Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest)
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JAARVERSLAG 2004 En 2004-2005 Missieverklaring
JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 Missieverklaring Het Vlaams Parlement belichaamt de wetgevende pijler en de democratie in Vlaanderen. Het staat in voor de tot- standkoming van de Vlaamse decreten en voor de goed- keuring van de Vlaamse begroting. Het Vlaams Parlement benoemt de Vlaamse Regering en controleert de Vlaamse Regering op de uitvoering van die decreten. Het Vlaams Parlement wil het centrum van een demo- cratisch Vlaanderen zijn en de burgers nauw bij de poli- tieke besluitvorming betrekken, en streeft daartoe naar maximale transparantie en optimale communicatie. Het wil een modern parlement zijn dat slagvaardig, vooruit- ziend en dynamisch werkt, op basis van de principes van effectiviteit, efficiëntie en zuinigheid. Door het uitdragen en aanmoedigen van burgerzin wil het Vlaams Parlement het democratisch draagvlak van de samenleving versterken en Vlaanderen profileren als een moderne, vooruitstrevende, verdraagzame en soli- daire Europese regio. VLAAMS PARLEMENT JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 3 INHOUD JAARVERSLAG 2004 en 2004-2005 Voorwoord 9 HOOFDSTUK I : SAMENSTELLING EN LEIDING VAN HET VLAAMS PARLEMENT 11 1. 124 rechtstreeks verkozen Vlaamse volksvertegenwoordigers 11 1.1 Op 6 juli 2004 11 1.2 Wijzigingen tijdens de zitting 2004 11 1.3 Wijzigingen tijdens de zitting 2004-2005 13 2. De leiding van het Vlaams Parlement : voorzitter, Bureau en Uitge- breid Bureau 13 2.1 Bureau en Uitgebreid Bureau: samenstelling en vergaderfre- quentie 13 2.2 De politieke leiding van het Vlaams Parlement (Uitgebreid Bureau) 14 2.3 Het algemeen beheer van het Vlaams Parlement (Bureau) 15 3. Het beleidsplan van de voorzitter: de verdere ontwikkeling van een eigentijds Vlaams Parlement 15 HOOFDSTUK II : DE POLITIEKE ACTIVITEITEN VAN HET VLAAMS PARLEMENT 25 1. -
Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse
Betz, Hans-Georg. "Mosques, Minarets, Burqas and Other Essential Threats: The Populist Right’s Campaign against Islam in Western Europe." Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. Ed. Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 71–88. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 24 Sep. 2021. <http:// dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544940.ch-005>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 24 September 2021, 18:01 UTC. Copyright © Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral and the contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 5 Mosques, Minarets, Burqas and Other Essential Threats: The Populist Right’s Campaign against Islam in Western Europe Hans-Georg Betz Barcelona 2011: Three girls in miniskirts are jumping over a rope somewhere in a car park in the city. Barcelona 2025: The same three girls, same location, only the miniskirts have been replaced by burqas. This was the content of a video spot produced by Platforma per Catalunya (PxC) for the Catalan local elections in 2011.1 Responsible for the video was Josep Anglada, the leader of PxC. Founded in 2002 by Anglada, PxC is modelled on successful Western European right-wing populist parties, without however initially attracting much more than marginal support at the polls. This might have had something to do with the fact that, in the past, Anglada had been closely associated with Spain’s post-Francoist far right (such as Blas Piñar’s Fuerza Nueva and its successors) which, given the Franco regime’s history of iron-fisted repression of Catalan identity, was hardly an asset in Catalonia. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Belgian Identity Politics: at a Crossroad Between Nationalism and Regionalism
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2014 Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism Jose Manuel Izquierdo University of Tennessee - Knoxville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Part of the Human Geography Commons Recommended Citation Izquierdo, Jose Manuel, "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2014. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/2871 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Jose Manuel Izquierdo entitled "Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Science, with a major in Geography. Micheline van Riemsdijk, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Derek H. Alderman, Monica Black Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) Belgian identity politics: At a crossroad between nationalism and regionalism A Thesis Presented for the Master of Science Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Jose Manuel Izquierdo August 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Jose Manuel Izquierdo All rights reserved. -
Significant Breakthrough by the Far Right in Flanders, Victory for The
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN BELGIUM 26th May 2019 European Significant breakthrough Elections monitor by the far right in Flanders, victory for the Socialist Party in Corinne Deloy Wallonia and Brussels: Belgium divided more than ever before Results The Belgian general election took place on 26th May revealing a greatly divided country. The far-right made a significant breakthrough in Flanders came first in the election despite a loss of seats: 20[1] in the shape of the Vlaams Belang (Flemish Interest, VB), (- 3). It came out ahead of the Reform Movement (MR), a party chaired by Tom Van Grieken. Although the New a liberal party led by outgoing Prime Minister Charles Alliance (N-VA), a nationalist party chaired by Bart de Michel, which recorded a loss of support, winning 14 Wever, is still the region’s leading party with 25 seats, it seats (- 6); Ecolo, a party led co-led by Zakia Khattabi lost some seats however (-8 seats in comparison with the and Jean-Marc Nollet, won 13 seats (+ 7) and the Labour previous parliamentary elections on 25th May 2014) and Party, making strong progress, won 12 seats (+10). failed to rise above the 30% vote threshold. The Vlaams The Humanist Democratic Centre (cDH), led by Maxime Belang came second with 18 seats (+15). Prévot, came fifth (5 MPs, - 4). The Christian Democratic Party (CD&V), led by Wouter In Brussels, the socialists also came out ahead, just in 1. Here the number Beke, came third, but with fewer seats: 12 MPs (-6). front of the French-speaking ecologists who witnessed a of seats and for the following parties is Then come the Liberals and Democrats (Open VLD), a sharp rise in support. -
De Vlaams-Nationalistische Partijen En Organisaties Bruno De Wever En Koen De Scheemaeker
808 Bronnen van privé-instellingen 5.5. Bronnenpublicaties Documents sur la fondation du pcb, in Cahiers marxistes, 1971, speciaal nummer. In de nrs. 2 (p. 43-47), 9 (p. 44-54) en 10 (p. 71-88) van hetzelfde tijdschrift worden eveneens documenten gepubliceerd die betrekking hebben op de ontstaans periode van de kpb. “ Le Drapeau Rouge ” clandestin. Brussel, 1971. De klandestiene “ Roode Vaan ”. Brussel, 1971. Alphonse Bonenfast. Rapport sur la dissidence grippiste (1968), in Cahiers marxistes, 2002, nr. 222. 6. De Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties Bruno De Wever en Koen De Scheemaeker 6.1. Bibliografie Courrier hebdomadaire du CRISP wijdde talrijke artikels aan Vlaams-nationalis- tische partijen en organisaties na de Tweede Wereldoorlog : 1962, nrs. 148 & 169 ; 1964, nr. 230 ; 1966, nrs. 336 & 345 ; 1973, nrs. 604 & 606 ; 1992, nr. 1356 ; 1993, nrs. 1416-1417, 2002, nr. 1748. De Wever (Br.). Greep naar de macht. Vlaams-nationalisme en Nieuwe Orde. Het VNV 1933-1945. Tielt-Gent, 1994. De Wever (Br.), Vrints (A.). Vlaams-nationalisme. Natievorming, ideologie en politieke stroming, in Sanders (L.), Devos (C.), eds. Politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen. Antwerpen, 2008. De Wever (Ba.). Het Vlaams-nationalisme na de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Verrij- zenis of herrijzenis ?, in Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, 1997, nr. 3, p. 277-290. De Winter (L.). The Volksunie and the dilemma between policy succes and elec- toral survival in Flanders, in Regionalist Parties in Western Europe. London, 1998, p. 28-50. Nieuwe Encyclopedie van de Vlaamse Beweging. Tielt, 1998 bevat ingangen op alle Vlaams-nationalistische partijen en organisaties, een overzichtsartikel over Vlaams-nationalistische partijen (B. -
Belgium 2017 International Religious Freedom Report
BELGIUM 2017 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and the law prohibits discrimination based on religious orientation. Federal law bans covering one’s face in public. The Wallonia and Flanders regional governments passed laws, scheduled to take effect in 2019, banning the ritual slaughter of animals without prior stunning, effectively outlawing kosher and halal practices. In the continuing aftermath of 2016 terrorist attacks, the government extended its stated efforts to curb radical Islam, particularly following the release of a government report stating Wahhabism constituted a threat to the practice of moderate Islam in the country. A parliamentary Commission of Inquiry on Terrorist Attacks recommended oversight of the Great Mosque in Brussels be removed from the government of Saudi Arabia. Despite the federal government’s recommendation of mosques for recognition by the regional governments, the number of recognized mosques initially declined following the withdrawal of official recognition for one mosque in Flanders by the Flemish minister of home affairs due to the reported involvement of the Turkish government in the mosque’s operation. The government recognized several mosques near the end of the year, increasing the total of recognized mosques to 83 at year’s end – a net increase of two compared with 2016. Most public schools continued to ban headscarves as permitted by government policy. The government maintained its ban on Muslim women wearing headscarves in public sector jobs, and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) upheld the law banning wearing a full-face veil (niqab) in public. The number of reported anti-Semitic acts and threats almost doubled from 2015 to 2016, the most recent years for which complete data were available. -
Why Secession?
Örebro University School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences Political Science Why secession? The will of the people or a threat to democracy Political Science, Second cycle Independent project, 30 credits, 2020 Author: Jonathan Lehmann Molander Supervisor: Björn Hammar Abstract Europe is not as calm as one might think. There are currently several secessionist struggles that are ongoing in the region and in this thesis three of them will be researched. This thesis has investigated the biggest democratically elected actor that wants secession in Flanders, Catalonia and Scotland. This has been done by questioning how they argue for their secession and how these arguments relate to different approaches to legitimize secession. These approaches being the remedial approach, the free choice approach, the functional approach, the exit approach and the anti-theory approach. This was performed by using a qualitative content analysis. With this method I created an analytical scheme which was applied to the arguments in order to sort them into the scheme. The arguments used by the actors were pluralistic, relating to democracy, nationalism, administration, governance, economy, grievance and history. This proved that the actors are much more pluralistic than what theory could handle hence, none of the actors fit to either one of the approaches as they argued in a multitude of different ways. In addition to this, I was also able to show that against theoretical assumptions these secessionist actors didn’t favour external legitimacy. Even though this is argued by some to be most important for secessionist groups to gain independence. In the end the implications of this thesis are that secessionist actors are incredibly pluralistic, and it is quite hard for theory to fully capture this plurality. -
The Curious Case of Belgium: Why Is There No Right-Wing Populism in Wallonia?
Government and Opposition (2021), 56, 598–614 doi:10.1017/gov.2020.8 . ARTICLE The Curious Case of Belgium: Why is There no Right-Wing Populism in Wallonia? Léonie de Jonge* https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen, Groningen, the Netherlands *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] (Received 17 October 2019; revised 31 December 2019; accepted 27 March 2020; first published online 19 May 2020) Abstract Why are populist radical right parties (PRRPs) more successful in some countries than in others? This question is analysed here by focusing on Belgium. While Flanders (the northern, Dutch-speaking part of Belgium) was home to one of the strongest far-right movements in Europe, Wallonia (the southern, francophone part) has remained ‘immune’ to such tendencies. The article argues that different historical experiences have given rise to a hostile political environment for PRRPs in Wallonia, where mainstream parties and the media have created a successful cordon sanitaire. In Flanders, mainstream parties , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at and the media have gradually become more accommodative towards PRRPs. By empha- sizing the sociopolitical context in which parties operate, the findings suggest that the reactions of mainstream parties and the media are crucial to understanding the success of PRRPs. The conclusion reflects on potential lessons to be drawn from the Belgian case for mainstream parties and media practitioners elsewhere. 29 Sep 2021 at 05:24:16 Keywords: Belgium; populist radical right; media; mainstream parties; cordon sanitaire , on There is little doubt that the populist radical right has turned into an important pol- itical force in Europe. -
Accepted Version
ACCEPTED VERSION Hans-Georg Betz and Carol Johnson Against the current - stemming the tide: the nostalgic ideology of the contemporary radical populist right Journal of Political Ideologies, 2004; 9(3):311-327 © 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journal of Political Ideologies on October 2004 available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1356931042000263546 PERMISSIONS http://authorservices.taylorandfrancis.com/sharing-your-work/ Accepted Manuscript (AM) As a Taylor & Francis author, you can post your Accepted Manuscript (AM) on your personal website at any point after publication of your article (this includes posting to Facebook, Google groups, and LinkedIn, and linking from Twitter). To encourage citation of your work we recommend that you insert a link from your posted AM to the published article on Taylor & Francis Online with the following text: “This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in [JOURNAL TITLE] on [date of publication], available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/[Article DOI].” For example: “This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis Group in Africa Review on 17/04/2014, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/12345678.1234.123456. N.B. Using a real DOI will form a link to the Version of Record on Taylor & Francis Online. The AM is defined by the National Information Standards Organization as: “The version of a journal article that has been accepted for publication in a journal.” This means the version that has been through peer review and been accepted by a journal editor. -
Sub-State Nationalism and Populism: the Cases of Vlaams Belang
Comp Eur Polit https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-018-0144-z ORIGINAL ARTICLE Sub‑state nationalism and populism: the cases of Vlaams Belang, New Flemish Alliance and DéFI in Belgium Emilie van Haute1 · Teun Pauwels1 · Dave Sinardet2 © Springer Nature Limited 2018 Abstract This contribution assesses whether populism is inherently embedded in and combined with the ideology of sub-state nationalist parties, using Belgium as a case study. We argue that sub-state nationalist parties tend to emphasize the opposition between a territorial community (‘us’) versus a dominant center (‘them’), a dichotomous view that could overlap with the populist ideology focusing on the opposition between the homogeneous people and the ‘corrupt’ elite. We compare the policy positions of the three major sub-state nationalist parties that operate in Belgium: the Vlaams Belang, the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and Democrat Federalist Independent, using their manifestos and membership magazines between 2010 and 2015. We show that the manner in which sub-state nationalist parties com- bine their stances on territoriality to a populist rationale depends on their relation- ship to power (government vs. opposition). In doing so, this contribution uniquely relates populism to the territorial dimension of Belgian politics. Keywords Populism · Sub-state nationalism · Belgium · Political parties * Emilie van Haute [email protected] Teun Pauwels [email protected] Dave Sinardet [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Université libre de Bruxelles (ULB), Avenue F.D. Roosevelt 50 – CP 124, 1050 Brussels, Belgium 2 Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Pleinlaan 2, 1050 Brussels, Belgium E. van Haute et al. Introduction This paper focuses on the territorial dimension of populism, or the populist dimen- sion of sub-state nationalism. -
Vlaams Blok Op Internet
UNIVERSITEIT GENT FACULTEIT POLITIEKE EN SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPEN VAKGROEP COMMUNICATIEWETENSCHAPPEN Polliittiiek iin de éénenttwiinttiigstte eeuw:: de diigiittalle snellweg onttdektt? CASE STUDY : VLAAMS BLOK OP INTERNET JANA WUYTS SCRIPTIE TOT HET BEHALEN VAN DE GRAAD VAN LICENTIAAT IN DE COMMUNICATIEWETENSCHAPPEN PROMOTOR : PROF. DR. D. VOORHOOF ACADEMIEJAAR 2002-2003 Politiek in de éénentwintintigste eeuw: de digitale snelweg ontdekt? Woord Vooraf Graag zou ik bij deze gelegenheid mijn oprechte dank willen betuigen aan iedereen die mij bijgestaan heeft om de realisatie van deze thesis mogelijk te maken. In de eerste plaats ben ik een woord van dank verschuldigd aan mijn promotor prof. dr. Dirk Voorhoof, voor de goede begeleiding. Verder zou ik een woord van dank willen richten tot mijn ouders, die mij met raad en daad hebben gesteund bij het schrijven van mijn eindwerk. Zonder de technische assistentie van mijn vader bij de opmaak en het creëren van de CD-rom, zou het eindresultaat minder aantrekkelijk ogen. Ook wil ik mijn moeder bedanken voor het geduldige codeerwerk bij de inhoudsanalyse van de digitale Vlaams Blok-teksten. Universiteit Gent - 2 - Academiejaar 2002-2003 Politiek in de éénentwintintigste eeuw: de digitale snelweg ontdekt? Inhoudstafel Inleiding.............................................................................................................................................10 Deel 1: Literatuurstudie Het Vlaams Blok op Internet.................................................................13 Hoofdstuk 1.