Combating the Islamic State's Spread in Africa
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A Salafi-Jihadi Insurgency in Cabo Delgado?
A Salafi-Jihadi Insurgency in Cabo Delgado? EVOLVING DOCTRINE AND MODUS OPERANDI: VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN CABO DELGADO Thomas Heyen-Dubé & Richard Rands THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD Evolving Doctrine and Modus Operandi: Violent Extremism in Cabo Delgado Thomas Heyen-Dubé and Richard Rands Correspondence to: Thomas Heyen. Email [email protected] A violent extremist group poses a significant threat to parts of Cabo Delgado province.1 Since its first major attack in October 2017, it has perpetuated a conflict to the detriment of sections of the population and government, as well as disrupting economic development. Little is known about the group and its various cells, and serious scholarly studies on the topic are scarce. There is a considerable amount of confusion in policymaking and academic circles about the nature of the violent extremists (VE) and their relationship to the wider global Salafi-Jihadi community. By analysing the theological underpinnings of VE and their action in Cabo Delgado (CD), we bring clarity to this debate to enable international actors and policymakers in Mozambique navigate the complexities of the situation. From this analysis we conclude the following: • VE are not Salafi-Jihadis as they do not share their ideological and theological understanding of the world. VE do not subscribe to the notions of tawhid, hakkymiya, jihad, al-wala wa-l-bara, and takfir, all key criteria that are consistently found within the Salafi-Jihadi nebula. 1 For this study, the term violent extremism is used, which defines the actions of the group not their beliefs and ideologies (e.g. -
The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) As Described by Ex-Patticipants
The Mozambican National Resistance (Renamo) as Described by Ex-patticipants Research Report Submitted to: Ford Foundation and Swedish International Development Agency William Minter, Ph.D. Visiting Researcher African Studies Program Georgetown University Washington, DC March, 1989 Copyright Q 1989 by William Minter Permission to reprint, excerpt or translate this report will be granted provided that credit is given rind a copy sent to the author. For more information contact: William Minter 1839 Newton St. NW Washington, DC 20010 U.S.A. INTRODUCTION the top levels of the ruling Frelirno Party, local party and government officials helped locate amnestied ex-participants For over a decade the Mozambican National Resistance and gave access to prisoners. Selection was on the basis of the (Renamo, or MNR) has been the principal agent of a desuuctive criteria the author presented: those who had spent more time as war against independent Mozambique. The origin of the group Renamo soldiers. including commanders, people with some as a creation of the Rhodesian government in the mid-1970s is education if possible, adults rather than children. In a number of well-documented, as is the transfer of sponsorship to the South cases, the author asked for specific individuals by name, previ- African government after white Rhodesia gave way to inde- ously identified from the Mozambican press or other sources. In pendent Zimbabwe in 1980. no case were any of these refused, although a couple were not The results of the war have attracted increasing attention geographically accessible. from the international community in recent years. In April 1988 Each interview was carried out individually, out of hearing the report written by consultant Robert Gersony for the U. -
South Africa Backs Renamo
1 South Africa Backs Renamo For South Africa it was obvious that the April 1974 coup in Lisbon would pave the way to the independence of the Portuguese colonies. Pretoria moved quickly to ensure that an independent Mozambique would not pose a threat to the apartheid regime. With Zambia's backing, South African Prime Minister John Vorster sought a stable southern African region where economic co-operation, rather than military confrontation, would prevail. For that, he was prepared to go to great lengths: bring about a solution to the Rhodesian dispute, which included sacrificing Ian Smith, settle the Namibian prob- lem, and recognize the independence of Mozambique with Frelimo in power. Zambia, for its part, undertook that there would be no ANC or other insurgent activities directed against South Africa from either Zam- bia, Mozambique, Botswana or Rhodesia.1 The South African and Zambian initiative bore no significant results simply because they had no mandate from the other parties concerned. Frelimo was, perhaps, the main beneficiary in that it felt assured that Pretoria would not prevent it from taking over the government in Mozambique. Despite Frelimo's stand on apartheid and its publicly stated `political and diplomatic support' for the ANC, South Africa felt comfortable to have a Frelimo-ruled Mozambique as its neighbour. Pretoria believed that economic factors would determine the relations between the two countries. South Africa not only allowed bilateral economic relations to continue, but encouraged them to develop. Kobus Loubser, the general manager of the South African Railways (SAR), was among those who were instrumental in furthering that goal. -
Islam in Northern Mozambique: a Historical Overview Liazzat Bonate* University of Cape Town
History Compass 8/7 (2010): 573–593, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00701.x Islam in Northern Mozambique: A Historical Overview Liazzat Bonate* University of Cape Town Abstract This article is a historical overview of two issues: first, that of the dynamics of Islamic religious transformations from pre-Portuguese era up until the 2000s among Muslims of the contemporary Cabo Delgado, Nampula, and to a certain extent, Niassa provinces. The article argues that histori- cal and geographical proximity of these regions to East African coast, the Comoros and northern Madagascar meant that all these regions shared a common Islamic religious tradition. Accordingly, shifts with regard to religious discourses and practices went in parallel. This situation began chang- ing in the last decade of the colonial era and has continued well into the 2000s, when the so-called Wahhabis, Sunni Muslims educated in the Islamic universities of the Arab world brought religious outlook that differed significantly from the historical local and regional conceptions of Islam. The second question addressed in this article is about relationships between northern Mozambican Muslims and the state. The article argues that after initial confrontations with Muslims in the sixteenth century and up until the last decade of the colonial era, the Portuguese rule pursued no concerted effort in interfering in the internal Muslim religious affairs. Besides, although they occupied and destroyed some of the Swahili settlements, in particular in southern and central Mozambique, other Swahili continued to thrive in northern Mozambique and main- tained certain independence from the Portuguese up until the twentieth century. Islam there remained under the control of the ruling Shirazi clans with close political, economic, kinship and religious ties to the Swahili world. -
ENGLISH Made in Mozambique, at the Bank, Citizenship, Democracy, Politics & Elections
REPÚBLICA DE MOÇAMBIQUE MINISTÉRIO DA EDUCAÇÃO E DESENVOLVIMENTO HUMANO Instituto de Educação Aberta e à Distância ENGLISH Made in Mozambique, At the bank, Citizenship, Democracy, Politics & Elections MÓDULO 2 PROGRAMA DO ENSINO SECUNDSECUNDÁRIOÁRIO À DISTÂNCIA, II CICLO (PESD2) Índice Lesson 1 9 Mozambican Products ....................................................................................................... 9 Mozambican Products .............................................................................................. 9 Summary.......................................................................................................................... 10 Exercises .......................................................................................................................... 10 Evaluation ........................................................................................................................ 11 Lesson 2 13 Passive Voice................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction ............................................................................................................ 13 Form ....................................................................................................................... 13 Summary.......................................................................................................................... 15 Exercises ......................................................................................................................... -
Kaarsholm JEAS Paper Revised Final
Roskilde University Islam, secularist government, and state-civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994 Kaarsholm, Preben Published in: Journal of Eastern African Studies DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255 Publication date: 2015 Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (APA): Kaarsholm, P. (2015). Islam, secularist government, and state-civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994. Journal of Eastern African Studies, 9(3), 468-487. https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255 General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 05. Oct. 2021 Islam, secularist government, and state-civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994 Preben Kaarsholm∗ Department of Society and Globalisation, Roskilde University, Roskilde, Denmark This article explores state-civil society interactions in Mozambique and South Africa with a focus on Islamic groupings, and places the two countries within an Indian Ocean coastal continuum of links to East Africa, India, and the Arab world. -
10 Abstract This Study Examines the Social World of Reconciliation And
The monkey's sworn oath : Cultures of engagement for reconciliation and healing in the aftermath of the civil war in Mozambique Igreja, V. Citation Igreja, V. (2007, June 5). The monkey's sworn oath : Cultures of engagement for reconciliation and healing in the aftermath of the civil war in Mozambique. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12089 Version: Corrected Publisher’s Version Licence agreement concerning inclusion of doctoral thesis in the License: Institutional Repository of the University of Leiden Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12089 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Abstract This study examines the social world of reconciliation and healing in the aftermath of the protracted Mozambican civil war. Using a multidisciplinary approach (sociology, history, legal and medical anthropology, and international law) this research explores how reconciliation and healing unfold contributing to the repair of a devastated social world. It examines the war survivors’ judgments regarding the potential roles of various forms of transitional justice in redressing the abuses and crimes of the past, the contributions of the agricultural cycle and customary justice to reconciliation, and those of healing practices in addressing ill-health problems. The overall goal is to elucidate how the various social practices invested in reconciliation and healing contribute to rebuilding the shattered social world, to peace and to social stability. The study demonstrates that amidst the indescribable and appalling human disruption and material destruction coupled with the officially orchestrated post-war cultures of denial, war survivors in Gorongosa have laboured to create and maintain peace and social stability by breaking the cycles of injustice and unaccountability, reconciling with former enemies and healing the wounds of war. -
Freedom of the Press 2009
Freedom of the Press 2009 FURTHER DECLINES IN GLOBAL MEDIA INDEPENDENCE Selected data from Freedom House’s annual survey of press freedom Acknowledgments Freedom of the Press 2009 could not have been completed without the contributions of numerous Freedom House staff and consultants. The following section, entitled “The Survey Team,” contains a detailed list of writers without whose efforts this project would not have been possible. Karin Deutsch Karlekar, a senior researcher at Freedom House, served as managing editor of this year’s survey. Extensive research, editorial, and administrative assistance was provided by Denelle Burns, as well as by Sarah Cook, Tyler Roylance, Elizabeth Floyd, Joanna Perry, Joshua Siegel, Charles Liebling, and Aidan Gould. Overall guidance for the project was provided by Arch Puddington, director of research, and by Christopher Walker, director of studies. We are grateful for the insights provided by those who served on this year’s review team, including Freedom House staff members Arch Puddington, Christopher Walker, Karin Deutsch Karlekar, Sarah Cook, and Tyler Roylance. In addition, the ratings and narratives were reviewed by a number of Freedom House staff based in our overseas offices. This report also reflects the findings of the Freedom House study Freedom in the World 2009: The Annual Survey of Political Rights and Civil Liberties. Statistics on internet usage were taken from www.internetworldstats.com. This project was made possible by the contributions of the Asia Vision Foundation, F. M. Kirby, Free Voice, Freedom Forum, The Hurford Foundation, John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, Lilly Endowment Inc., The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, the National Endowment for Democracy, The Nicholas B. -
MDM: a New Political Force in Mozambique?
MDM: a new political force in Mozambique? Sérgio Chichava Instituto de Estudos sociais e Económicos (IESE) Maputo, Mozambique for the conference ‘Election processes, liberation movements and democratic change in Africa’ Maputo, 8‐11 April 2010 CMI and IESE Abstract One of the highlights of the general elections of 2009 was the emergence and participation of a new political party, the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM), whose formation resulted from the exclusion of Daviz Simango from Renamo by this party's leader, Afonso Dhlakama. This paper discusses the rise of MDM in the wider context of politics in the Sofala province, an important region in the centre of Mozambique that historically has had difficult relations with a southern elite of Frelimo. Keywords: MDM, Daviz Simango, Renamo, Sofala, Mozambique. 1 Introduction One of the highlights of the general elections of October 2009 was the emergence and participation of a new political party, the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The MDM party was created in Beira, capital of Sofala, a province in Central Mozambique, in March 2009, as a result of the exclusion of Daviz Simango from Renamo by this party's leader, Afonso Dhlakama. The emergence of this new party brought hope and high expectations amongst many Mozambicans. Indeed Mozambican voters who had become disenchanted with the performance of the opposition parties, in particular with Renamo, hoped to avert the collapse of multipartism and the return of an all‐powerful Frelimo dominating the political scene. MDM stated that its main goal was to build a true political alternative to Frelimo and to bring a new political approach in the country. -
Northern Mozambique at a Crossroads Scenarios for Violence in the Resource-Rich Cabo Delgado Province
OCTOBER 2019 Northern Mozambique at a Crossroads Scenarios for Violence in the Resource-rich Cabo Delgado Province PROJECT DIRECTOR Judd Devermont AUTHOR Emilia Columbo A Report of the CSIS AFRICA PROGRAM OCTOBER 2019 Northern Mozambique at a Crossroads Scenarios for Violence in the Resource-rich Cabo Delgado Province PROJECT DIRECTOR Judd Devermont AUTHOR Emilia Columbo A Report of the CSIS Africa Program About CSIS Established in Washington, D.C., over 50 years ago, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) is a bipartisan, nonprofit policy research organization dedicated to providing strategic in sights and policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. In late 2015, Thomas J. Pritzker was named chairman of the CSIS Board of Trustees. Mr. Pritzker succeeded former U.S. senator Sam Nunn (D-GA), who chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees from 1999 to 2015. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, who has served as president and chief executive officer since 2000. Founded in 1962 by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS is one of the world’s preeminent international policy in stitutions focused on defense and security; regional study; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and trade to global development and economic integration. For eight consecutive years, CSIS has been named the world’s number one think tank for defense and national security by the University of Pennsylvania’s “Go To Think Tank Index.” The Center’s over 220 full-time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look to the future and anticipate change. -
Navigating Civic Space in a Time of COVID-19: Mozambique Country Report
Navigating Civic Space in a Time of COVID-19: Mozambique Country Report Crescêncio Pereira and Salvador Forquilha Institute for Social and Economic Studies, Mozambique January 2021 Introduction The first case of COVID-19, officially recorded in the statistics of health authorities in Mozambique, was diagnosed on March 22nd 2020, a few days after the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the COVID-19 pandemic. Considered as an imported case, due to the fact that the patient contracted the virus abroad, it was involved in a certain controversy because it had to do with a renowned politician and it was not officially communicated1. On March 30th 2020, in the context of the Government of Mozambique's efforts to prevent the rapid spread of the disease, the President of the Republic, in his address to the Nation, declared, for the first time in the history of the young Mozambican democracy, the State of Emergency (SE) for reasons of public calamity (Decree 11/2020). With effect from 1st April 2020 and lasting 30 days, the document decreeing the SE contained a set of measures that imposed limits, not only on the entry and exit of people, but also on the free movement of people and goods within national territory. In addition, the document prohibited “the holding of public and private events such as religious services, cultural, recreational, sporting, political, associative, tourist and any other activity, with the exception of urgent State or social issues ... in all cases, preventive measures issued by the Ministry of Health must be adopted ”(Decree 11/2020). The declaration of the SE brought with it elements that constitute a threat to the civic space, which, in recent years, particularly from the end of the first and beginning of the second term of President Guebuza, (from 2008 onwards) had already been showing signs of closure. -
Stephen A. Emerson. the Battle for Mozambique: the Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992)
Stephen A. Emerson. The Battle for Mozambique: The Frelimo-Renamo Struggle (1977-1992). West Midlands: Helion and Company Limited, 2014. 288 pp. $35.00, paper, ISBN 978-1-909384-92-7. Reviewed by Michel Cahen Published on H-Luso-Africa (January, 2015) Commissioned by Philip J. Havik (Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical (IHMT)) The British historian Malyn Newitt wrote the And the guns would remain silent” (p. 34). It ap‐ following about The Battle for Mozambique: pears that he does not address the 2013-14 crisis. “Steve Emerson has written the most comprehen‐ Of course, a fully developed “new” civil war did sive account of the civil war in Mozambique that not materialize in Mozambique during these two has yet been attempted,”, and he underlines his years, but local violent skirmishes probably led to statement by explaining that “Emerson’s account several hundred deaths. Renamo was, surprising‐ is largely a military history” (p. 1). If one accepts ly, able to swiftly recover an armed wing, which that a war’s history may merely be the story of a could not be, twenty-one years later, the mere mo‐ battle, Newitt’s observation is correct and can be bilization of some veteran guerrilla soldiers reinforced when he stresses that one of the quali‐ equipped with rusty Kalashnikovs. Indeed, cur‐ ties of the book is the extensive use of interviews rently some Renamo fghters appear to be young with former participants, as well as the sheer men. On October 15, 2014, political competition number of facts, some of them “told” for the frst between Frelimo and Renamo—and the Movi‐ time.