.SIAK-Journal – Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis

Martellozzo, Elena (2005): Women With and Against the . A Case Study of SIAK-Journal − Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis (2), 48-59.

doi: 10.7396/2005_2_D

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Martellozzo, Elena (2005). Women With and Against the Mafia. A Case Study of Sicily SIAK- Journal − Zeitschrift für Polizeiwissenschaft und polizeiliche Praxis (2), 48-59, Online: http://dx.doi.org/10.7396/2005_2_D.

© Bundesministerium für Inneres – Sicherheitsakademie / Verlag NWV, 2005

Hinweis: Die gedruckte Ausgabe des Artikels ist in der Print-Version des SIAK-Journals im Verlag NWV (http://nwv.at) erschienen.

Online publiziert: 4/2014 AUSGABE 2/2005

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A Case Study of Sicily: Elena Martellozzo Women With and Against the Mafia.

The business of the Mafia is largely conspiracy of silence is particularly essen- by definition the preserve of men; men tial for Cosa Nostra's endurance it is ratio- who have displayed a remarkable talent nal to think that it should be applied mainly for cunning, cruelty, murder and may- towards women. Repentant Calderone hem. For the most part, women have support this contention and underlines, remained silent and unseen, or, as most "(…) if women know something, they will scholars would say, they have remained talk. Sooner or later they will talk (…)" "invisible". The fact that the Mafia is a (Repentant Antonino Calderone 1996, 9). secret, criminal monosex male organi- Mafia men, in their rare conversations on zation is of particular importance when women, described them as totally dedicat- starting from a viewpoint of subjectivity ed to their families. They were portrayed as and when listening to those who have perfect mothers and obedient wives, experienced the Mafia is a known fact unaware of the violent criminal activities of that only men can become part of the their husbands. However, these women, Mafia: A man can be affiliated to the on occasion, also got involved, either Mafia, while a woman can only belong because they found themselves caught "by to it, in so far as she belongs to a Mafia chance" in some violent conflicts or be- man. Thus, it could be argued that the cause unwittingly witnessed crimes or thin line that both separates and distin- because, and this is the impression that guishes the affiliation with the Mafia exists today, they were directly involved between man and women is the formal themselves. Lella Golfo explains: "For cen- ceremony during which each novice, turies the women of Southern have Elena Martellozzo, BSc., MSc., strictly male, has to swear an oath of adjusted to male structural models and val- Doctorate researcher and a visi- faithfulness and silence. However, this ues, believing that their role was to “sup- ting lecturer in Criminology and different way of been associated to the port” and sustain man's initiatives. The wo- Research Methods at the Mafia is merely a formality; a formality man is mother, daughter, wife, lover, a sub- University of Westminster. MSc in that has often led the society to believe ject that has identified only in relation to Crime, Deviance and Control from that women are extraneous to the Mafia others and that lack autonomy. The woman the London School of Economics and unaware of the activities of their protects and covers the man, without being and Political Science and worked menfolk. It is the aim of this paper to conscious of her responsibility" (Golfo as a researcher for both Oxford reject this contention and to prove that 1993, 9). University and the Strategic this is a naïve and dangerous miscon- In Sicily, as in many other regions of Research Unit at the Metropolitan ception. Italy, there is a lot of confusion about the . Currently conducting field- criminal capacity of women. The venera- work for her PhD at New Scotland The Typology of Mafia Women. The main Yard on police practice and strate- reason why the organization rigorously ex- gies for combating child abuse on cludes women can be explained by the the Internet. Involved in the evalua- words of the former Mafia boss Antonino tion of the Safer Surfing Calderone: "(…) women reason in a spe- Programme on behalf of the cial way. All the women, even those mar- Vocabulary: Metropolitan Police Service, ried to Mafiosi or coming from Mafia fami- . lies. When a woman is wounded in her mayhem = Körperverletzung affiliation = Zugehörigkeit e-mail: dearest affections, she doesn't reason any- extraneous = belanglos [email protected] more. No conspiracy of silence (omertá) contention = Behauptung can resist, Cosa Nostra is not there any- misconception = Missverständnis conspiracy = Verschwörung more, there are no arguments or rules to endurance = Ausdauer, Durchhaltevermögen restrain her (…)" (Repentant Antonino unwittingly = unabsichtlich Calderone 1996, 9). Thus, considering that

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tion of motherhood makes unwill- Sociologist Renate Sibert supports this ing to think of women as capable of des- argument and comments: "If the image of tructive or dangerous behaviour, and this women which the Mafia organization It is important to make a distinction attitude has lead to a number of question- sought to attribute publicly was one of sub- between those born and bred in able acquittals. ordinate traditional mothers and perfect Mafia families and those who enter When evaluating the responsibility and wives, all kitchen sink and church and, into relation with the Mafia either effective commitment of women in Mafia- above all, in the dark about their menfolk's for temporary criminal activity or on type crime, it is necessary, first of all, to criminal activities, the reality is very differ- account to personal relation clarify between the various different levels ent" (Sibert 1996, 11). with Mafiosi. of participation. As pointed out previously, Aside form her ability to bear, look after in the Mafia the social composition of its children and educate them as expected, a affiliates is non-homogeneous; likewise the woman's most important quality is her abil- women we find in its sphere of influence ity to be "invisible". Liliana Madeo (Madeo are extremely diverse. For this reason it is 1994) explains that women of Mafia boss- important to make a distinction between es are aware of the importance of discre- those born and bred in Mafia families and tion: "They have always known that they A "good" woman of the Mafia is those who enter into relation with the Mafia have been chosen as wives or partners, expected to dedicate her life to her either for temporary criminal activity or on with the agreement of the entire Mafia fam- family and especially to her husband. account to personal relation with Mafiosi. ily, because of their ability to be silent and not to attract attention, to lead a private life, Cosa Nostra and the So-called "Mafia to not let strangers in the home, and not to Women". The traditional Sicilian values associate with people from different back- associate women to the realm of the home grounds" (Madeo 1994, 69). However, this and the family excluding them categorical- is not to say that women are unaware of ly from the inner workings of the Mafia. At what happens in their family and around the same time, those same values impose them. There is a widespread dictum that on them all the restrictions of silence and "women don't know". According to Sibert, Aside form her ability to bear, look loyalty, which are required of members of "this convenient subterfuge should be after children and educate them as the organization. A "good" woman of the revised straight away" (Sibert 1996, 148). It expected, a woman's most important Mafia is expected to dedicate her life to her would be naïve to think that women really quality is her ability to be "invisible". family and especially to her husband. In do not understand what goes around them other words, her main task is to "maintain in their house and in their family if we con- the good image of her man by not asking sider "the comings and going of her hus- questions, keeping to herself, following him band and children, the evidence, in one wherever he asks her to go, and above all way or the other, of what they are involved bearing his (preferable male) children" in, the amount of money circulating in the (Fabj 1998, 193). Mafia women gain more house" (Sibert 1996). Indeed, this con- respect once they become mothers. How- tention is also supported by the former ever, expectations become higher, in the Mafia boss, Antonino Calderone who sense that they have to transmit to their children the values of the Mafia and to instil in them a deep sense of loyalty for the organisation. As De Pretis (De Pretis 1996) rightly Vocabulary: points out, the so-called Mafia women are acquittal = Freispruch members of the organization (albeit indi- commitment = Engagement, Verpflichtung rectly), even if they have not been affiliated subterfuge = Ausflucht with the traditional ceremony.

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states that it is difficult, if not impossible for nomic power by proxy on temporary basis" a Mafioso to hide his activities from his (Sibert 1996, 11). Usually these women act The first rule, and perhaps the most wife, despite of Cosa Nostra's strict rules as "carriers" between men on the run or in important, prohibits the members for Mafiosi concerning women. The first prison and members of the organization of the organisation to inform women rule, and perhaps the most important, pro- who can move freely in the light of the day about Cosa Nostra activities. hibits the members of the organization to without arising suspicion. In spite of these rules, women know inform women about Cosa Nostra activi- It needs to be noted that Mafia women about their husbands' activities ties. In spite of these rules, women know do not choose to be part of the organiza- and connections. about their husbands' activities and con- tion, but enter it through birth or marriage. nections. Calderone states: "many Mafia Antonino Calderone describes women's in- wives … come from Mafioso families, have ability to decide their own destiny within the breathed mafia air since they were born, Mafia culture. When explaining to his and thus know very well how a Mafioso daughter why he decided to collaborate thinks and behaves (…). The wife herself with the authorities he said: "You are a big ends up intuiting everything, and whatever girl now, you know who I was in . If she can't figure out on her own she is told we had stayed there (in Sicily) and some- Usually these women act as "carriers" by her friends or her sisters and sisters in one like me, a Mafioso, had asked for your between men on the run or in prison law, who themselves are often married to hand, I would have had to say yes ... now and members of the organisation who men of honour" (Repentant Antonino you can marry whoever you want. You can move freely in the light of the day Calderone 1992,165). don't have to marry a Mafioso and live on without arising suspicion. Therefore, they undoubtedly understand the run, or in hiding, or constantly tortured the behaviour and the way of thinking of by fear" (Calderone 1992, 293). Silence, the Mafiosi; either because of their cohab- subservience, loyalty, and even the main- itation with them or because, when it beco- tenance of the culture of vengeance are mes necessary (during the hiding or im- natural consequences of fear. prisonment of their partners), they are will- ing to act as intermediaries between the Women within the Mafia. Women who organisation and their "men of honour". are not strictly members of the Mafia fami- Women who participate in Mafia's These assumptions are supported by the ly context express a different level of com- illicit activities are usually unemployed words of a young widow of a killed Mafio- plicity, however, providing "a cheap and and live in the most deprived areas of so, Piera Aiello, who now collaborates with easily available criminal workforce to Cosa Sicilian cities. the authorities: "women (…) listen to eve- Nostra" (De Pretis 1996, 5). According to rything, charge themselves with every- De Pretis, "the role of these women does thing. I was like a sponge. If you ask some- not differ so much from the role of those thing to Mafiosi husbands they will not people (males and females) who are nor- answer, but if you remain calm and quite mally linked to a criminal organization" (De they (…) will confess because this way Pretis 1996, 5). Women who participate in they feel important" (Aiello 1996, 9). Among the women of Mafia families (in particular bosses' wives) levels of complic- ity and joint responsibility are indeed very high. It is sufficient to consider their role during the long years in which their hus- Vocabulary: bands are on the run from the authorities1. honour = Ehre, guter Ruf Not only do they offer psychological and cohabitation = Kohabitation, Zusammenleben suspicion = Verdacht material support; "through "men of straw", subservience = Unterwürfigkeit asset and financial management and vengeance = Rache, Vergeltung mediation they also take control of eco-

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Mafia's illicit activities are usually unem- Mafia, there was no way of connecting a ployed and live in the most deprived areas bank account in a woman's name with a of Sicilian cities. Their involvement, in ma- drug ring" (Longrigg 1997, 18). ny occasions, is perceived as the only solution considering that they frequently Women and the Pentitismo Phenome- have many children to sustain on their own non. Until relatively recently, Mafia women since their husbands are usually dead, represented a sort of largely unexplored unemployed or are serving their sentences zone. However, the phenomenon of collab- Until relatively recently, Mafia in prison. These types of women are quite orating with justice, more precisely Pen- women represented a sort of easy targets for Cosa Nostra. Usually they titismo, has transformed this invisible veil largely unexplored zone. are contacted "through an intermediary (so and offered us a better understanding of that, if captured will no be in the position to wide-ranging connections, relations, activi- tell anything about the organization) and to ties and responsibilities. For a variety of offer them a relatively easy way to make reasons, few women of the Mafia have money, selling drugs in the areas where chosen to abandon any relation with the they live, usually from their own homes and organization either by persuading their frequently using their children as couriers" husbands to give evidence or by turning (De Pretis 1996, 5). These are the types of state's witnesses themselves. As Valeria activities that women tend to be selected Fabj suggests "while at the beginning their for. Different from men, women can move choice to do so stemmed from a need to freely in their environment without arousing seek revenge for the death of a loved one, It seems likely that, within a context suspicions in the police. in time they were transformed from seek- of unquestionable subordination, In addition, with the growth of the inter- ers of revenge to seekers of justice" (Fabj Mafia Bosses' women gradually national drug trade (particularly towards 1998, 194). assume a much more complex role. the United States), which enabled the Ma- fia to expand, the organization was forced Mafia Bosses' Women: Indirect Colla- to "employ" more workers, including wo- boration. It seems likely that, within a con- men. Women took advantage of prejudice: text of unquestionable subordination, Ma- they passed unsuspected across interna- fia Bosses' women gradually assume a tional , where the presence of much more complex role. Above all, and female customs officers to search them this is the hypothesis that this paper is try- was exceptional. ing to prove, their role is active and their It is also interesting to notice that "al- complicity very strong. As Sibert rightly though these women are recruited primari- suggests: "In ethical terms the responsibil- ly as a criminal force, they often have to ity they bear seems strong, very strong, accept sexual intercourse with their refer- sometimes on a par with that of their men" ents, who regard this practice as their own (Sibert 1996, 138). right" (De Pretis 1996, 6). It can be said that for long time, the Italian law favoured female criminals and indeed their partners, albeit indirectly. For example, Mafiosi used Vocabulary: women's names to register companies, properties and bank accounts. It can be illicit activities = verbotene Aktivitäten deprived areas = sozial benachteiligte Gebiete claimed that the system worked perfectly arousing = erwachend for the honoured organization because advantage = Vorteil invisible veil = unsichtbarer Schleier "women, even wives of high-ranking Mafi- to abandon = aufgeben, verlassen osi, were considered beyond suspicion. revenge = Rache Since there was not legal definition of the

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Many women have persuaded their hus- Antonino Calderone in De Pretis 1996, 10). bands to become collaborators of the During another confession he claims: "(…) authorities and accepted to share with When my wife said 'I do', when we got mar- them the difficulties arising from their seg- ried, she knew what she was getting into" regated lives. Antonio Manganelli, a police (Calderone 1996, 149). investigator who later became head of the special department for the protection of The role of Mafia women. As already pentiti, talks about Tommaso Buscetta2 and pointed out, the aim of this paper was “Women are attracted by the Mafia. his wife Cristina. The investigator has no mainly to analyse the involvement and role Until they are not burned by the doubt that Cristina was responsible for of women within those criminal organiza- sorrow, by the dreadful things that Buscetta's decision to collaborate with the tions known as Mafia. The Mafia is a crim- happen in Cosa Nostra, they live well authorities. He claims: "(b)ehind Buscetta, inal organization renowned for being "full inside it. They like the Mafiosi (…)” this charismatic personality, is a truly male chauvinists" (Pizzini-Gambetta 1999, (Repentant Antonino Calderone remarkable woman. She understood that 257) where no woman has ever been ad- in De Pretis 1996, 10). collaboration was the only way, she beg- mitted into in. However, despite their ex- ged him to do it" (Manganelli 1998, 182). clusion, women have featured in norms Mafia bosses' collaborations have meant upheld by this criminal group. some difficult personal choices for their In order to investigate this point, I looked wives too. However, as De Pretis correctly at some data from various sources, focus- suggests, Mafia women undoubtedly bene- ing on three main areas: whether the num- fit from their position within the family (De ber of women involved in Mafia-type asso- Pretis 1996, 10). Particularly, the women of ciation has increased since 1992 and the the bosses participate in the high status of type of offences that women are most like- their partners and in their wealth. This ly to commit. It will also try to identify a rel- It can be noticed that, although men whole idea has been supported by the tes- evant relationship between women's in- are still the major responsible for timony of repentant Antonino Calderone: volvement in Mafia-type association and Mafia type association, the 1996 par- "(…) women live well inside the Mafia. To the Pentitismo phenomenon. This last liamentary report on organised crime, be the wife of a Mafioso means to enjoy point is of particular relevance. It is my con- which included for the first time a sec- many privileges, big and small, and it is tention that the Pentitismo phenomenon tion on women has brought women's also, somehow, a binding thing. It can hap- has contributed to the great increase of true role sharply into focus. pen that the woman has to decide, in some arrests of many Cosa Nostra's “men of ho- apparently harmless circumstances, on the nour”. As a result of all these arrests (and life of a person (…)3. Women are attracted perhaps independently, in a process of nat- by the Mafia. Until they are not burned by ural evolution), Mafia women have started the sorrow, by the dreadful things that hap- to take charge of specific sectors of illicit pen in Cosa Nostra, they live well inside it. activity. The statistics provided will try to They like the Mafiosi (…)" (Repentant support such contentions. It can be noticed that, although men are still the major responsible for Mafia type association, the 1996 parliamentary report on organized crime, which included for the Vocabulary: first time a section on women has brought women's true role sharply into focus. It segregated life = abgeschiedenes (isoliertes) Leben revealed that in 1990 just one woman had testimony = Zeugenaussage been indicted in Italy for Mafia association; confession = Geständnis, Beichte offence = Straftat by 1995 this figure had increased to 89. to indict = anklagen (indicted = angeklagt) However, to use a division of roles invent- ed by Alan Block, women have entered the

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INCIDENCE OF REPORTED CASES OF MAFIA-TYPE ASSOCIATION, 1990-95

(Source: Ministerio di Grazia e Giustizia. Elaboration by DIA 1995)

"enterprise syndicate" but not the "power relationship, between the number of ar- syndicate" of organized crime (Block 2000, rests of many Mafia affiliates and the in- 231). Some attention has to be drawn on crease of women's participation in illicit ac- There are many women of the the type of crimes that Mafia women are tivities, exists. As pointed out by Jamieson, Antimafia, who have broken the most likely to carry out. "if their menfolk were arrested, (women) oppressive silence and denounced Women reported for possessing and traf- became vital messengers between prison the Mafia and the establishments ficking in drugs increased from 37 in 1994 and the outside world" (Jamieson 2000, that support it. to 422 in 1995, while the number charged 231). with recycling money increased from 15 to 106, and women arrested for loan sharking The Antimafia Movement. There are went up from 119 to 421 (Parliament Re- many women of the Antimafia, who have port, Minister of Internal Affair 1996). broken the oppressive silence and de- This figure appears to prove a radical nounced the Mafia and the establishments change in women's role. However, it can that support it. Although their courage is be argued that this unexpected increase in women's involvement in criminal activities with a men-only organization, is, perhaps, due to the fact that investigators, having always accepted the idea that women never get involved, had finally begun their Vocabulary: movement a little more closely. In fact, reported cases = gemeldete Fälle (Straftaten) there are records of women involved in drug trafficking = Drogenhandel Mafia crime throughout this century. loan shark = Kredithai It is important to clarify that an apparent

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exceptional and their motivations are dif- The penitents' law of 1991 finally gave ferent from those of their male counter- Mafia women the option of removing their The Mafia is usually depicted, parts, their collaboration in the fight a- children from a culture of violence, in return especially by the media, as a conser- gainst the Mafia deserves particular atten- of evidence. It was also the first time wo- vative, male-dominated organization, tion. men were taken seriously as witnesses. but it is probably less backward and Their role has changed also in this Before 1991, women's testimonies, which more flexible than the rest of society sense: they have taken a stand against contained accusations of Mafia killers, would like to think and believe. their own Mafia upbringing or have bravely were openly rejected. After that, Mafia wi- ves who decided to come forward proved that far from being silent victims who asked no questions, women knew a great deal a- MAFIA WOMEN’S TYPE OF OFFENCES bout the Mafia business. Their testimonies clearly function as a call for action and provide a way to fight the Mafia from within. At the same time, they also demonstrate that Cosa Nostra's silence, on which it depends for survival, can be broken reinforcing, in this way that the Mafia is not invincible.

A promising female Anti-Mafia drive? The Mafia is usually depicted, especially by the media, as a conservative, male- dominated organization, but it is probably less backward and more flexible than the rest of society would like to think and believe. As I have argued throughout this article, women cannot be considered extraneous to Cosa Nostra. On the con- trary, women also get involved, either because they find themselves caught "by chance" in some violent conflicts or be- (Source: Ministerio di Grazia cause unwittingly witness crimes or be- e Giustizia. Elaboration cause they are directly involved. As it has by DIA 1995) been demonstrated in this research, only spoken out as witnesses, at enormous per- one woman had been indicated in Sicily for sonal costs. In other words, most women Mafia association in 1990; by 1995 this fig- who have turned state's evidence have ure had increased to 89. In addition, suffered. The Mafia does not forgive the traitors or their families, and so women were rejected by others too afraid to asso- ciate with them (see for example Michela Buscemi, , Serafina Battaglia and Vocabulary: many others). These women's courageous initiatives have led to the development of traitor = Verräter intimidation = Einschüchterung local anti-Mafia campaigns and recent accusation = Anschuldigungen, Vorwürfe mass protests, in spite of violent intimida- extraneous = belanglos tion.

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women reported for possessing and traf- women who are somehow linked to the ficking in drugs increased from 37 in 1994 "men of honour" will never be considered to 422 in 1995, while the number charged members of the organization but partici- Those women who enter into relation with recycling money increased from 15 to pate in the advantages and wealth, which with the Mafia for temporary criminal 106. These figures appeared to confirm a come from Cosa Nostra. activities can simply be defined as fundamental change in women's role. Indeed, as De Pretis points out, "both Cosa Nostra's "criminal workforce". However, when evaluating the responsi- cases should not be interpreted as a result bility and effective commitment of women of women's emancipation, or as a sort of in Mafia-type crime, it is necessary, to admission (somehow egalitarian) of wo- make a distinction between those born and men to the criminal world. Whatever they bred in Mafia families and those who enter do inside the organisation, anything can into relation with the Mafia either for tem- happen only if judged to be useful or nec- porary criminal activity or on account to personal relation with Mafiosi. Those wo- men who enter into relation with the Mafia for temporary criminal activities can simply As De Pretis points out, “both cases be defined as Cosa Nostra's "criminal should not be interpreted as a result of workforce". In these circumstances women Vocabulary: women's emancipation, or as a sort of are denied every right or importance within distinction = Unterschied admission (somehow egalitarian) of the organization and will always be regard- admission = Aufnahme women to the criminal world”. ed extraneous to Cosa Nostra. Likewise,

The assassination of the public prosecutor , one of the most known and most committed Mafia investigators. (Pictures: www.maxplanck.de, www.sperimentaleLeonardo.it)

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essary to Cosa Nostra" (De Pretis 1996, culture of violence. This willingness of wo- 12). men to break the code of silence and be- It can be argued that their participation come informants of the State has brought highlights the presence of a crisis in the hope to Italians who are starting to believe secret organisation. That is to say, with the that the Mafia is not invincible. great number of arrests of the most prolific "The role that Cosa Nostra imposes Mafiosi, especially in the last decade, wo- on women simply perpetuates men became vital messengers between traditional roles and models, prisons and the outside world and so denying to women every real power begun to take charge of specific sectors of or influence inside the organization illicit activities. However, we cannot over- and particularly hindering every look the fact that the essence of Mafia possibility of achieving freedom and code of honour, more precisely omerta' or equality" (De Pretis 1996, 13). silence, literally means "the ability to be man" and rigidly rejects any "feminine qualities". Thus, "the role that Cosa Nostra imposes on women simply perpetuates tra- ditional roles and models, denying to The code of honour – “omertá” women every real power or influence in- excludes women from Mafia side the organization and particularly hin- organizations in principle. dering every possibility of achieving free- dom and equality" (De Pretis 1996, 13). The call for action implicit in the Then, we can ask ourselves "(…) why narratives of women who have turned these women do not think that the real state's evidence presents a new alter- emancipation happens exactly when they native for Mafia women who might be decide to collaborate with the judicial sys- disillusioned with the organization but tem (…)" (Sibert 1996 in De Pretis 1996, who might not know how to break 13), when the desire for legality breaks away from its culture of violence. links and helps them to escape from the world in which they lived before. However, this process is slowly taking place. A con- siderable part of the day-to-day anti-Mafia drive is female. The call for action implicit in the narratives of women who have tur- ned state's evidence presents a new alter- native for Mafia women who might be disil- lusioned with the organization but who might not know how to break away from its

Vocabulary:

admission = Aufnahme prolific = erfolgreich to perpetuate = aufrechterhalten, bewahren to hinder = aufhalten, behindern

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Zusammenfassung

Der Artikel untersucht die Rolle und delikte (Drogenbesitz und Drogenhan- dass solche Abspaltungspro- die Bedeutung von Frauen innerhalb del) von 37 Fällen im Jahr 1994 auf 422 zesse langsam vor sich gehen. der Mafia und ihr Auftreten gegen diese Fälle im darauf folgenden Jahr. Ein Ein beachtlicher Teil der tag- kriminelle Organisation. erheblicher Anstieg ist weiters bei der täglichen Anti-Mafia-Kampagne Die geschäftlichen Aktivitäten der Ma- Anzahl von Verurteilungen von Frauen wird dennoch schon von Frauen fia sind vorwiegend eine Sache von im Bereich der Geldwäsche festzustel- geprägt. Der Aufruf, gegen die Männern, die ein beachtenswertes Ta- len, von 15 Fällen im Jahr 1994 auf 106 Mafia und ihre Strukturen tätig lent für Gerissenheit, Grausamkeit, im Jahre 1995. Diese Daten scheinen und Zeugen für den Staat zu wer- Mord und Körperverletzung entwickelt einen fundamentalen Wandel in der den, präsentiert eine neue Alter- haben. Frauen blieben über lange Jahre Rolle der Frau zu bestätigen. Man kann native für Mafia-Frauen, die nicht größtenteils unauffällig im Hintergrund, sogar behaupten, dass die Teilnahme wissen, wie sie aus dieser oder wie Wissenschafter sagen, sie von Frauen an den kriminellen Aktivi- Gewaltkultur ausbrechen kön- blieben "unsichtbar". Die Tatsache, täten der Mafia eine Krise in dieser ge- nen. Diese Bereitschaft der Frau- dass die Mafia eine geheime, kriminelle heimen Organisation markiert. en, den Schweigecode zu bre- Männerorganisation ist, ist von Bedeu- So wurden durch die hohe Anzahl von chen und Informantin des Staa- tung, wenn man von einem subjektiven Verhaftungen von äußerst erfolgreichen tes zu werden, hat den Italienern Blickpunkt ausgeht und denjenigen Mafiosi besonders im letzten Jahrzehnt Hoffnung gebracht und bewegt zuhört, die die Mafia erlebt haben. Es ist deren Frauen zu wesentlichen Boten sie zu glauben, dass die Mafia ein bekanntes Faktum, dass nur Männer zwischen den Strafvollzugsanstalten nicht unbesiegbar ist. Mitglieder der Mafia werden können, und der Außenwelt und begannen somit Frauen werden nur durch die Bezie- für bestimmte Bereiche unerlaubter hung zu einem Mann der Mafia Teil die- Aktivitäten die Verantwortung zu über- ser kriminellen Organisation. nehmen. Jedoch darf dennoch die Tat- Es kann angenommen werden, dass sache nicht übersehen werden, dass jene Grenze, die über die Zugehörigkeit der wesentlichste Punkt des Mafia von Mann und Frau zur Mafia entschei- Ehrenkodex, präziser "omertá” oder det, eine formelle Zeremonie ist, bei der “Schweigen", wörtlich "die Fähigkeit jeder männliche Novize einen strengen ein Mann zu sein" bedeutet und vehe- Eid der Treue und des Schweigens ment jede Art von "Mafia-Aktivitäten (omertá) zu schwören hat. Diese Art der von Frauen" zurückweist. "Die Rolle, Frauen blieben über lange Jahre Unterscheidung ist jedoch nur eine die die Cosa Nostra den Frauen aufbür- größtenteils unauffällig im Formsache, die schon oft dazu geführt det, hält einfach die traditionellen Hintergrund, oder wie hat, dass von der Gesellschaft ange- Rollen und Modelle aufrecht und ver- Wissenschafter sagen, sie nommen wird, dass Frauen belanglos weigert den Frauen jede Art von echter blieben "unsichtbar". für die Mafia seien und von den Akti- Macht oder Einfluss innerhalb der vitäten ihrer Männer nichts wüssten. Organisation (…)" (De Pretis 1996,12). Ganz im Gegenteil engagieren sich Man muss sich laut Sibert (Sibert 1996) Frauen durchaus in der Mafia, entweder deshalb fragen, "(…) warum sich diese weil sie "zufällig" in gewaltsame Zwi- Frauen nicht bewusst sind, dass echte schenfälle verwickelt oder unabsicht- Emanzipation genau dann geschieht, lich Zeugen einer Straftat wurden, oder wenn sie sich dazu entscheiden mit der direkt involviert waren. Während im Justiz zusammen zu arbeiten (…)", Jahr 1990 nur eine Frau in Sizilien auf dann wenn bei den Frauen das Verlan- Grund von Verbindungen mit der Mafia gen nach legalen Beziehungen durch- angeklagt wurde, stieg die Zahl im bricht und ihnen diese Zusammenarbeit Jahre 1995 bereits auf 89. Darüber hin- helfen kann aus der Welt, in der sie aus gab es einen Zuwachs bei ange- zuvor gelebt haben, auszubrechen. Man zeigten Fällen im Bereich der Drogen- darf dabei allerdings nicht vergessen,

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Literaturhinweise

Aiello, P. in: De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the Golfo, L. (1993). Donne e Mafia: L'importanza del dis- Mafia: Evolution of a Role, University of Bristol, senso [women and the Mafia: The importance of dis- Language Centre. sent. Donne e Mafia: Dentro, contro, fuori, , Italy, Fondazione Marisa Borsellino, 8-14. Arlacchi, P. (1992). Gli Uomini del Disonore: La Mafia Siciliana nella Vita del Grande Antonino Hobbs, D. (1997). Researching Serious Crime in R. Calderone, Milan. King and E. Wincup (2000) (eds.), Doing Research on Crime and Justice, Oxford. 153-182. Diese Art der Unterscheidung ist Arlacchi, P. (1994). Addio Cosa Nostra: I Segreti della jedoch nur eine Formsache, die schon Mafia nella Confessione di , Milan. Interior Ministry, Annual reports on organised crime, oft dazu geführt hat, dass von 1993-95. der Gesellschaft angenommen wird, Block, A. A. and Chambliss W. J. (eds.) (1981). dass Frauen belanglos für die Mafia Organizing Crime, New York. Jamieson, A. Foreword by Luciano Voilante (2000). seien und von den Aktivitäten ihrer The Antimafia. Italy's Fight Against Organized Crime. Männer nichts wüssten. Block, A. A. (2000) in: Jamieson, A. foreword by Luciano Voilante. The Antimafia. Italy's Fight Against Lloyd, A. (1995). Doubly Deviant, Doubly Dammed: Organized Crime. Society's Treatment of Violent Women, London.

Calderone, A. (1994) in: Arlacchi, P. (1992) Gli Uomini Longrigg, C. (1998). Mafia Women, London. del Disonore: La Mafia Siciliana nella Vita del Grande Pentito Antonino Calderone, Milan. Madeo, L. (1997). Donne di Mafia. Vittime, Complici, Protagoniste. Milano. Calderone, A. in: De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the Mafia: Evolution of a Role, University of Bristol, Manganelli (1998) in: Longrigg, C. (1998). Mafia Language Centre. Women, London.

Man kann sogar behaupten, dass Calderone, A. in: Sibert, R. (1996). Secret of Life and Paoli, L. (1998). The Pentiti's Contribution to the die Teilnahme von Frauen an den Death. Women and the Mafia, London. Conceptualisation of the Mafia Phenomenon in kriminellen Aktivitäten der Mafia Ruggiero, V. South, N. and Taylor, I. (eds) New eine Krise in dieser geheimen De Pretis, M. (1996). Women and the Mafia: Evolution European Criminology, London, 264-285. Organisation markiert. of a Role, University of Bristol, Language Centre. Pizzini-Gambetta, V. (1999). Gender Norms in the Direzione Investigativa Antimafia December 1993 , 1945-86 in Arnot, M. L. and Usborne, C. semi-annual report, 110. (eds.) Gender and Crime in Modern Europe, London, 257-276. Direzione Investigativa Antimafia December 1994 semi-annual report, 103. Puglisi, A. (1998). Donne, Mafia e Antimafia, Centro Siciliano di Documentazione Giuseppe Impastato. Falcone, G. (with Marcelle Padovani) (1992). Men of Honour: The Truth about the Mafia, London. Puglisi, A. & Santino, U. (1987). Felicia Barlotta Impastato: La Mafia in Casa mia, Palermo, La Luna. Fabj, V. (1998). Intolerance, Forgiveness, and Promise in the Rhetoric of Conversion: Ruggiero, V. (1996). Organized and Corporate Crime in Italian Women Defy the Mafia. Quarterly Journal of Europe: Offers that can't be Refused. Speech; v84 n2,. 190-208, May 1998. Santino, U. (1990). in Italy and Euro- Gambetta, D. (1993). The Sicilian Mafia. The business pe against Mafia and Organised Crime, Centro Sicilia- of Private Protection, London. no di Documentazione “Giuseppe Impastato”, Palermo.

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Literaturhinweise

Sibert, R. (1996). Secret of Life and Death. Women and Anmerkungen: the Mafia, London. 1 The most obvious examples are those of Ninetta Bagarella, wife of Toto' Riina, Grazia Minnit, wife of Weiterführende Literatur und Links: Nitto Santapaola, murdered in a vendetta against her Jedoch darf dennoch die Tatsache husband, and Severia Benedetta Palazzolo, wife of nicht übersehen werden, dass der http://www.narcomafie.it , who is still hiding. See Sibert, R. wesentlichste Punkt des Mafia (1996: 107-122). Ehrenkodex, präziser “omertá” oder http://www.ilmessaggiero.it “Schweigen”, wörtlich “die Fähigkeit 2 Tommaso Buscetta, a Sicilian mafia boss, was the first ein Mann zu sein” bedeutet und vehe- http://www.cronologia.it/storia/a1980a2.htm to collaborate with Public Prosecutor Giovanni Falcone. ment jede Art von “Mafia-Aktivitäten He revealed that what was referred to, as a "set of cul- von Frauen” zurückweist. http://www.centroimpastato.it tural attitudes and behaviours" by law enforcement agents, was in reality a secret society named Cosa Nostra. Bildquellen: 3 For example, Grazia Minniti, the wife of the boss Nitto picture: Assassination to falcone. www.maxplanck.de Santapaola, later killed in the war between rival clans, /.../paoliFalcone/Web_Zoom.jpeg, 26.04.2005. once decided to "pardon" a man who, ignoring her iden- tity, had made her some sexual proposals. She did not Man darf dabei nicht vergessen, dass picture: Giovanni Falcone. www.sperimentaleLeonar- tell her husband, saving the life of the man. solche Abspaltungsprozesse langsam do.it/.../LA%20MAFIA.htm, 26.04.2005. Nevertheless, another Mafioso came to know, and the vor sich gehen. man, (actually by mistake his brother) was shot in his legs (repentant Antonino Calderone, in: De Pretis (1996, 10).

Violent Mafia disputs have posed a huge problem for security agencies in Italy for decades.

Der Aufruf, gegen die Mafia und ihre Strukturen tätig und Zeugen für den Staat zu werden, präsentiert eine neue Alternative für Mafia-Frauen, die nicht wissen, wie sie aus dieser Gewaltkultur ausbrechen können.

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