gangfor organizing unemployed NegroRights show set a much different workers(both black and white)in Atlanta tone and projecteda differentapproach had made him widelyknown in leftist to the issues.The coverfeatured a politicaland culturalcircles.4 Herndon's lithographby Anton Refregier,a white essaywas directand provocative.He

13 AmericanArt condemnedthe idea that "going to the radicaltransformation ofthe social BigBoss" could end lynching and stated systembased on class-consciousanalyses that"the real truth is thatwe canonly of thecountry's economic and political stoplynching by struggle," not only for a systems. moreforceful antilynching bill, but also The strategiesthat organizers used through"mass organization ... andmass to solicitworks for the two exhibitions defense." furtherrevealed their tactical and political The contrastingperspectives suggested dissimilarities.Walter White contacted bythe catalogues of the two exhibitions numerousartists individually about the reflectedsubstantive differences between NAACP exhibitionand urgedthem to theNAACP and theCommunist left in focusdirectly on thehorror and pathosof theearly 1930s-differences that resulted lynchviolence, even though such images in a highlycontentious relationship wouldbe painfulfor viewers. White betweenthe two groups. During these hopedthat distaste for viewing such years,the Communist party made intense traumaticscenes would be mitigatedby effortsto attractblack members, and evidenceof elite support for the show, partyorganizers attacked the NAACP for and arguedin a letterto Gertrude classelitism and lackof revolutionary zeal VanderbiltWhitney that "even a morbid in thefight for civil rights and economic subjectcan be madepopular if a suffi- justice.In response,the NAACP rejected cientlydistinguished list of patronesses Communistorganizing as opportunistic, willsponsor the exhibition."' John claimingthat the Party exploited Negro SteuartCurry's lithograph The Fugitive Americans'desires for equality only to (fig.3) typifiedthe kind of image that furtherSoviet-inspired ideals of class Whiteencouraged. Curry's tense scene revolution.Despite these opposing dramatizedthe extreme vulnerability of claims,both organizations placed a high ruralblack men to lynchterrorism. He valueon makingintegrated political useda vertiginousview from above to activismcentral to theirprograms during stressthe potential victim's tenuous the1930s, and both organizations sought positionand contrastedthe two lynchers' supportfrom working-class people, union "unnatural"violence with butterflies members,middle-class educators and symbolizingnature's innocence. Many intellectuals,and churchand reform worksin theNAACP show shared groupsin thewhite and blackcommuni- Curry'semphasis on boththe terror and ties.The differencesbetween the groups physicaldanger of lynch violence and wereplayed out in manyaspects of their stressedthe virulent hatred of white mobs organizationalprojects, from efforts to and thesuffering ofblack victims. introducenew antilynching legislation to In contrastto White'spersonalized strugglesover control of the highly approach,leftist artists who organized the publicizedScottsboro case defense. Yet opposingexhibition publicized their call bothalso sought to exploitthe evident forsubmissions in a flyerthat was injusticeof the Scottsboroconvictions reprintedas a letterin theleftist journal and publicityaround appeals to promote New Masses.They soughtto broadenthe outrageagainst lynch violence, as well as contextof antilynchingactivism by to enlargetheir memberships and maxi- linkingit to issuesof civilrights and mize theirpower to producesocial economicjustice. As a result,works in the change.5However, the NAACP's focus NegroRights exhibition, as indicatedin on respectabilityand reformistsolutions the cataloguelistings, seem to have and itsappeal to elitesupporters con- addresseda rangeof themesthat included trastedmarkedly with the Party'scall for interracialsolidarity and strugglesagainst

14 Spring1999 as a personrather than a silhouette,is thrusttoward the viewer and castsits shadowacross an ungainlycomposite n00, buildingin thebackground labeled "U.S. Courts."By adding the swastika, classical pediment,Tower of Babel structure, and intrusivetree branches and rootsas additionalsymbols, Warsager encouraged viewersto identifylynching as a crime of"fascist" capitalism, under which communicationbreaks down and the monstrous of L;~J4 growth injusticepenetrates and corruptsthe system to itscore.7 Warsager'simage reflected the insistence ofleftist organizers that artists expand theirfocus beyond the literal depiction of lynchviolence to persuadeviewers that II effectiveopposition to lynchingmeant resistanceto a broadspectrum of oppres- rT4 siveforces in contemporaryAmerican society,including both fascism and antisemitism.Despite these differences in approach,however, the struggle against racistinjustice was central to both exhibitions. Duringthe late 1920s and early 1930s, NewYork's vanguard artistic circles fosteredvery few opportunities for interracialcultural dialogue. Carl Van Vechten,white art critic, novelist, and photographer,was famous for giving raciallymixed parties that brought togetherdiverse communities of African- Americanand white actors, artists, and writers.The jazz clubsof Harlem drew mixedaudiences, and theVanguard group,founded in theearly 1930s by 3 JohnSteuart Curry, The Fugitive, a broadspectrum of social problems. Harlemwriters and artists, encouraged 1935. Lithograph,33.0 x 24.2 cm Titleswere divided about equally between Harlemintellectuals to interactwith (13 x 9 /2in.). NationalMuseum of and associated whiteleftists in relatedfields. AmericanArt, Smithsonian explicitlynching subjects working Institution,Gift of Adelyn D. issues,such as theScottsboro trial, racist The NAACP alsoorganized events Breeskin oppressionin theSouth, racial solidarity attendedby raciallymixed groups. amongworkers, and thethreat to Ameri- Nevertheless,the culturaltensions candemocracy posed by fascism. Hyman producedby pervasivebeliefs in racial Warsager'sdrawing The Law (fig.4), differencewere never significantly effaced shownin theNegro Rights exhibition, by theseexchanges.8 exemplifiedits strategic ideals. Here the In the early1930s, whiteartists with boundfigure of a hangedlynch victim, tiesto the Communistparty began givenjust enough detail to be perceived to createimages that reflected newly

15 AmericanArt to fosterproletarian radicalism in thearts, and theyread New Masses, a leftistjournal thatregularly featured both artworks and articlesthat called attention to racial issues.The artincluded drawings that celebratedthe ideal of workers' interracial solidarity,such as theMay 1931 coverby 14kA. AVV NicolaiCikovsky that portrayed a workers' paradeon MayDay (fig.5), as wellas politicalcartoons concerning the Scottsborocase, exemplified by Hugo Gellert'sdrawing in theMay 1932 issue referringto anxieties about an upcoming At SupremeCourt verdict (fig. 6). New Massesalso ran articles on developments in theScottsboro trials and published fiction,poetry, and social commentary by African-Americanwriters. The Artists'

L.' ? ?, k" ' Union,formally organized in 1934,also .. promotedsolidarity with black artists; in IIA!.!! itsjournal, Art Front, various writers assertedthe importance of protecting and expandingAfrican Americans' civil rights. Bycontrast, very few galleries in New ' . ' , ., ""P" ..... Yorkexhibited works AfricanAmeri- - ...., ,/,a by ? ...... -..n,'. ". cansduring the 1930s. Despite social 1 - ...... connectionsthat white patrons such as .... ,. Van Vechtenand MabelDodge forged withblack musicians and photographers, mostAfrican-American visual artists if. . tendedto remainwithin Harlem art circlesand rarelyinteracted with white contemporariesin Manhattan. Moreover, elitejournals that published art criticism duringthis period seem to havebeen highlyinsensitive to theproblem of racism.Exhibition reviews of works by whiteartists that portrayed black people, writtenby established white critics and publishedin mainstreamart journals, 4 Hyman Warsager, The Law. implementedCommunist party policies frequentlymade un-self-conscious in New Drawingreproduced Masses callingfor an attackon Americanracism referencesto demeaningracial stereo- 10, no. 2 (1934): 7 and effortsto recruitblack Americans. A types.Writers referred to imagesof numberof artistswere impressed by the AfricanAmericans (by whiteartists) as Party'scritique of capitalism'sfailures, displayinga typical"happy-go-lucky whichseemed increasingly valid during character"or revealinga "deep spiritual the severeeconomic crisis of the Depres- fearof God and 'de debil.'" Even in a sion. They joined theJohn Reed Club, an 1941 reviewintended to communicate organizationstarted by the Partyin 1929 respectfulpraise of a majorshow of works

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5 Nicolai Cikovsky,May Day by African-Americanartists, the writer wholater taught printmaking for the March. Ink on drawing,reproduced arguedthat three stylistically diverse FederalArt at theHarlem cover,New Masses 6, no. 12 (1931) Project Com- paintings,all illustratedin the article, munityArt Center, was not allowed to 6 Hugo Gellert,Halt theExecution. shared"a distinctlyhomogeneous quality takelife drawing classes at Columbia in Drawing,reproduced NewMasses ... in the color organization... and in Universitybecause the nude female 7, no. 11 (1932):11 certaincharacteristic treatment of rhythm modelswere white.' Thus, at a time and formwhich distinguishes the Negro whenracial discrimination continued to race." Such racialstereotyping was an pervadethe New York art world, the acceptedaspect of artcriticism during the antilynchingexhibitions offered artists period.In its "positive"form, it mayhave (bothblack and white) an uniqueoppor- reflectedidealizing references to a generic tunitynot only to attacklynch violence "African"heritage in thewriting of butalso to protestthe cultural politics of Harlem Renaissanceintellectuals, as well racialoppression in American society. as in cataloguespublished by the Harmon Foundation,which alleged the existence of "inherentNegro traits"that could be ArtisticChoices and Viewpoints expressedin art.However, most of the racialstereotypes found in mid-1930sart Whatevertheir organizational and criticismwere less idealized.Racial politicalallegiances, all artistswho created prejudicealso affectedblack artists'efforts antilynchworks in the1930s faced two to gain professionalskills. Charles Alston, significantquestions. How couldthey

17 AmericanArt 7 Isamu Noguchi, Death (alternate literallyportray torture, violent abuse, or be determinedfrom biographical sources, title: LynchedFigure), 1934. murderso as to makeevident both the but it is likelythat the majorityof Monel metaland metal,wood, rope horrorof these acts and their condemna- in both showsidentified armature,99 x 74.3 x 53.3 cm (39 x participants 29 1/4x 21 in.); heightof armature 89 tion?And in whatother, more meta- themselvesas eitherwhite or African in. The IsamuNoguchi Foundation, phoricalways could they convey the American(two knownexceptions were Inc. the Mexican impactof such terrible events without JosdClemente Orozco, emphasizingthe vulnerability oftheir muralist,and Isamu Noguchi, the targetedfigures? As suggestedabove, one Japanese-Americansculptor). The seven solutionwas to illustratevictims' terror- artistsknown as AfricanAmericans all izationas forcefullyas possible in orderto placed theirworks in theNAACP emphasizelynching's unspeakable exhibition.However, even thoughWalter brutality.A less grisly alternative was the White solicitedworks for the NAACP useof symbolic references to critiquethe show fromnumerous well-known black racistattitudes of lynchers and the artists,and AngeloHerndon also optimis- complicitouspolitics of the legal system. ticallyclaimed their involvement in his However,these were not the only possi- prefaceto the NegroRights catalogue, a bilities,as extantexamples and preserved numberof leadingfigures of the Harlem titlesof unlocated images suggest. Artists Renaissance,such as Aaron Douglas and couldalso focus on thespiritual and ArchibaldMotley Jr., did not participate psychologicalsuffering oflynch victims in eitherevent. Moreover, the names of or turninstead to communalexperiences some participantsin both shows (morein ofgrieving and resistance. NegroRights) do not appear in standard Artistswho participated in thetwo biographicaldictionaries of artistsor in exhibitionsexplored all ofthese options. referenceworks on African-Americanart, The catalogueslisted seventy-seven mostlikely because theseartists were participatingartists; thirty-nine sent amateursor studentswho neverdevel- worksto theNAACP showand forty- oped recognizedcareers as professional threecontributed to theNegro Rights fineartists." Thus any analysisthat exhibition(five artists participated in addressesracial differences must be bothevents). However, few historical understoodas partial,because it is records,letters, or interviewsoffer necessarilylimited to the comparisonof informationabout artists' intentions in worksby knownAfrican-American and makingthese images. Contemporary whiteartists. Nevertheless, within this reviewersgenerally discussed individual contextthere were significant differences examplesquite briefly. Many of the works in how whiteartists and artistsof color can no longerbe located,and some of the portrayedlynching-related subjects. artistshave been impossible to trace.'0 Genderdifferences also seem to have Nevertheless,it is stillfeasible to assess influencedartists' choices about whether thespecific representational strategies to depictlynch violence and how to highlightedin eachexhibition from approachsuch a terribletheme. As worksthat survive and fromtitles listed in indicatedin the cataloguelistings, very the catalogues.These offerevidence that fewworks by women artistswere in- artists'decisions about portrayinglynch- cluded in eitherexhibition. Of the ing wereshaped not onlyby theirindi- seventy-sevenartists who participatedin vidual conceptions,expressive prefer- the two shows,only four can be identified ences,and differingpolitical analyses but by name as women,although a fewof the also by theirracial and genderidentities. othernames listed are ambiguous.Since The racialidentity claimed by all the numerouswomen were active as artists, artistsin theseexhibitions cannot always teachers,and artstudents in New York

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... duringthe early1930s, thiscomparative experienceof lynchvictims universally absence is striking.Moreover, judging perceptible.Yet to acceptthe sculpture as fromlisted titles, it would seem thatnone symbolizinghuman vulnerability to racist of theworks by women represented violencewas perhapsimpossible for most lynchingscenes literally, but focused viewers,given a racializedclimate of insteadon ancillarysubjects, such as interpretationin whichno "black"or, in portraitsand themesrelated to the thiscase, brownmetal figure could be Scottsborocase, or imagesthat validated understoodas expressinguniversalized interracialsolidarity or linkedlynching to human identity.12Furthermore, since the widersocial concerns.The relative NAACP sponsoredthe exhibition,many absenceof lynchingimages by women viewersmight understandably have and the differencesbetween works by assumedthat its originatingpremise was black and whiteartists are both related,I the cessationof racialassaults on African would argue,to the prevailingcharacter- Americans. izationof lynchviolence in media Given thisideological context, it is not accounts,sociological documents, surprisingthat many white artists who literature,and the visualarts as a public made antilynchingworks during the spectaclecentered on the terroristic interwardecades focusedtheir condemna- subordinationof black men. toryimages on public expressionsof racial violencethat were directed against black men by whitemen and believedto be Images ofWhite Violence and enactedmost often in the ruralSouth. Black Victimization Althoughcreated a decade earlier,in 1923, GeorgeBellows's lithograph The Two criticalresponses to IsamuNoguchi's Law Is Too Slow (fig.8) portrayedthis Death (fig.7), an excruciatinglycontorted kind of lynchingscene in exactlythe type sculpturethat was exhibitedin both of detailedimage that White hoped shows,suggest that even an abstractfigure would inciteviewers to antilynchactiv- cast in shinymonel metalcould not ism. The title,the white-hooded men, escape thiscultural expectation. After and thewrithing black figurecentered lambasting"the current trend towards in the luridlight of the fireall drewon rathertortured forms" representing "dark nightmarishaccounts and photographs bodies twistedin knottyagonies of death" of lynchviolence in 1920s literatureand as vergingtoo closelyon propaganda,a journalism.White believedthat such an displeasedArt News reviewerdismissed imagecould become an effectivetool in Noguchi's workas a "pendantmass of the fightagainst lynching. He used silveredrealism [which] is onlya macabre Bellows'sprint as thefrontispiece for commentary"lacking in trueaesthetic Ropeand Faggot,his 1929 book on merit.Responding with more imaginative lynching,and asked Bellows'swidow for discomfortto the same formalqualities, a permissionto exhibitit in the 1935 show, writerfor Parnassus praised it as a reproducingit again on the second page "gnarledchromium victim jigging under of theNAACP catalogue.13 thewind-swayed rope" thatwould make Severalother artists focused even more "a whiteman feelsquirmy about his intenselyon thehorrifying tortures color." Neithercritic could see past associatedwith lynching. Jose Clemente culturallyaccepted assumptions of a black Orozco's 1934 lithographThe Hanged victim,although Noguchi's isolatedfigure Men (Negroes)depicted the charred, maywell have been intendedto contest contortedbodies of fourlynched figures explicitracial associations and renderthe hangingfrom tree branches over flames.

20 Spring1999 8 GeorgeWesley Bellows, The Law Is Too Slow, 1923. Lithograph, sheet:65.3 x 48.4 cm (25 1/2x 19 in.); image:45.6 x 37.1 cm (18 x 14 1/2in.). The ArtInstitute of Chicago,Gift of George F. Porter

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The pose of the foremostfigure is almost terms.Harry Sternberg's lithograph identicalto thatof Noguchi's sculpture SouthernHoliday (fig. 9), titledwith grim Death, and bothworks were most likely irony,presented a moredetailed image of derivedfrom a photographpublished by the aftermathof lynchviolence. To shock the InternationalLabor Defense.Al- viewersinto outrage and activism, thoughOrozco portrayedthese victims as Sternbergdepicted the gruesomespec- simplified,silhouette-like figures, their tacle of a bound and mutilatedblack pain is intenselycommunicated through man, eitherdead or dying,tied to one theirdistorted poses, forcing viewers to pilasterof a ruinedgateway, which recalls confrontlynching on terrifyinglyprimal the supposedlyennobling classical

21 AmericanArt to an individual.'"Yet representationsof explicitscenes of lynchviolence and its terrifyingoutcomes, exemplified in particularlyharrowing form in these printsby Bellows,Orozco, and Sternberg, became the mostcommon thematictrope chosen by whiteartists to instigate powerfulsocial revulsionagainst lynching thatmight encourage legislative and politicalremedies. Individualartists, of course,manipu- lated thisapproach in variousways to portraydifferent aspects of the terrorof lynching.Several white artists in the NAACP show turnedfrom representing the actual lynchingto itspreliminaries, portrayingthe physicaland psychological punishmentswhite lynchers deployed to harrasstheir victims. Envisioning the next stageof the lynchsequence from Curry's print,Julius Bloch portrayedthe helpless Itt Christ-likefigure of a black man captured by whitelynchers and tied to a treein a small 1932 paintingtitled The Lynching (fig.10). Paul Cadmus even moreinsis- tentlyconfronted viewers with the mob's eagernessto tormenttheir victim well beforereaching the lynchsite in To the Lynching(fig. 11). Cadmus's own anxi- etiesabout contemporaryhomophobic attackson gaymen may have prompted his nightmarishevocation of the instinctto torture.In a drawingtitled This Is Her FirstLynching (fig. 12), ReginaldMarsh documentedthe avid reactionsof the lynchmob itselfby entirelyomitting any explicitrepresentation ofits victim. Marsh's 9 HarrySternberg, Southern heritageof Westerncivilization. The drawing,originally published in TheNew sheet: Holiday, 1935. Lithograph, massedindustrial smokestacks behind the Yorkerin 1934 and reproducedagain in 60.6 x 45.4 cm (23 7/8x 17 7/8in.); a confrontation, The Crisisin 1935, evoked image:55.2 x 40 cm (21 ? x figurepresent parallel January outrage as a 15 ? in.). Collectionof the Whitney betweenthe achievementsof modern by portrayinglynching grotesquely Museumof Art. Purchase, with funds technologyand the barbarityof lynch obscene "communal"activity, whose fromThe LauderFoundation, terrorism,while their white wereso misled Leonardand EvelynLauder Fund repeatingphallic participants by shapescreate a symboliccontrast to the racismthat they would bringchildren to victim'scastration. Sternberg later watcha traumaticmurder as ifit were commentedon the senseof shamehe felt entertainment.This frighteningunravel- whileworking on thisimage. He ob- ing of social valueswas identifiedas both servedthat although several museums a cause and an outcomeof lynchviolence purchasedthe print,none was eversold in the two introductoryessays in the

22 Spring1999 violence.'5By crowdingthe figures togetheras theypeer at theunseen victim,Marsh evokedthe potentialfrenzy of thewhite mob, whilethe child's uncomprehendingexpression suggested Marsh's own criticalintentions. Although theychose differentmoments in the sequence of eventsassociated with lynch violence,all of theseartists selected episodesfrom the most violent aspects of lynchingto emphasizeits function as raciallymotivated terrorism expressed throughpublic spectacle.While their intentionwas condemnatoryand their worksconveyed both angerand revulsion, theyalso forcedviewers to confrontthe physicaland psychologicaltorture of lynchvictims and the depravityof lynch mobs in painfullyvivid detail. Few artists,however, actually depicted the mostviolent assault on black male identitiesand bodies associatedwith lynching-the practiceof castratinglynch victims.In a studyof lynchingportrayals in Americanliterature, literary scholar TrudierHarris argued that castration representedthe symbolicextreme of lynching's"unmanning" of blackvictims, functioningas a ritualizedrejection of any black man's claim to eithersocial or bodilyautonomy. "Lynchings became ... ," she argued,"the final part of an emasculation thatwas carriedout everyday in word and deed." Most artistsseem to have judged portrayingthis degree of violenceas beyondthe limitsof aesthetic acceptability.Of extantworks from the two exhibitions,Noguchi's and Orozco's abstractedfigures lacked genitals, and Bellow's printwas ambiguous;only Sternberg'slithograph signified this ultimatedenigration of black manhood by splashingblood. Sternberg'sdecision 10 JuliusBloch, The Lynching,1932. NAACP catalogue.Marsh dramatized to make thisreference explicit may have Oil on canvas,48.3 x 30.5 cm (19 x thisconception in his drawingby empha- been promptedby news reports,in 12 in.). Collection of Whitney Museum of AmericanArt sizingthe eagerparticipation of white October 1934, of the lynching,castra- women,usually stereotyped in both art tion,and dismembermentof Claude Neal and literatureas domesticnurturers who in Florida.A participantin theevent would be expectedto rejectand condemn publisheda photographrecording the

23 AmericanArt 11 Paul Cadmus, To theLynching, 1935. Graphiteand watercoloron paper,sight: 52.1 x 40 cm (20 /2 x 15 3/4in.). Collectionof the Whitney Museumof American Art, New York, Purchase

mob's depredationson thevictim's body thisact in all itshorror. In a darkly as a commemorativepostcard, which was furiouscharcoal drawing (fig. 13), Alston reproducedin the Novemberissue of The portrayeda large,grimacing white Crisis,the journal of the NAACP, to lyncherholding up the evidenceof his encourageantilynch activism. Sternberg's castratingattack on a recumbentblack print,however, represented only the victim.His imageclearly referred to the consequencesof castration,but a contem- viciouslyoppressive power of white porarydrawing by theyoung African- racismin the unequal confrontationof Americanartist Charles Alston presented thesetwo figures.Alston most likely

24 Spring1999 listedin the catalogue,such as Unite iAir AgainstLynching, Militant Mourners, Workerstothe Rescue, In theBlack Belt, and SharecroppersMeeting, suggest that a numberof artistswho contributedto the showturned away fromthe literaldepic- r A, tion of lynchterrorism. Instead, they 0".tw 4. w w addressedthemes that evoked both empathyand resistance,and in some cases offeredheroic images of workers and ~~:?i4v. protestersfor racial equality. Although the majorityof worksin thatshow cannotbe found,one exampleof thisalternative tacticis Louis Lozowick'slithograph Hold theFort (fig. 14), whichaddressed the ideal of class and racialsolidarity in the context of a labor protest.It depicteda powerful black strikerholding back an aggressive ..... policemanto protecta fallenwhite com- rade.17However, the titlesof otherworks in theexhibition, such as TheLynchers, Deathin Alabama, Caught, or That'sthe Man, demonstratethat some artistsdid turnto scenesof explicitviolence. As withworks from the NAACP show, the above examplesfrom the NegroRights exhibitionstrongly suggest that common beliefsabout the crimeof lynchingled manyartists to produceviolent images thatcentered on a terroristicpublic spectacleof black male humiliationand torture.The mostmuted version of this iconographywas the darklysilhouetted, hangedfigure that symbolized lynch violencein worksranging from political cartoonspublished in New Massesto 12 Reginald Marsh, ThisIs Her First createdhis workfor the NegroRights contemporarymurals by Aaron Douglas Lynching,1934. Drawingin black exhibition,but it was not Even and Rivera.This of and in displayed. Diego type figure, ink Contecrayon reproduced the leftist have been whether or TheCrisis 42:1 (January1935): 13. militantly jurorsmay whollysimplified given Originallypublished in TheNew -hesitantto includeit, judging it too minimallyrecognizable features, avoided Yorker(8 September1934) violentand hostilefor either their own thehorrifying depiction of individual comfortor forpublic exposure.'6 sufferingseen in moredetailed works, In contrastto White'sbelief that yetits darkform, while not excluding explicitrepresentations of lynchviolence referenceto whitevictims, reified the would mosteffectively increase public connectionassumed between lynch outrage,organizers of the NegroRights violenceand black bodies. show,as discussedearlier, encouraged Two otherconventions for depicting artiststo linklynching to otheraspects lynchingtended to stressthe frightand of social and economicinjustice. Titles sufferingof itsvictims, again always

25 AmericanArt heroicallypowerful male figure (as in Bellows'sand Sternberg'sprints), either strippedor partiallynaked, but always eitherconstrained by bonds and struggling,stoic, or contortedin death.These imagesof ennobledbut ultimately powerlessblack male bodies introduced moreconflicted into the liv?- meanings pictorialsymbolism of antilynchactivism. Such figuresmight be linkedto issues alreadyraised by earlierportrayals of blackmen in late-nineteenth-century Americansculpture. In recentlypublished studies,both Michael Hatt and Kirk Savage arguedthat, given prevailing theoriesof racialdifference, the most significantcultural markers of white manhood-self-controland universally recognizableaesthetic integrity-could not be transferredto representationsof the bodies of black men. Bodies "other" thanwhite could be seenonly in racialized terms,and thuscould neverbe viewedas symboliccarriers of universalmeaning, nor referto a fullyself-directed social identity.It is highlylikely that similar conceptionscontinued to shape visual representationsin the 1930s. On one hand, reviewersseemed unable to see the torturedvictim in Noguchi's sculptureas a universalexpression of thehorror of lynching.On the other,many white artistsstruggling to portraythe shocking injusticeof lynchviolence felt that one solutionwas to pictureheroically masculine black men (the figuresalways suggest 13 CharlesAlston, untitled drawing, identifiedas AfricanAmerican. One racialspecificity in theirfeatures and skin ca. 1935. Charcoalon paper,61 x versioncentered on a muscularbut lanky tones) forcefullysubdued by constraint, 43.2 cm (24 x 17 in.). Kenkeleba black man on a whitemob (as violation,and castration.These idealized Gallery,New York preyed by in Curry'sprint or Bloch's painting), figures,however, communicated a complex awkwardand terrifiedin hidingor and not entirelycoherent set of messages. alreadycaptured and surroundedby It is certainlyreasonable to read themas tormenters.This rusticfigure, often signifyingthe artists'admiration for shown in overalls,suggested the Southern masculinepotency and beautydespite rurallocation that most people associated "racial"differences. Their muscular withlynch violence, and his vulnerability bodiesmight also haveevoked the powerful was surelyintended to incitepity in proletarianworkers depicted in some viewers.A second,contrasting scenario formsof leftistart in the early1930s, presentedthe victim as an handsomeand whichprojected hopes thata social

26 Spring1999 14 Louis Lozowick, Hold theFort (alternatetitle: Strike Scene), 1934. Lithograph,27.7 x 22.5 cm (10 7/8x 8 NationalMuseum of ?~? Sdi, 7/in.). ,. AmericanArt, Smithsonian Institution,Gift of Adele Lozowick ii

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revolutionwould ultimatelyovercome theyostensibly sought to represent:their lynchterrorism. From a differentperspec- emphasison victimhoodunmanned those tive,Neoplatonic philosophy associated whose rightsthey were intended to idealizedmale nudeswith moral virtue defend.Such representationsof black and spiritualtruth. Thus thesefigures male bodies,exposed in noble yethelpless could also have assertedthe dignityand inadequacyto theviewer's gaze, still purityof irrationallytargeted victims, emphasizedracial subordination. Al- therebyresisting claims that the purpose thoughthese images were consciously of lynchingwas to punishcriminal acts. meantto elicitoutrage, one mustask Yet despitethe potentially positive spin whethertheir negative aspects served, thatsuch readingssuggest, these images perhapsunconsciously, to assuage also workedagainst the very concepts lingeringtraces of whiteracial anxiety.'8

27 AmericanArt evokedblack Americans' historical dependenceon Christianfaith to endure injustice. In a charcoaldrawing titled I Passed AlongThis Way(fig. 15), E. Simms Campbell portrayedJesus struggling uphillunder the cross,while behind him loomed the shadowyfigure of a black victim.This stark so effec- ?__.i-i;:::: lynch image -i'--is -:i:i. ?:ii;ivi::i::.::::i:::::,;-.-. ;:; ;:I: : :: ::I:i::a tivelyconveyed the pain of lynchingto ;ii:i;:~-;.: ;::--I: . i ::?:. ; :-:::;:i?: ::;; .:-::- : :: . : : ; :: :::~? :::- the editorsof The Crisisthat ~sa::-; theyrepro- ii;:?-I_,: :::::iii:li; :;~?,:_-::i:ii-:i:ii;:::~::;~ duced it as the forthe March I::i-:::::; :il::-::-::~ frontispiece ;, :::::::::;;-i?i~,_rr??iLi-i:-?_ .-i;i;_i: _:_ i; : . __ I?:?_i',:;_;_:I~fi:l;:'ll-;:";:'.'-:_ i;-:;:6::I:;:::_30 -i-l-_ii:lij ijrj-_-:;::l:::,~~_::ji;q~~::: 1935 issuecontaining a reviewof the Q NAACP show. PrentissTaylor, a white artistwith close tiesto the black commu- vv~: nityin Harlem throughhis friendship withLangston Hughes, also referredto the Crucifixionin his lithographChrist in Alabama (frontispiece).20Langston Hughes and JamesWeldon Johnsonhad 15 E. Simms Campbell, I Passed How Else? alreadyexplored this symbolic connection Along This Way,1935. Charcoal in Aaron it visual on in TheCrisis poetry; Douglas gave paper,reproduced Yet how else should artistswho wishedto formin his 1927 The (April1935): 102 drawing Crucifix- focusdirectly on theeffects of lynching ion,an illustrationfor Johnson's 1927 ratherthan its broaderpolitical contexts book titledGod's Trombones.Religious have conveyedits horrors? It is notable referencesto Christianthemes could also thatonly two of the sevenAfrican- be read as condemningwhite lynchers' Americanartists who took partin the failureto liveup to theirown claimsof NAACP exhibitionportrayed explicit Christianidentity. Moreover, such violence,19" and both foundunusual ways referencesmuted the overtexpression of to emphasizethe victim's suffering. Four black angerat whiteoppression. This of the otherfive, along withseveral white strategymay have seemed appropriatefor artists,turned to imagesof grievingand workscontributed to an exhibitionthat religiousmetaphors as an alternative was intendedto solicitwhite support for symbolicvocabulary. This strategy the NAACP's proposedantilynching allowed themto downplayboth frenzied legislation. whiteviolence and demeaningblack Images centeredon Christianrefer- victimization.It permittedthem to stress ences drewmixed criticism from contem- insteadthe dignityof blackvictims as poraryreporters, whose responsestended well as thespiritual anguish felt by to reflecttheir communal and political African-Americancommunities (and affiliations.The New YorkAmsterdam sympatheticwhites) in responseto lynch News,an African-Americannewspaper, violence.Religious analogies, particularly citedCampbell's image IPassedAlong themesderived from Jesus' Crucifixion, This Wayas one of the mostmoving enabled theseartists to developimages pieces in theNAACP exhibition.How- thatavoided theexplicit terror of lynch- ever,leftist critic Stephen Alexander, ing scenes,highlighted emotional suffer- writingfor New Masses,strongly de- ing,expressed communal grief, and also nounced referencesto Christiansuffering

28 Spring1999 and transcendencein a reviewinfluenced (fig.17), Woodruff included a threaten- by leftistdemands to linklynching to ingwhite crowd and placed his black moreinclusive struggles for social change. protagonistin a highlyvulnerable posi- Alexandercondemned the NAACP show tion,bound and about to be hanged. as givingthe "generalimpression of However,this portrayal is distinctly pleadingfor reform" [emphasis in origi- differentfrom other treatments ofsuch nal], and praisedthe Negro Rights exhibi- scenes.The man'sbody is clothed,not tion forits emphasis on "fightingpic- strippednaked, and his stance is upright tures."Yet he faultedartists in both anddignified, even if bound, not obvi- showsfor not makingworks that suffi- ouslyfearful nor sagging in death.The ciently"explained" lynching, asserting artistadded highlights on hiscollar bones that"most of it is chalkedup to God or andsternum to suggesta cross,implying human nature"in theNAACP show,and thatChristian belief would sustain his thatin the NegroRights exhibition even dignityduring his terrible ordeal. the mostpowerful images often only Woodruffsdepiction of this figure servedto arouseviewers' indignation. He powerfullycommunicated his desire to called forworks that would "attackthe preservethe dignity of the subject. His social forcesresponsible for lynching" and iconographicchoices also implied that carrythe fight"to a higherpolitical level" blackmen functioned as morallyinno- ratherthan politely appealing "to the centscapegoats in whitemen's violent good impulsesof our 'betterpeople."'21 effortsto enforcetheir social control. Alexander'scondemnatory perspective, Woodruffcalled a secondprint By Parties however,failed to recognizethe signifi- Unknown(fig. 18), referringto the highly cance of imagesthat spoke to the griefas suspectfailure of white Southern leaders to well as the outragearoused by lynch identifylynch mob participants. The violence. dilapidatedbuilding in thisimage might Black artistsin the NAACP show did be interpretedas a whitechurch; how- not entirelyshy away from condemning ever,its ramshackle state mitigates against lynchingas a violentsocial spectacle,yet thisreading. Recent scholarship rejects theirimages conveyed significantly conflictbetween poor white and black differentmeanings when comparedto communitiesas theprimary cause behind worksby theirwhite peers. Samuel lynching,suggesting instead that lynch Brown'swatercolor, The Lynching (fig. violenceserved primarily as a typeof 16), was as explicitas manyworks by "state-sanctionedterrorism" to assert whiteartists, but his idiosyncraticchoice whitesocial control and enforcewhite of a viewpointabove the head of the solidarityacross class divisions.22 It seems lynchedfigure suggested a uniquely morelikely that, by depicting a lynch empatheticconception. It brought victimleft on thesteps of an impoverished viewersface to facewith the man's agony blackchurch, Woodruff meant to suggest whileminimizing their view of his lynchers'additional insult to thedignity torturedbody. At thesame time,the ofthe African-American community. violentwhite crowd was reducedto tiny Perhapsthe work by an African- jeeringspectators far below, creating a Americanartist that most poignantly verydifferent expressive emphasis. evokedthe awfulnessof lynchingwhile Hale Woodruffalso createdseveral avoidingliteral representation of physical worksthat combined references to black sufferingwas WilmerJennings's linocut victimizationand Christianredemption. At theEnd ofthe Rope (fig. 20). This In the linocutprint titled Giddap! imagemight be read as a eulogyfor all

29 AmericanArt 16 Samuel Brown, The Lynching, African-Americanlynch victims. Amid a women'sinvolvement in thevisual arts, 1934. Watercolorover graphite of exoticwild it evidentthat numerous x cm picturesquearrangement making compe- on paper,77.48 52.1 (30 1/2x and treetrunks that both a tentfemale artists have contributed 20 1/2in.). PublicWorks of Art plants suggest might Projecton depositat thePhiladelphia Southernand an ideal, ancestralAfrican imagesto the two antilynchingshows, yet Museumof Art location,Jennings portrayed a severed theydid not. head restingon the ground,eyes closed, Why was thisthe case?One explana- horriblystill in death.Once a viewer tion mightbe the failureof exhibition noticedthe vertical coils of a rope camou- organizersto solicitworks by women flagedamong the branches,that silent artists.Women mayhave been poorly head powerfullyconveyed both horror representedin the NAACP show because and excruciatinggrief. White,in seekingout respectedcontribu- Overall,the works contributed by tors,overlooked women artistseven theseAfrican-American artists to the thoughhe solicitedthe supportof women NAACP show,as well as worksthat patrons.Peggy Bacon, the one woman to adopted alternativeperspectives in the participatein the NAACP show,was well NegroRights exhibition, demonstrated knownin New York artcircles in the thatportraying lynching as a spectacleof 1930s, but therewere certainly other public violencewas not theonly way to women of equivalentreputation whom addressthe issue,even if it seemedhighly White could have invited.But organizers' effectivein stirringup oppositionto disregardfor women's accomplishments lynching,the goal of both exhibitions. cannot be blamedfor the relativeabsence These survivingimages from the two of womenfrom the Strugglefor Negro showsstrongly suggest that artists' Rightsexhibition. Works were publicly representationaldecisions were substan- solicited,and althoughthe show was juried, tiallyaffected both by theirpolitical ideals the exhibitionincluded pieces by many and by raciallyinflected perspectives that relativelyunknown contributors, yet only led artiststo stresssignificantly different threeparticipants were women. If the aspectsof lynching'ssocial and emotional sparsenumber of imagesby women in implications. the NegroRights show cannotbe attrib- uted to organizers'biases, then what othercauses mightexplain their absence? GenderedConstraints A moreplausible answer might be that women artistswho consideredmaking As mentionedearlier, women's contribu- worksto condemnlynching found their tionsto the two exhibitionswere unusu- representationaloptions undercut by allylimited: there were only six worksby complexsocial constraintson feminine women out of a totalof 105 worksin propriety.These constraintswere related both shows.Yet thepaucity of antilynch- to sociallyconstructed expectations of ing worksby women raisesrather than genderdifference in two overlapping invalidatesquestions about therole of contexts:in responseto violentsocial genderin the constructionof antilynch- acts,and in bothlooking at and repre- ing images.The lack of worksby women sentingmale bodies. The tensionsposed cannotbe attributedto eitherwomen's by theseexpectations mitigated against invisibilityin theNew York artworld in women's use of thevisual vocabularies the early1930s or to theirlack of interest that,in theworks of theirwhite male in antilynchingorganizing. Both black peers,delineated lynching as a violent and whitewomen playedactive roles in racistspectacle centered on the bodies opposinglynching in the 1930s. At the of black male victims.As Elizabeth same time,various sources corroborate Alexanderstated in a recentessay on

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racistviolence in Americanculture, In the 1930s the social meaningof "black bodies in pain forpublic con- lynchingwas explainedby competing sumptionhave been an Americanspec- ideologiesthat emphasized white manli- tacle forcenturies."23 However, the ness and aggressionas well as racial symbolicforms used forthese literary, hostility.White lynchmobs frequently theatrical,and visualrepresentations were defendedtheir acts as demonstratingthe complexand historicallyspecific. "masculine"virtue of violencedirected

32 Spring1999 alsorejected outright the idea that racial terrorismwas innately protective. Never- IVA theless,lynch violence provided white c10 maleparticipants with a spurioussense of 'oop communallyvalidated manliness while alsoviolating black men's sense of IL masculineself-sufficiency andmocking theirrights to claimeither self-control or Oki 4%W I socialempowerment. As TrudierHarris hassuggested, lynching was the most extremeform of an emasculatingprocess carriedout in thedaily cultural enforce- 0. mentof black subordination to white socialauthority.24 All artistswho sought to address ow- Avg lynchingthemes, therefore, had to 00 confrontthese contradictory discourses on manlinessand unmanliness.It was difficultto developvisual images that .,dkvOF avoidedprevailing racial and gender stereotyping.When artists focused either fir literallyor symbolically on violencedone to thebodies of black men, they ran the 09 riskof reinforcing white viewers' stereo- typesof racial "otherness" even as they ostensiblyworked to combatthem. It mayhave been this very dilemma that discouragedsome of the leading visual artistsof the Harlem Renaissance from I participatingin the exhibitions. ?t?4 Womenartists encountered more complexissues in workingwith lynching themesthan their male peers. Detailed graphicdepictions of lynch violence wouldhave transgressed middle-class valuesthat still idealized women as 18 Hale Woodruff,By Parties towardachieving so-called "communal essentiallymoral figures, expected to Unknown,1935. Linocut,22.9 x alsoclaimed were andshun violent events. Harris cm x 12 Kenkeleba justice."They they deplore 31 (9 in.). forwhite textsthat Gallery,New York providing"manly" protection analyzedcontemporary literary women.However, women themselves, mayhave reflected the effects of this bothblack and white, contradicted this culturalexpectation. Black male writers claim.Ida B. Wells,at theturn of the oftenconstructed detailed descriptions of century,had indictedwhite lynchers lynchvictims' mutilation and death, for"unmanly" lack of control. Jessie while blackwomen writers rarely referred DanielAmes and members of the to such detailsand generallyavoided Associationof Southern Women for narrativeemphasis on lynchingsas public thePrevention of Lynching, a white spectacles.25Thus black male writers women'sorganization founded in 1930, pursueda strategydifferent from that

33 AmericanArt 19 WilmerJennings, At theEnd of theRope, 1935. Linocut,29 x 1' \ 21.6 cm (11 /4x 8 1/2in.). Kenkeleba ;rrr??le.. r; Gallery,New York

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of theirpeers in thevisual arts (perhaps antilynchingshows, and perhapsalso because of significantdifferences between withthose who did not participateat verbaland visualrepresentations). Black all. The evidencesuggests that it was womenwriters, however, seem to have not racialsensitivities but genderconven- shareda reluctanceto directlyaddress tionsthat provoked this difference: as lynchviolence with the fewwhite women both writersand visualartists, women artistswho contributedworks to the weresubject to culturalexpectations of

34 Spring1999 femininepropriety that inhibited certain patternsof feminine propriety worked to kindsof representational choices. constraincertain behaviors. Similarunwritten yet culturally Atthe same time, interracial hetero- powerfulprohibitions relating to gender sexualrape and seduction were among proprietyalso curtailed the possibilities of themost frequently evoked "crimes" used women'srepresentation ofmale bodies. to justifylynching as retribution.White In earlierperiods, women artists had been racistsexploited fears of black men's expectedto confinetheir subject choices sexualcoercion of white women to to portraitureor thedomestic and pious intensifywhite mob anger. The literal themesdeemed appropriate to theirsex. enactmentof castration to "punish"lynch In artschools, women were excluded victimswho supposedly sought out or fromacademic study of the male nude respondedto a whitewoman's gaze had untilthe late nineteenth century, and beenbrought to publicattention just a wereat firstonly allowed to gainsuch fewmonths before the exhibitions, when trainingin sex-segregatedclasses. Even at newsreports of the lynching and castra- theliberal Art Students League in New tionof Claude Neal madenational York,mixed-sex life drawing classes were headlines.Although a whitemale artist, notheld until 1926, and theoption of suchas HarrySternberg, could express single-sexclasses was retained into the outrageby explicitly evoking this horrify- early1930s. Women artists who joined ingact, such imagery would have been theFederal Art Project in thelater 1930s muchmore shocking if created by a createdmurals, paintings, and prints that woman.An antilynchingdrawing made includedmale figures, but they rarely in 1939 byRuth Egri, a whitewoman portrayedmen as industriallaborers or in artist,depicted a lynchedblack figure otherroles that demanded the physically hangingfrom a tree,but simply portrayed explicitdepiction of active male bodies. thevictim as a darksilhouette.27 Furthermore,art historian Tamar Garb Southernhistorian Jacquelyn Hall has suggestedthat anxiety on thepart of hasproposed that another, generally bothmale artists and the public about unacknowledged,source of lynch vio- women'sright to representmen's activi- lence,as itfunctioned to assertwhite tiesand malebodies, especially when malecontrol over Southern society, was unclothed,was based on twounderlying anxietyover the direction of white taboosthat extended beyond efforts to women'ssexual desires. Any white protectwomen's supposedly innate woman'sdirect gaze at a blackmale body modesty.From Greek mythology to was thuslinked on multiplelevels to the twentieth-centurypsychoanalysis, a threatof societal disruption, ifnot woman'sdirect gaze at themale body has individualdestruction. Yet during the beeninterpreted as either threatening early1930s, both the NAACP and the castrationor invitingseduction.26 Both Communistparty in NewYork actually interpretationsidentify the female gaze as fostereda social version of this type of transgressivewhen cast beyondthe looking,in the processof facilitating conventionalboundaries of familial greaterinterracial comradeship. The Party modestyand class-determinedsocial even encouragedinterracial heterosexual roles.Although the psychologicalimplica- relationshipsas evidencethat party tionsand metaphoricalrisks of lookingat memberswere overcoming racial preju- male bodies mostlikely did not resonate dice. In thesecontexts, some white consciouslywith women artists,social women artistsmay indeedhave feltmore practicesthat encoded such taboos within freedomto look withdesire at black men

35 AmericanArt and,as a corollary,to rejectthe domi- demandingan endto lynchviolence. nant,demeaning ways of portraying Despitetheir political and polemical vulnerablelynch victims. Black women differences,both exhibitions also fulfilled artists,sensitive to culturalstereotypes an importanttask in urgingartists to thatdenied respect and admirationto addressa themeof profound emotional, menof their own race, would also have social,and legal significance. Yet neither hadgrounds for rejecting such portrayals. artnor political organizing surmounted Allwomen artists were theoretically free theeffects of regional interests, and to drawfrom the male nude, to imagine Congresshas never passed federal legisla- theviolated bodies of lynch victims, or to tioncriminalizing lynch violence.29 lookseductively at menat meetingsand The worksthat have survived movingly parties.However, social and ideological demonstrateindividual artists' anguish constraints,along with new possibilities overthe issue of lynching and itsterrible forinterracial social relationships, signifi- costs,but they should also be evaluatedas cantlycomplicated their options for statementsthat participated in a complex respondingto lynchviolence.28 culturaldialogue. This process involved competingforms of political activism that moldedthe efforts of both organizers and FightingWorks participantsto shapeviewers' experiences. It alsoreflected white artists' desire to It is difficultto evaluatethe efficacy of overcomesocietal prejudices about racial visualimages in motivatingindividuals to differenceand African-American artists' participatein strugglesfor social justice. struggleto dealwith the personal inten- However,the discomfort and anguish sityof the subject, although neither effort thatreaders might have felt in lookingat waslimited to membersof one racial illustrationsfor this article suggest that, group.Despite these difficulties, many evenif no nationallegislation condemn- artistswere able to drawon prevailing inglynching was enacted during the representationalconventions in waysthat 1930s,the power Angelo Herndon gavescope to boththeir personal view- attributedto "fightingpictures" may pointsand political ideals. For others, the indeedhave credibility. Both antilynch- tensionsof race and gender differences ingexhibitions were successful in stimu- inherentin thisdialogue may have made latingattendance and gaining a degreeof it impossibleto findan acceptablevisual criticalattention, although critics' formfor asserting antilynching senti- perspectiveswere varied. Both shows ments,constraining oreven silencing offereda powerful visual stimulus to theirresponses to theurgent social issue viewersto playa moreactive role in thatboth exhibitions sought to address.

36 Spring1999 Notes

My researchon thistopic was facilitated by a legislationproposed by the NAACP. For 8 ForVan Vechten'sinfluence, see Steven grantfrom American University in 1996. moreinformation, see Zangrando,p. Watson,The Harlem Renaissance 114. Formore on theleftist viewpoint, (New York:Pantheon Books, 1995), All referencesin thisarticle to "racial see MarkNaison, Communists in Harlem p. 100,and Ann Douglas, Terrible identities"should be understoodas referring Duringthe Depression (Urbana: Honesty.Mongel Manhattan in the1920s to sociallyconstructed concepts accepted Universityof Illinois Press, 1983), p. (New York:Farrar, Straus and Giroux, at thetime as a wayof defining social 100; seealso Zangrando,p. 114. 1995),pp. 287-291. Forthe Vanguard relationships. group,see Naison,p. 100. 3 The NAACP catalogueis availableon 1 MarlenePark published a groundbreaking microfichein thelynching files at the 9 Forthe reference to AfricanAmericans articlein 1993 thatdiscussed these two New YorkPublic Library's Schomburg as "happy-go-lucky,"see Carl Zigrosser, exhibitionswhile also providinga Centerfor Research on BlackCulture, "ModernAmerican Etching," Print historicaloverview of antilynching New York.A copyof the Struggle for Collectors'Quarterly (1929): 385. Forthe activismin theUnited States and the NegroRights catalogue is in the commentabout "spiritual fear," see effortsof the NAACP to getantilynch- uncataloguedAnton Refregier Papers "AngeleWatson's View," The Art Digest inglegislation passed by Congress. at theArchives of American Art, (1 November1937): 16. Formore on Park'sdetailed analysis of Walter SmithsonianInstitution, Washington, the1941 show,see "AmericanNegro White'srole in organizingthe NAACP D.C., in Box 1. ArtGiven Full Length Review in New showand herexplication of critical YorkShow," The Art Digest (15 December responsesto theexhibitions made 4 Naison,p. 75. Herndonpublished an 1941): 5, 16. Similarreferences to invaluablecontributions to thestudy of autobiographicalaccount of his AfricanAmericans' inherent sense of theseevents. See MarlenePark, experiences.See Herndon,Let Me Live modernist/primitivistvisual rhythm and "Lynchingand Antilynching: Art and (1937; reprint,New York:Arno Press abstractpattern were made in well- Politicsin the1930s," Prospects: An and theNew YorkTimes, 1964). intentionedspeeches by Federal Art AnnualofAmerican Cultural Studies 18 Projectofficials. See Jonathan Harris, (CambridgeUniversity Press, 1993): 5 Formore on theNAACP's view of the "NationalizingArt: The CommunityArt 311-65. My ownwork on theseshows Communistparty, see Zangrando, CentreProgramme of the Federal Art hascertainly benefited from Park's p. 99ff.For information on the Project1935-1943," Art History 14: 2 expertresearch and hercontinuation of NAACP'stargeted support, see (June1991): 257, 267 nn.28, 29. On KristieJayne's efforts to locateartworks Zangrando,p. 124.The ScottsboroCase idealizingreferences to Africanheritage, fromthe exhibitions. In thisarticle I involvedthe arrest of nine young see David C. Driskell,"The Evolution focuson threenew areas of investiga- African-Americanmen, who had been ofa BlackAesthetic, 1920-1950" in tion:the organization of the Struggle for travelingthrough Alabama on a freight David C. Driskell,Two Centuries of NegroRights exhibition and the trainin March1931 with a largergroup BlackAmerican Art (Los Angelesand differencesbetween images shown there oftransients. The ninewere charged New York:Los AngelesCounty and in theNAACP show;patterns of withthe rape of two young white Museumof Art and Alfred A. Knopf, racialas wellas politicalaffiliation womenin thelarger group. Within two 1976),pp. 59-79; and MarySchmidt suggestedby artists' iconographic weeks,the nine men were tried and Campbell,"Introduction" in Harlem choices;and thepaucity of works by convictedand eightwere sentenced to Renaissance.Art ofBlack America (New womenin bothexhibitions. death.The verdictswere followed by a York:The StudioMuseum in Harlem Statisticson numbersof lynchings are lengthyseries of appeals and new trials. and HarryN. Abrams,1987), p. 50. notconsistent in historicalsources. The See Naison,pp. 58-59, and Zangrando, Formore on CharlesAlston's numbershere are taken from Robert p. 100ff. experienceat ColumbiaUniversity, see Zangrando,The NAACP CrusadeAgainst FrancineTyler, "Artists Respond to the Lynching,1909-1950 (Philadelphia: 6 WalterWhite to GertrudeVanderbilt GreatDepression and theThreat of TempleUniversity Press, 1980), pp. 98- Whitney,cited by Park, p. 326. To Fascism:The New YorkArtists' Union 99. Forthe social effects of lynching, see understandWhite's organizing efforts, and ItsMagazine Art Front (1934- StewartE. Tolnayand E. M. Beck,A Parkdrew extensively on hiscorrespon- 1937)" (Ph.D. diss.,New York Festivalof Violence. An Analysis of dence,preserved in theNAACP archives. University,1991), p. 211ff.n. 19. SouthernLynchings, 1882-1930 (Urbana/ See Park,pp. 326-27, 359 n. 70. Chicago:University of Illinois Press, 10 Parknoted that there is someuncer- 1995),pp. 19-26.Angelo Herndon, 7 Flyer,Anton Refregier Papers, Box 1; taintyabout whether all theworks "PicturesCan Fight!,"Struggle for Negro also publishedin NewMasses (26 solicitedand listedin thecatalogues Rights,1935, Anton Refregier Papers, February1935): 21. Parkdiscusses wereactually delivered to theexhibi- Archivesof American Art, Smithsonian Warsager'sdrawing, pp. 344-45. The tions.See Park,pp. 359-60 n. 74, and Institution,Washington, D.C. drawingwas published in the9 January p. 391 n. 93. 1934 issueof New Masses, at a time 2 In the1920s, protests over the difficulty whennumerous cartoons and editorial 11 AngeloHerndon asserted in "Pictures ofascertaining individual blame had commentslinked fascism with capitalist Can Fight!"that "a lotof fine artists, hinderedpassage of previous antilynch inequitiesin Americansociety. bothwhite and Negro,refused the

37 AmericanArt N.A.A.C.P.invitation and senttheir seeTrudier Harris, Exorcising Blackness. SimmsCampbell (two), Allan Freelon, workto theUnited Anti-Lynch Historicaland LiteraryLynching and WilmerJennings, Malvin Grey Johnson, Exhibit."Sources documenting the BurningRituals (Bloomington: Indiana and Hale Woodruff(two). Freelon's careersof African-American artists that UniversityPress, 1984), pp. 5-23. See drawingtitled Barbecue-American Style werepublished shortly after the also Tolnayand Beck,A Festivalof wasdescribed in an AmsterdamNews exhibitionsinclude Alain Locke, The Violence.An Analysis of Southern reviewas showing"the distorted figure Negroin Art (Washington, D.C.: Lynchings,1882-1930, pp. 19-23. of a Negroburning at thestake, while a Associatesin NegroFolk Education, Marsh'sportrayal of women's avid crowdof whites, including children, are 1940) and TheNew Negro Comes ofAge. responseto a lynchingshould not be lookingon" and seemsto be an A NationalSurvey of Contemporary seenas a "carnivalesque"subversion of exceptionto thisreluctance. However, Artists(Albany, New York:Albany dominantsocial practices, because rather in a letterto White,Freelon noted that Instituteof History and Art, 1945); and thanchallenging the social hierarchy, he showedonly the feet of the crowd. JamesPorter, Modern Negro Art (New lynchingreinforced white authority. It Letterin NAACP papers;cited in Park, York:Dryden Press, 1943; reprint,New functionedas a formof communal p. 361 n. 86. York:Arno Press, 1969). None ofthe terrorismdirected towards an already artistsnamed in theStruggle for Negro oppressedminority population. 20 Campbell'sI PassedAlongThis Way was Rightscatalogue are included in anyof reproducedin TheCrisis 32:3 (March thesesources. 16 Harris,Exorcising Blackness, p. x. 1935): 1. Hughesand Taylorfounded Neal waslynched by a mobsuppos- GoldenStair Press together. Christ in 12 M. M. [sic],"An Art Commentary on edlynumbering 4,000 people.His body Alabamawas one offour illustrations Lynching,"Art News 33 (23 February was castratedand fingersand toeswere Taylormade for Hughes's book 1935): 13; citedin Park,p. 330 n. 83. cutoff as souvenirsby lynch mob ScottsboroLimited, which they published Forthe Parnassus review, see J. W. L. [sic], participants.Local law enforcement in 1932. See IngridRose and Roderick "CurrentExhibitions," Parnassus 7 madeno effortto stopthe lynching or S. Quiroz,The Lithographs ofPrentiss (March1935): 22; citedin Park,p. 330 dismemberment.For an accountof Taylor(Bronx, New York: Fordham nn. 83, 84. WhiteAmericans have had Neal's murder,see Zangrando,pp. 122- UniversityPress, 1996), pp. 11-17. I difficultyaccepting that representations 23. Forthe photograph, see TheCrisis thankLiza Kirwinof the Archives of ofpeople of color can expressuniversal (November1934): 5. AmericanArt for bringing this catalogue humanmeanings. Two important I thankCorrinne Jennings, curator of raisonneto myattention. Hughes's studiesof nineteenth-century American KenkelebaGallery in New York,for involvementwith the Communist party sculpturehave focused on thisissue. See bringingCharles Alston's recently laterin thedecade led himto vilify MichaelHatt, "'Making a Man ofHim': locateddrawing to myattention. Alston Christianbeliefs in hislate 1930s works. Masculinityand theBlack Body in Mid- was invitedto participatein theNAACP Two otherimages that referred to the NineteenthCentury American Sculp- showbut refused. Ms. Jennings Crucifixionin theirtitles were Malvin ture,"The OxfordArt Journal 15:1 recountedthat her father, artist Wilmer GreyJohnson's The Crucifixion and (1992): 21-35; and KirkSavage, Jennings,remembered that Alston FredBuchholz's We TooKnew Calvary. StandingSoldiers, Kneeling Slaves. Race, intendedto placethe work in theNegro War,and Monument in Nineteenth- Rightsexhibition, and thathe was upset 21 J.T. [sic],"Lynching Art Show Lauded," CenturyAmerica (Princeton: Princeton byits rejection. Telephone conversation New YorkAmsterdam News, 23 UniversityPress, 1997), pp. 8-15. withauthor, 25 March1998. See also February1935; citedby Park, p. 332 n. Park,p. 332 n. 88. 89. StephenAlexander, "Art," New 13 Park,pp. 319, 326. Masses(19 March1935): 29; also cited 17 Hold theFort is thetitle given in the byPark, pp. 343-44. 14 On thesimilarity of the Orozco print NegroRights catalogue, but Park believes and theNoguchi sculpture to thephoto, thisis thesame work as theprint now 22 *Parksaw the building as a whitechurch, see Rivera Tyler,pp. 205-206. Diego knownas StrikeScene. See Park,pp. and interpretedWoodruff's message as also usedthe same figure in a detailof 344, 364 n. 114. "literallylaying the blame at the muralshe paintedfor the New Workers' doorstepof Southern poor whites who Schoolin New Yorkin 1933. Orozco's 18 Hattand Savage(see Note 12) both professedto be Christians."See Park, lithographwas included in one ofthe discussthe tensions involved in p. 338. twoportfolios of prints published by the representingheroic African-American ContemporaryArtists Group in New malenudes in artand theirrelation to 23 ElizabethAlexander, "'Can yoube Yorkin 1933-34. Sternberg'scomments whiteracial anxieties. On theseissues, BLACK and lookat this?'Reading the arequoted in JamesMoore, Harry see also bellhooks, "Representing the RodneyKing Video(s)," in TheBlack SternbergA CatalogRaisonnde' ofHis BlackMale Body,"Art on My Mind. Male. RepresentationsofMasculinity in GraphicWork with Annotations by Harry VisualPolitics (New York: The New ContemporaryAmerican Art, ed. Thelma Sternberg(Wichita: Edwin A. Ulrich Press,1995), pp. 202-205. Golden(New York: Whitney Museum Museumof Art, Wichita State Univer- ofAmerican Art and HarryN. Abrams, sity,1976); see no. 117. 19 Of theforty-nine works listed in the 1994),p. 92. NAACP exhibitioncatalogue, nine were 15 Formore on thepsychological as wellas byseven African-American artists: 24 On Wells,see Gail Bederman,"Civiliza- physicalviolence done to lynchvictims, HenryBannarn, Samuel Brown, E. tion,the Decline of Middle-Class

38 Spring1999 Manliness,and Ida B. Well'sAnti- ArtsProject," eds. Norma Broude and 28 Formore on maleanxiety about white LynchingCampaign (1882-94)" in MaryD. Garrard,The Expanding women'sdesire, see Hall, p. 65. On the GenderandAmerican History Since 1890 Discourse:Feminism andArt History Communistparty's support for (London:Routledge, 1993), p. 218. For (NewYork: Harper Collins, Icon interracialsocial relations, see Naison, women'srejection of lynch terrorism as Editions1992), pp. 409-423. On p. 137. Althoughthe question of protective,see Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, women'sgaze, see Tamar Garb, "The homoeroticpleasure and the complex "'The MindThat Burns in Each Body': ForbiddenGaze: WomenArtists and the politicsof the male gaze should be Women,Rape, and RacialViolence," Male Nude in LateNineteenth-Century addressedin thiscontext as well, SouthernExposure XII:6 (November/ France,"in TheBody Imaged: The constraintson spaceprevent the explora- December1984): 64-65. Numerous HumanForm and VisualCulture Since tionof these issues in thepresent study. scholarshave discussed emasculation as theRenaissance, eds. KathleenAdler and theintended message of lynching; see, MarciaPointon (Cambridge: Cambridge 29 After1936 theCommunist party forexample, Harris, Exorcising Blackness, UniversityPress, 1993), pp. 33-42. turnedfrom attacking the NAACP to pp. x-xiiiand 189,and Hall, p. 62. supportingits legislative efforts, and 27 The rapeof black women by white men theNAACP gainedallies as Southern 25 Forthe difference in blackmale and wasalmost never discussed in 1930s newspapers,churches, and liberal femalewriters on lynching,see Harris, analyses,but Hall arguesthat historically organizationsalso called for a federal pp. xi and 188-94. suchrape served as anothermeans for lawcriminalizing lynching. In 1937 reiteratingAfrican American's helpless- and 1940 an antilynchingbill was 26 On theArt Student's League, see nessagainst white aggression. See Hall, passedby the House ofRepresentatives ChristianBuckheit, "I Knewthe League p. 62. ForEgri's drawing, see filelabeled butdefeated in theSenate. During When-," TheLeague (Winter 1931- Photographs,Scrapbook #1, Ruth Egri the1940s, the NAACP turnedits 32): 16. Women'sexperiences with the Papers,Archives of American Art, effortsto desegregatingthe military FederalArt Project are discussed in SmithsonianInstitution, Washington, and laterfocused on thestruggle for Helen Langa,"Egalitarian Vision, D.C. I wouldlike to thankMary civilrights in a largercontext. See GenderedExperience: Women Murphyfor bringing this work to my Park,pp. 351-52, and Zangrando, Printmakersand theWPA/FAP Graphic attention. pp. 137-44.

39 AmericanArt