DOCSLIB.ORG

Soviet Security and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Michael Mccabe

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Soviet Security and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Michael Mccabe The Histories Volume 10 | Issue 2 Article 5 2019 Soviet Security and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Michael McCabe Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation McCabe, Michael (2019) "Soviet Security and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956," The Histories: Vol. 10 : Iss. 2 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/the_histories/vol10/iss2/5 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Scholarship at La Salle University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The iH stories by an authorized editor of La Salle University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Histories, Volume 10, Number 2 27 III Soviet Security and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 By Mike McCabe ‘12 “No event in recent history has been so much lied about, distorted, and besmirched as the Hungarian Revolution.”1 World War II marked a decisive end to a very sad chapter of history. Fascist leaders of two European countries were defeated as the Allied powers achieved victory in both the Atlantic and Pacific theatres. Unfortunately, the conclusion of global conflict did not come with international peace. Two global, rival superpowers emerged and rather than dig physical trenches as in wartime, the world became a battleground of ideology. Whether it was seen as democracy against authoritarianism or capitalism versus communism, nearly every country around the world was impacted by ideological warfare of the Cold War. As the Soviet Union began to consolidate its Warsaw pact states, all located in the Soviet Bloc of Eastern Europe, it grew ever fearful of the United States and her allies in NATO. The battlegrounds in Europe between these two opposing ideologies, as it happened to turn out, would all be located inside the former Axis powers. Berlin would be a consistent problem in U.S.—Soviet relations. Vienna, Austria was to be partitioned off between the victorious powers much like Berlin. Hungary would be a different case. The Hungarians were subject solely to a Soviet puppet government; there would be no other Western powers to oversee control of Budapest. Although Hungarians would never fully support any version of Soviet occupation, Hungary would still be incredibly important in the Soviet Union’s grand scheme for defense against outside threats. In the past two centuries Russia had been invaded by the formerly great European powers of France and Germany. For the Soviets after World War II, a precarious situation would have developed should Hungary have joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Understanding that, the Revolution of 1956 in Hungary became not merely a struggle over one nation’s freedom—but rather, a chance for the West to gain a significant upper hand in security operations in Europe; a chance that Moscow could not allow to come to fruition. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 was a substantial event in the Soviet Government’s consolidation of power at the beginning of the Cold War. For twelve days Hungarian rebels, 1 Quote from American Journalist Leslie B. Bain, as it appears in Paul Lendvai’s, One Day That Shook the Communist World: The 1956 Hungarian Uprising and Its Legacy, Princeton. Princeton University Press, 2008, 1. The Histories, Volume 10, Number 2 28 mostly students and writers, fought against the communist puppet government. The Soviet Union was forced to make a drastic decision: allow the revolution to take place and risk losing Hungary as a satellite state or order the Red Army into Budapest to crush the opposition. The free world looked on as the Kremlin decided on the latter. The events that unfolded in 1956 are very unique in terms of a revolution. First, it began as a peaceful protest of students and writers. Unlike the Russian Revolution of February, 1917, there was no food shortage, labor problems, or socialist discontent.2 It came from the intellectuals—many of whom were very well paid, but discontented with the Soviet Occupation and the Stalinist Hungarian leader, Erno Gero.3 Therefore, the story of the Hungarian Revolution cannot be told like the other revolutions of history. A second unique circumstance was that (for the most part) the revolt was contained inside the capital city of Budapest. If the ideals of the revolution spread into the countryside, the will to fight did not. For the Soviets to restore communistic order they had to defeat a group of lightly armed, militarily untrained intellectuals. Given the unique circumstances of Budapest, 1956, the question of whether it was really a revolution must be addressed—a revolution being distinct from a rebellion. The answer is yes.4 The Hungarians resorted to violence in 1956 because of their desire for a multi-party democracy. The freedom fighters would not have been satisfied merely with Gero’s abdication, they wanted an end to the Soviet occupation—a Hungary ruled by the Hungarians (Magyars). These young intellectuals were engaged in a full social revolution. At the very least, those fighters who were communists were rejecting the corruption of Marx caused by the Soviet imperial dogma. Revolutions rarely follow a blueprint.5 Doctrines may influence the politics of those involved; however, the operations are often sporadic.. The only driving factor behind the revolution was the Hungarian people’s thirst for freedom. The short-lived uprising changed everything—from how Hungarians saw themselves under communist rule to how the other Bloc countries perceived their political situation. Most importantly, for a short time it appeared that Hungary would be a free nation.6 The Soviet regime had to face the reality of the situation. They were caught off-guard by the seeming incompetence of the Hungarian leaders, coupled with the quick organization of the freedom fighters into militias. There would be no negotiating with the freedom fighters. They quickly dismantled all relics of Soviet Occupation—from statues of Lenin and Stalin to Communist Party headquarters and buildings. The situation would end in a free Hungary or a further repressed one, and as history will tell, the Soviet Union ordered the Red Army into Budapest to destroy any elements of resistance to the occupation. The Soviet Union acted in its own best security interests in crushing the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. This paper will attempt to show that the Soviet Union could not allow a free Hungary if it was to remain a threat against American hegemony. If the Bloc states began to crumble and revolt, the collapse of the Soviet Union would have surely been escalated—not only by the loss 2 For more details surrounding the Russian Revolution of 1917 see Orlando Figes. A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891-1924. New York: Penguin Books, 1998. ’ Noel Barber, Seven Days o f Freedom: The Hungarian Uprising, 1956, New York: Stein and Day, 1975, 31. 4 The uprising of 1956 was a revolution; however for the sake of prose the Hungarian people’s plight against the Soviet imperialists will be referred to as a rebellion, revolution, and uprising throughout the paper; however, the word choice does not change this stance. 5 Ibid, 30. 6 Victor Sebestyen, Twelve Days: The Story o f the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, New York: Random House, 2006, xxiv. The Histories, Volume 10, Number 2 29 of economic territory, but by the assured strengthening of the NATO alliance. This thesis will not attempt to apologize for the brutality of the Russian forces or any of the decisions made in the Kremlin. As the Hungarians suffered immensely against the Russians, the human element of the revolution should not be forgotten. If nothing else, the uprising in Hungary of 1956 represents one of the greatest tragedies of 20th Century history. A group of people unified by their hatred for civil, political, and social repression fought in a David versus Goliath battle for their freedom. This time, David lost. The Iron Curtain Descends By the time of the Revolution in 1956, Hungary was an established communist nation, having been under Soviet domination for almost a decade. A common historical misconception is that control of Hungary was given to Stalin in Yalta in 1945; however, there were several preexisting factors determined by the Allies that allowed for a Russian dominated Hungary following the conclusion of the war.7 Churchill, with Roosevelt’s begrudging acquiescence, agreed in 1943 to hold zones of influence with Stalin; however, the most important factor in determining the fate of post-war Hungary was the geographical positioning of the Allied powers.8 It would be the Soviet Red Army who would ‘liberate’ (certainly not a liberation if one were to ask a victim of the violence of 1956) Hungary from Nazi Germany mostly due to Hungary’s location in Eastern Europe, but make no mistake—the Allies had no intention of willingly subjecting Eastern Europe to another repressive regime so quickly after the defeat of another.9 One of the first viewpoints to emerge from the West regarding the Soviet Union’s domination of Eastern Europe in the post-World War II era was the bloc nations needed Russia to support them. These western intellectuals argued that without support from Moscow these fragile states would collapse without Soviet military and secret police forces.10 The truth was much more complicated than that sweeping, generalized statement (as it is with much of Soviet history). Initially it appears that Stalin acted both out of fear for the West and a desire to recreate the Russian Empire as the Soviet Bloc developed in the years after the war. As Stalin moved to consolidate power, there began to emerge a less publicized, but very important conception of the communist system.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Re: Protocol No. 60)
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified November 27, 1956 Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60) Citation: “Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60),” November 27, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, TsKhSD, F. 3, Op. 12, D. 1006, L. 52, compiled by V. N. Chernukha. Published in CWIHP Bulletin 8-9, p. 400 http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111892 Summary: These notes (part of the Malin Collection) describe Romanian leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s decision to negotiate with Yugoslavia regarding the fate of Imre Nagy after his arrest and transfer to Romania. The notes state that negotiations are inadvisable and remain the responsibility of Hungary. A second section of the document refers to instructions to the KGB for discrediting Nagy. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Working Notes from the Session of the CPSU CC Presidium on 27 November 1956 (Re: Protocol No. 60)(1) I. From Bucharest. (Khr., Vorosh., Kagan., Mik., Mol., Perv., Bulg., Sab., Zhuk., Grom.) It's not advisable.(2) We should inform Dej that this is not to our advantage, and is not to the advantage of Hungary. Cde. Bulg. is to negotiate with Cde. Dej.(3) Zhukov—we should state our view of the position of the Yugoslavs. Khr.—we don't need to enter into correspondence with Tito about Imre Nagy; that's a matter for Hungary to handle. It was a mistake for our officer to go into the bus.(4) II.(5) Instructions to: The Foreign Ministry KGB, and On the discrediting of Imre.(6) Konev Translator Notes 1 These notes were compiled by Malin's deputy, Vladimir Naumovich Chernukha, not by Malin himself.
    [Show full text]
  • Dissidents Versus Communists
    DISSIDENTS VERSUS COMMUNISTS An Examination of the Soviet Dissidence Movement Matthew Williams Professor Transchel History 419 May 12, 2016 Williams 1 On February 25, 1956, Nikita Khrushchev gave a speech to the Twentieth Congress and to the Communist Party stating that Joseph Stalin was responsible for all of the empire’s then-current issues. He also gave insight into the criminal actions performed by the man during his lifetime. This speech was called the “Secret Speech” as it was not publicized at first, but once word got out about the true nature of Stalin, people began to doubt everything they knew to be true. Khrushchev decreased the censorship and restrictions on people and also freed millions of political prisoners from Gulags, beginning what would come to be referred to as the “thaw”. Many people had practically worshipped Stalin and knew him to represent the Communist party’s creed of infallibility. The tarnishing of his image led many people to seriously doubt the capabilities of the party.1 As truths came out and people began to discuss issues, there was increasing dissatisfaction with the Communist Party and a community of dissenters was born. This community of dissenters would ultimately keep the fight for freedom going long after the end of the thaw era, until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This paper will examine the dissent movement, from its roots in the end of the Stalin era to the collapse in 1991; it will address how the dissent movement came into being, and how it evolved as new challenges were presented to it.
    [Show full text]
  • THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR Also by A
    THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR Also by A. B. Murphy ASPECTIVAL USAGE IN RUSSIAN INlRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY TO SHOLOKHOV'S TlKHlY DON MIKHAIL ZOSHCHENKO: A Literary Project Also by G. R. Swain EASTERN EUROPE SINCE 1945 (co-author) THE ORIGINS OF THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR RUSSIAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE LEGAL LABOUR MOVEMENT,1906-14 The Russian Civil War Documents from the Soviet Archives Edited by v. P. Butt Senior Scientific Collaborator Institute of Russian History Russian Academy of Sciences A. B. Murphy Professor Emeritus of Russian University of Ulster N. A. Myshov Senior Scientific Collaborator and ChiefArchivist Russian State Military Archive and G. R. Swain Professor ofHistory University of the West of England First published in Great Britain 1996 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-0-333-59319-6 ISBN 978-1-349-25026-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-25026-4 First published in the United States of America 1996 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-16337-2 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Russian civil war: documents from the Soviet archives / edited by V. P. Butt ... ret al.l p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-312-16337-2 (cloth) I. Soviet Union-History-Revolution, 1917-1921-Sources. I. Butt, V. P. DK265.A5372 1996 947.084'I-dc20 96-19904 CIP Selection, editorial matter and translation © V.
    [Show full text]
  • Scripting the Revolutionary Worker Autobiography: Archetypes, Models, Inventions, and Marketsã
    IRSH 49 (2004), pp. 371–400 DOI: 10.1017/S0020859004001725 # 2004 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Scripting the Revolutionary Worker Autobiography: Archetypes, Models, Inventions, and Marketsà Diane P. Koenker Summary: This essay offers approaches to reading worker autobiographies as a genre as well as source of historical ‘‘data’’. It focuses primarily on one example of worker narrative, the autobiographical notes of Eduard M. Dune, recounting his experiences in the Russian Revolution and civil war, and argues that such texts cannot be utilized even as ‘‘data’’ without also appreciating the ways in which they were shaped and constructed. The article proposes some ways to examine the cultural constructions of such documents, to offer a preliminary typology of lower- class autobiographical statements for Russia and the Soviet Union, and to offer some suggestions for bringing together the skills of literary scholars and historians to the task of reading workers’ autobiographies. In the proliferation of the scholarly study of the autobiographical genre in the past decades, the autobiographies of ‘‘common people’’ have received insignificant attention. Autobiography, it has been argued, is a bourgeois genre, the artifact of the development of modern liberal individualism, the product of individuals with leisure and education to contemplate their selfhood in the luxury of time.1 Peasants, particularly during the time of ‘‘motionless history’’, are judged to constitute ‘‘anti-autobiographical space’’. Workers, whether agricultural,
    [Show full text]
  • THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS Perestroika and Soviet Military
    THE LAND WARFARE PAPERS No.5 OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel By Robert B. Davis A National Security Affairs Paper Published on Occasion by THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY Arlington, Virginia PERESTROIKA AND SOVIET MILITARY PERSONNEL by Robert B. Davis THE INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY AN AUSA INSTITUTE OF LAND WARFARE PAPER In 1988 the Association of the United States Army (AUSA) established within its existing organization a new entity known as the Institute of Land Warfare. Its purpose is to extend the educational work of AUSA by sponsoring scholarly publications, to include books, monographs and essays on key defense issues, as well as workshops and symposia. A work selected for publication as a Land Warfare Paper represents research by the author which, in the opinion of the editorial board, will contribute to a better understanding of a particular defense or national security issue. Publication as an AUSA Institute of Land Warfare Paper does not indicate that the Association of the United States Army agrees with everything in the paper, but does suggest that AUSA believes the paper will stimulate the thinking of AUSA members and others concerned about important defense issues. LAND WARFARE PAPER NO. S, OCTOBER 1990 Perestroika and Soviet Military Personnel by Robert B. Davis Mr. Robert B. Davis is a research psychologist with the U.S. Army Foreign Science and Technology Center in Charlottesville, Virginia. Mr. Davis received his undergraduate degree from Arkansas College and his advanced degree from Troy State University, Alabama.
    [Show full text]
  • The Budapest Middle Class and the Hungarian Communist State 1948-56
    ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Society, Resistance and Revolution: The Budapest Middle Class and the Hungarian Communist State 1948-56 AUTHORS Mark, James JOURNAL English Historical Review DEPOSITED IN ORE 25 May 2011 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3098 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Society, Resistance and Revolution: the Budapest Middle Class and the Hungarian Communist State 1948-1956 Accounts of resistance to Communist states have dominated the historiographies of central-eastern European countries since 1989. The anti-Stalinist protests in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia, peasant opposition to collectivization and the dissident „civil society‟ movements of the 1980s have become the most popular research topics. In addition, left-wing dissidents, the catholic church and conservative nationalists have used resistance stories to establish themselves as anti-Communist fighters in the popular consciousness.1 The idealization of resistance has meant that even inter-war and wartime rightist leaders of the 1930s and 1940s have been openly celebrated as national heroes for attempting to prevent the occupation of their countries by the Red Army, despite their involvement in the Holocaust.2 This celebration of dissent was in part a reaction to the silences of the Communist historiographies which preceded it.3 Yet as different groups have sought political respectability by placing themselves at the forefront of anti- Communist opposition, so the post-Communist estimation of resistance has developed beyond its actual historical scale.4 Despite widespread dislike of Communist regimes by the early 1950s, there was in fact very little concerted political resistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union
    CLASSROOM COUNTRY PROFILES Revolution in Russia and the Formation of the Soviet Union The Russian Revolution often refers to two events that took place in 1917. The first, known as the February Revolution, forced Tsar Nicholas II to abdicate and led to the formation of a provisional government. During the second event, commonly known as the October Revolution or Bolshevik Revolution, Vla- dimir Lenin’s Bolshevik Party seized power and began seven decades of one-party rule. Some scholars and Soviet critics have argued that the second event was actually a coup by Lenin and his supporters and not a true revolution. The Russian Empire in 1914. Date confusion—The February Revolution actually In the early 1900s, cracks were beginning to appear in the tsar’s control took place in early March. Because the Russian Em- over the Russian Empire. An attempted revolution in 1905, which saw pire followed the Julian Calendar, which is 13 days mass worker strikes and peasant revolts, shook the monarchy and forced behind the Gregorian Calendar, the events are referred Tsar Nicholas II to implement political reform, including the establishment to as the February Revolution. Likewise, the October of a parliament and a new constitution. Revolution actually took place in early November. Reform temporarily quieted the unrest, but the new policies proved inef- Soviet—The word means “council” in Russian. Soviets fective and the parliament, known as the State Duma, was largely unable were workers’ councils made up of various socialist to override the Tsar’s decrees. parties at the end of the Russian Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature
    i “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature by Anna Elena Torres A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the Graduate Theological Union in Jewish Studies and the Designated Emphasis in Women, Gender and Sexuality in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Chana Kronfeld, Chair Professor Naomi Seidman Professor Nathaniel Deutsch Professor Juana María Rodríguez Summer 2016 ii “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature Copyright © 2016 by Anna Elena Torres 1 Abstract “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature by Anna Elena Torres Joint Doctor of Philosophy with the Graduate Theological Union in Jewish Studies and the Designated Emphasis in Women, Gender and Sexuality University of California, Berkeley Professor Chana Kronfeld, Chair “Any Minute Now the World’s Overflowing Its Border”: Anarchist Modernism and Yiddish Literature examines the intertwined worlds of Yiddish modernist writing and anarchist politics and culture. Bringing together original historical research on the radical press and close readings of Yiddish avant-garde poetry by Moyshe-Leyb Halpern, Peretz Markish, Yankev Glatshteyn, and others, I show that the development of anarchist modernism was both a transnational literary trend and a complex worldview. My research draws from hitherto unread material in international archives to document the world of the Yiddish anarchist press and assess the scope of its literary influence. The dissertation’s theoretical framework is informed by diaspora studies, gender studies, and translation theory, to which I introduce anarchist diasporism as a new term.
    [Show full text]
  • Reshaping State-Society Relations: Democratization in Southern and Eastern Europe
    RESHAPING STATE-SOCIETY RELATIONS: DEMOCRATIZATION IN SOUTHERN AND EASTERN EUROPE Rafael Durán Working Paper #277 – July 2000 R ESHAP ING STATE- SOCIETY RELA TIONS D EMOC R ATIZATION IN SOUTHERN AND EASTERN EUROP E Rafael Durán Working Paper #277 – July 2000 Rafael Durán completed his MA in Social Sciences at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences (Juan March Institute, Madrid), and obtained a PhD in Political Science at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Professor Durán was a research fellow at the Instituto de Ciências Sociais, University of Lisbon, in 1995, and at the Kellogg Institute in 1999/00. His most recent publications include “New Social Movements, Democracy, and Crisis of Political Parties” in Political Participation and Representation in Multicultural Societies (University of Málaga, 1998); “State Dynamism and Multidimensionality: Social Protests during Regime Change” (CEACS Working Paper, 1999); and Moderation and Transgression: Social Mobilizations and the State during the Spanish and Portuguese Transitions (Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, Madrid, 2000). I would like to thank Valerie Bunce, Robert Fishman, Steve Levitsky, and Sidney Tarrow for a particularly critical reading and many thoughtful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Help was also offered by Moonis Ahmar, Andrzej Jablonski, and James Krapfl. Although the responsibility for its final form is mine in all respects, I am indebted to Robert Fishman for his invaluable assistance with the English version of this essay as well. The first draft was written at the University of Málaga (Spain). I presented a previous version, exclusively focused on Romania, at the international and interdisciplinary conference “Between the Bloc and the Hard Place: Moving towards Europe in Post-Communist States?” at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, London, 6–7 November 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Thinking U.S.-Soviet Relations in 1956: Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech, the Poznán Revolt, the Return of Władysław Gomułka, and the Hungarian Revolt
    Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 2014 Re-Thinking U.S.-Soviet Relations in 1956: Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech, the Poznán Revolt, the Return of Władysław Gomułka, and the Hungarian Revolt Emily Parsons Trinity College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Parsons, Emily, "Re-Thinking U.S.-Soviet Relations in 1956: Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech, the Poznán Revolt, the Return of Władysław Gomułka, and the Hungarian Revolt". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2014. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/365 1 Re-Thinking U.S.-Soviet Relations in 1956: Nikita Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, the Poznań Revolt, the Return of Władysław Gomułka, and the Hungarian Revolt Emily Parsons History Department Senior Thesis Advisor: Samuel Kassow Trinity College 2013-2014 2 Table of Contents: Acknowledgements 3 Introduction 4 Part One: The Chronology of the Events of the Cold War in 1956 12 Chapter 1: Do As I Say Not As I Do: Nikita Khrushchev’s Secret Speech 13 Chapter 2: The Eastern Bloc Begins to Crack: Poznań Revolt and Polish October 21 Chapter 3: Khrushchev Goes Back on His Word: The Hungarian Revolt of 1956 39 Part Two: The United States Reactions and Understanding of the Events of 1956 60 Chapter 4: Can Someone Please Turn on the Lights? It’s Dark in Here: United States Reactions to the Khrushchev’s Secret Speech 61 Chapter 5: “When They Begin to Crack, They Can Crack Fast.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchism in Hungary: Theory, History, Legacies
    CHSP HUNGARIAN STUDIES SERIES NO. 7 EDITORS Peter Pastor Ivan Sanders A Joint Publication with the Institute of Habsburg History, Budapest Anarchism in Hungary: Theory, History, Legacies András Bozóki and Miklós Sükösd Translated from the Hungarian by Alan Renwick Social Science Monographs, Boulder, Colorado Center for Hungarian Studies and Publications, Inc. Wayne, New Jersey Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York 2005 EAST EUROPEAN MONOGRAPHS NO. DCLXX Originally published as Az anarchizmus elmélete és magyarországi története © 1994 by András Bozóki and Miklós Sükösd © 2005 by András Bozóki and Miklós Sükösd © 2005 by the Center for Hungarian Studies and Publications, Inc. 47 Cecilia Drive, Wayne, New Jersey 07470–4649 E-mail: [email protected] This book is a joint publication with the Institute of Habsburg History, Budapest www.Habsburg.org.hu Library of Congress Control Number 2005930299 ISBN 9780880335683 Printed in the United States of America CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 PART ONE: ANARCHIST SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY 7 1. Types of Anarchism: an Analytical Framework 7 1.1. Individualism versus Collectivism 9 1.2. Moral versus Political Ways to Social Revolution 11 1.3. Religion versus Antireligion 12 1.4. Violence versus Nonviolence 13 1.5. Rationalism versus Romanticism 16 2. The Essential Features of Anarchism 19 2.1. Power: Social versus Political Order 19 2.2. From Anthropological Optimism to Revolution 21 2.3. Anarchy 22 2.4. Anarchist Mentality 24 3. Critiques of Anarchism 27 3.1. How Could Institutions of Just Rule Exist? 27 3.2. The Problem of Coercion 28 3.3. An Anarchist Economy? 30 3.4. How to Deal with Antisocial Behavior? 34 3.5.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Theoretical Analysis of Research Ethics in the United States, Germany and Hungary
    University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2004 The cost of wisdom : a comparative theoretical analysis of research ethics in the United States, Germany and Hungary. Steven A. Drewry University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Recommended Citation Drewry, Steven A., "The cost of wisdom : a comparative theoretical analysis of research ethics in the United States, Germany and Hungary." (2004). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 372. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/372 This Doctoral Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COST OF WISDOM A Comparative Theoretical Analysis of Research Ethics in the United States, Germany and Hungary By Steven A. Drewry B.A., Indiana University, 1977 M.S.W., Ohio State University, 1983 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Kent School of Social Work University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May, 2004 Copyright 2004 by Steven A. Drewry All Rights Reserved THE COST OF WISDOM A Comparative Theoretical Analysis of Research Ethics in the United States, Germany and Hungary By Steven A.
    [Show full text]