Abstract Transport infrastructure is increasingly discussed in relation to social concerns as it matters for the ability of the urban population to manage and prosper in their daily lives. In this context, the study explores social effects and outcomes of physical interventions in the transport system that have been implemented as part of a strategy to address questions of social development in an urban/semi-urban context. The topic is explored by reviewing the case of infrastructure investments in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck, in Malmö, Sweden. To collect data, semi-structured interviews with local representatives and statistical indicators are compared and analyzed in relation to planning documents. The findings of the study show that transport infrastructure has been implemented in order to promote physical as well as social integration, but that such effects are difficult to determine. The study suggests that the difficulty lies in the complexity of urban infrastructure, it is not possible to isolate a single project as it is part of the urban sphere where it affects and is affected by relations beyond the primary area of influence, geographically and temporally. In conclusion, the study suggests viewing the city as a system of connections. An infrastructural approach to urban development could contribute to a more holistic way of thinking and a better understanding of potential desirable or undesirable effects of physical development. Lastly, the sub-districts in the study area differed socially and economically, despite sharing a similar physical structure. Indicating the limitations of physical measures, and opening up for questioning today’s urban ideal, as one solution may have different outcomes depending on the context.

Thank you During this project I have been lucky to receive valuable help and support. I owe a special thanks to the participating organizations and the three representatives for their warm welcome, time, patience and interest. Thank you to my friends and family for your invaluable encouragement and finally thank you to my supervisor Marcus Adolphson at KTH Royal Institute of Technology for guidance through this educating project.

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1. ​I​ ntroduction 4

2. Overview of theory and research 6 2.1 Theories of space - production of space and socio-spatial dialectics 7 2.2 Urban theory - about community spirit and urban design 7 2.3 About social capital, integration and exclusion 9 2.4 Accessibility planning - planning for opportunities 10 2.5 Critical reflection - infrastructure as a sustainability fix 11 2.6 Summary - theoretical framework 12

3. Empirical procedures 13 3.1 Case study 13 3.2 Ethical considerations 18 3.3 Critical reflection of methodology 19

4. Case study: Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie 20

5. Empirical findings 25 5.1 Economic change 26 5.2 Transport and accessibility 32 5.3 Participation and community 37 5.4 Safety and well-being 41 5.5 Summary of findings 45

6. Analysis and discussion 46 6.1 Targets, strategies and measures 46 6.2 Have the targets been achieved? - About accessibility and movement 47 6.3 Have the measures contributed to achieving the targets? - About social interaction and community engagement. 50

7. Conclusion 54

References 57

Appendix 1. List of indicators 61

Appendix 2. Indicators, tables 63

Appendix 3. Summary of planning documents 67

Appendix 4. Interview guide 71

Appendix 5. Original quotes in Swedish 72

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List of figures Figure 1. Orientation map of study area. Figure 2. Overview map. Figure 3. Suggested development. Figure 4. Extension of Hyllievångsvägen. Figure 5. Development of the study area 2001-2020. Figure 6. Employment, share of total population 20-64 years. Figure 7. Education level Holma, compared to Malmö total population 20-64. Figure 8. Education level Kroksbäck, compared to Malmö total population 20-64. Figure 9. Education level Hyllievång, compared to Malmö total population 20-64. Figure 10. Annual income, median and average. Figure 11. Modal split, share of trips by mode of transport. Figure 12. Frequency of trips, average number per day and person. Figure 13. Car ownership. Figure 14. Voter turnout (%) in general election. Figure 15. Sickness rate, average number of days per person and year.

List of tables Table 1. Strategic planning documents Table 2. List of participants Table 3. Example of qualitative content analysis

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1. Introduction In today’s planning practice and theory, the importance of considering transport in the development of urban areas is often particularly highlighted. Transport is related to challenges such as space efficiency, climate impact and not least, transport is a social matter - determining prerequisites for the urban population to manage and prosper in their own daily lives.

Social sustainability is a complex concept and even though several researchers have set out to explore the concept (see Colantonio & Dixon, 2011) there is no clear definition of what makes a socially sustainable city. ​However, ​integration and opportunities to develop ​social capital are recurring themes in descriptions and analyses of social sustainability and these features have come to shape contemporary planning strategies that aim to pursue a socially sustainable city (for example Boverket, 2010; Dahlin, 2016; Stockholms Läns Landsting, 2008). In short, social capital could be seen as the sum of individual contacts and trust, potential resources that are assets to the individual as well as to the society as a whole. Integration refers to an efficient combination of things, a framework in which resources can be utilized. The efficiency relies largely on trust between people and institutions.

The connections between social capital and physical space in these contemporary strategies can be traced by reviewing research on how the built environment enables or impedes flows and transports of people and opportunities to gain experience of different types of urban environments (Legeby, 2013). It is based on notions of socio-economic gains of exchange and meetings between people of different backgrounds and lifestyles, leading to an integrated and cohesive city (Legeby et al, 2015). Following this, transport infrastructure and physical connections enabling flows are, in planning documents, repeatedly being referred to as means for driving social development, promoting integration and reducing alienation. Transportation infrastructure have been suggested not only as strategies for new developments but also to identify shortcomings in existing areas and plans for interventions and actions to improve the infrastructure as a way of tackling social issues (Boverket, 2010; Malmö stad, 2009). The concept of accessibility is central to this approach to urban planning. Accessibility refers to “the ease of reaching opportunities or the ease of being reached” (Jones, 1981 in Halden, 2011:12), but the concept is multidimensional and the relation between the social and physical environment is complex. Transport deprivation does not per se mean social deprivation (Lucas, 2012) and over-simplifying this relation risks leading to ineffective solutions (Legeby et al, 2015). The widespread use of investments in transport infrastructure as a response to social issues could be seen as a form of ‘quick fix’, a copy-paste formula designed more as a selling point for urban renewal rather than designed to tackle root causes of complex societal challenges, an expression of capitalist urban development (Mould, 2015).

This dual background provides the context in which this study takes place, the study emerged from a need to verify that planning makes the difference it is intended to make. Edvardsen (2011) points to the lack of ex post evaluations in planning practice and stress that these evaluations are needed to ensure transfer of knowledge between theory and practice.

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Figure 1. Orientation map of study area. (Source: CNES/Airbus, Lantmäteriet/Metria, Maxar Technologies, Google Maps 2020. The image is processed by the author.)

1.1 Aim and objectives The purpose of the study is to explore the social effects and outcomes of physical interventions in the transport system that have been implemented as part of a strategy to address questions of social development in an urban/semi-urban context. It seeks to answer ​what these particular infrastructure investments are intended to achieve and ​what measures are suggested for realizing those intentions. The study also seeks to answer if the area of study has changed according to the intentions and ​if such a change can be derived from the implementation of the suggested measures.​

Exploring how transportation as a driver for social and physical integration has worked in practice is done by reviewing the case of Hyllievångsvägen in Malmö, Sweden. Hyllievångsvägen is a public street, located in an area called Kroksbäck which was mainly built during the 1960’s as part of the ‘Million homes program’. The city of Malmö is in the process of creating a new city district, Hyllie, bordering Kroksbäck and Holma. While planning the new district, Hyllievångsvägen was identified as an important key to connect Hyllie to Kroksbäck and Holma and the road was extended and connected to Hyllie Boulevard in early 2010’s as part of a strategy to promote integration by creating a flow through the area (Malmö stad, 2009). The investigation focuses on planning and implementation of transport infrastructure between the years 2007-2018 in order to capture the area before, during, as well as after construction.

The objectives of the study are: ● to identify goals and intended outcomes of the physical measures,

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● to identify changes in accessibility that have been brought about through new infrastructure, ● to follow up on socioeconomic factors related to the planned intentions of the physical measures, ● explore the perceptions of local citizens regarding the contribution of the measures to the development of the area.

Apart from the explicit aim, the intention is also that the study could contribute to further discussions related to contemporary planning approaches, urban sustainability discourse and transport as a ‘sustainability fix’ (Lawton et al, 2018).

1.2 Disposition Chapter two presents an overview of previous research relevant for the thesis and theoretical explorations of central concepts, connecting social and physical space and linking these to transport infrastructure and accessibility planning. The design of the study and the methodological considerations made are described in chapter three. The chapter also reflects critically upon the quality of the study in relation to methodological aspects. Chapter four introduces the object of study, Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie. This chapter provides a background to the following chapters as the findings from the literature review of municipal planning documents are presented here - targets, strategies and measures are defined and provide the basis on which the rest of the study relies. Chapter five presents the empirical findings from the document study of statistical indicators and the semi-structured interviews. Chapter six discusses the empirical findings in relation to the theoretical framework and the initial research questions, future studies on the topic are suggested and potential implications for planning practice are discussed. A conclusion is presented in chapter seven and appendices have been placed last in the document.

2. Overview of theory and research The theoretical framework of this study is twofold. The first part (2.1-2.4) sets out to form an understanding of why transport infrastructure is implemented in relation to social concerns and the effects that such implementation is intended to provide conditions for. It starts out by briefly reviewing the concept of space, it is essential in order to trace the connections between the social and the built environment. It continues by linking the concept of space to the practice of urban planning and reviews a few of the most influential ideas regarding public life and the city. The concepts of community, social capital, integration and exclusion are developed and linked to the question of access. The first part is tied together by exploring infrastructure and its connection to power structures and justice. The second part (2.5) aims to critically review the theoretical framework by placing it into the economic-political context in which Swedish urban and regional planning take place today, this is done in order to broaden the view and shed light upon the limitations of what physical infrastructure means in relation to problems of structural nature. It explores how globalization and neoliberal ideas influence the practice of urban planning and how sustainability as a concept risks appropriation in a context where everything is regarded as a commodity. Together, the two parts form a holistic perspective through which transport infrastructure as a driver for socioeconomic development can be analyzed.

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2.1 Theories of space - production of space and socio-spatial dialectics One place may include several different spaces. In spatial research, it is necessary to clarify the different spaces that equally constitute and are constituted by the place. This study is based on the Lefebvrian view, meaning that space is created partly through “representation of space” and through “spaces of representation” (Knox & Pinch, 2010). While the former refers to how it is intended and planned for the site to look and be like, based on laws and guidelines, for example through master plans or other planning documents. In contrast, spaces of representation refers to the feelings and perceptions that people have of the place based on their experience of it. These two concepts may overlap but do not necessarily match completely. People's perceptions and experiences of the same place differ, for example, different backgrounds, culturally, economically or socially may influence people’s perspectives. The experience a person has of a place can also depend on when and in what context he or she has stayed there. A place is with difficulty regarded as an empty container in which people move and engage in social activities. Rather, a place should be considered a part of the activities. The place is shaped by and at the same time shapes movements and social processes. A phenomenon known as the socio-spatial dialectic (Knox & Pinch, 2010).

It is in the light of the above standing viewpoints that we are able to understand the conditions of the socio-technological interaction that makes up space. This implies that spatial planning is concerned not only with physical planning of the built environment, but spatial planning is inherently interlinked with the perception and human experience of space - the social environment. But how has this relationship between the material and the immaterial been treated in relation to planning in and of urban areas in particular?

2.2 Urban theory - about community spirit and urban design European cities, as we know them, started growing intensely during the early 1900’s. One of the first to take interest in the interplay between the urban landscape and the human lifestyle was Louis Wirth. In 1938 he presented his sociological definition of the city, where he identified three main elements of urbanism that influence human group life (Wirth, 1938/2011). Wirth argued that the greater the size of the population was, the bigger the potential for differentiation. In contrast to smaller rural societies, urban agglomerations could hold a more diverse population simply because of the larger number of people. In addition, this heterogeneous population was more mobile than the traditional rural inhabitant which Wirth meant was a contributing factor to the acceptance of instability as a norm prevailing in cities. This would in turn lead to a lack of common tradition and the urban population was identified as having less intensive knowledge about their neighbours than the average rural inhabitant. Instead, Wirth concluded that the urban dweller “loses the sense of participation that comes with living in an integrated society” (Wirth, 1938/2011:99) and turns to so called secondary contacts, meaning different segments and associations depending on which is suitable for the question at hand (unlike in the rural society where the same people serve all different kinds of social needs for everyone). Further, the population density provides a combination where physical contact between people is close but social contact is distant, which contributes to tensions and fosters a spirit of competition. The urban way of life was thereby, according to Wirth, dependent on formal control mechanisms to replace the traditional bonds of solidarity that form in smaller and more integrated societies (ibid.).

This research has not been without critique, others have argued that lifestyle is dependent to a larger extent on socio-economic status rather than on the urban versus rural (Bourdieu, 1986). Despite the critique, Wirth’s research has made a permanent impact on planning theory, it is partly from this research that the hard-to-define but much-wanted urban community spirit comes from. His ideas have influenced several

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contemporary practitioners, developing ideas on how well-designed urban space can have positive effects on people’s experience of their city and contribute to physical and psychological well-being.

One example is Kevin Lynch who sought to understand how people perceive urban environments (Lynch, 1960/2011) . He argued that people have an innate desire to understand their surroundings and a clear city image would facilitate such an understanding. The more imageble the city is, the more psychologically satisfying it would be. Lynch identified five different interacting and sometimes overlapping elements: paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks, and argued that people perceive cities as an assemblage of these elements. The first element, paths, is identified as the dominant one. He described them as “channels along which the observer customarily, occasionally, or potentially moves” (Lynch, 1960/2011:501), commonly streets or walkways. Further, edges could but should not be confused with paths. Edges are the linear elements that constitute boundaries, where the strongest ones proved to be impenetrable to cross movement. However, certain edges have the ability of bringing areas together by attracting people from either side of it to join in on activities that take place on the edge itself. What differs a path from an edge is the perspective of the observer, Lynch exemplifies that an expressway may be a path to the driver but an edge to the pedestrian, thereby edges can become paths if the observer is allowed to move alongside it. Reconnecting to the link between urban form and social well being, the focus of Lynch’s research is the image and orientability of the city. One of his findings was that paths influence people’s orientability both positively and negatively. For example, lack of spatial dominance when a major path lacks identity, the entire city image is skewed. Consequently he argued that planners and designers can respond to these deeply rooted human needs and organizing efforts by thoughtfully pattern together the different elements of the city into a coherent and manageable image (ibid.).

Another, more recent, reflection regarding the connection between urban form and the social environment is the one of Jan Gehl and his research on “life between buildings” (Gehl, 1987/2011). Similarly to Wirth, Gehl acknowledges the variety of passive contacts (what Wirth calls secondary) that characterize the urban environment. However, Gehl sees the potential in these fleeting contacts and argues that “frequent meetings in connection with daily activities increase chances of developing contacts with neighbours” (Gehl, 1987/2011:535) and further, it is through social contacts that human beings develop a confidential relationship with the outside world. By simply being present in the same space as one another, human beings participate in each other’s experiences. Gehl identifies three types of activities: necessary, optional and the resulting social activities and concludes that urban design has an important role in determining the enjoyability of staying outdoors. The physical environment does not per se cause social interaction but it will provide more or fewer possibilities depending on how it is arranged and the quality of the arrangement, basically - how pleasant the place is. The concept “life between buildings” emerged from the observation that it was movement and life itself that would attract more life and movement than what buildings or static physical elements were able to attract (ibid.).

However, it is critical to point out that the assumption that everyone wants and enjoys contact may not always be true. Certain activities, sensitive groups of people and individuals may suffer from accessibility in terms of visibility. The reasons for this could vary, but examples could be illegal immigrants, unauthorized expressions of art or simply someone with the desire to be alone in a city full of people. This argument is further developed in section 3.5. But despite this critique, ideas relating to the desirability of human contacts and community spirit prevail. So what else is it in these features that make them so sought after in the urban planning context?

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2.3 About social capital, integration and exclusion The question above requires a deeper exploration of what community, social capital and integration means. Robert Putnam starts out where Wirth left off, building on the idea that the increasingly mobile society (in its social as well as geographical context) is eroding the general trust among people (Putnam, 1995/2011) and their sense of participation. Putnam defines the concept of social capital as referring to “features of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, 1995/2011:136). His research identified the connection between organized civic solidarity and socioeconomic modernization and he was able to show that civic engagement was a precondition for economic development, not an effect of it. The effects of civic engagement were visible as improved education, a growing economy, decreasing crime rates and a more effective government (ibid.). This resulted in Putnam’s conclusion that in order to avoid social crisis in the urban sphere, civic engagement needs to increase and the connections between people need to be strengthened. However, before moving forward, there is a need to unpack the different dimensions of social capital further.

Social capital, according to Bourdieu, is “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (1986:248). It is the sum of individual contacts and trust. Social capital can be an asset to both the individual, in terms of a personal network as a resource, and to the society as a whole (a society rich in resources have prerequisites for working well). Social capital is possible to consciously collect and transform into economic benefit (Bourdieu, 1986). A comparison can be made to the Marxist tradition where owning financial capital distinguishes one social class from the other. This kind of class system is the foundation of a divided society and to mitigate harmful effects of fragmentation, measures stimulating social contact and networking have been suggested (ibid.).

Since social capital is dependent on trust, there is a need to understand how individuals interact with one another to generate trust, what kind of relationships are required for increasing social capital? There are three categories of social capital: bonding, bridging, and linking. The first category is characterized by strong bonds between people of the same group. Friends and family are commonly found to have strong bonds between each other and together share an identity. The second category refers to weaker personal contacts, acquaintances and contacts of different social groups and contexts. These are, however, important sources of more distant information that can for example affect possibilities of finding a job or other opportunities the society may offer. These “weaker” contacts are therefore considered important features of an integrated and cohesive society, bridging social borders and contributes to a social system where everyone is a participant (Granovetter, 1973; Kearns, 2004). In addition to the participants, the basic precondition for interaction to happen is a place to meet. This refers to the idea of Gehl (1987/2011) presented previously, that the quality of such meeting places affects the quality of the interaction. It is in the “third space” (Oldenburg, 1998) where the bridging social capital has a possibility to develop, and this is where physical planning comes into play. Physical planning controls the placement of origins and destinations, conditioning the flow and thereby the opportunity for meetings.

Going back to the benefits of the society as a whole, an integrated society is more efficient in utilising common assets (see the Cambridge English Dictionary for the definition of integration, “the action or process of combining two or more things in an effective way” (Integration, n.d.)). The efficiency relies upon trust, when the entire population shares the perception that everyone follows the rules of the game, a common spirit can emerge. Discrimination is therefore devastating to this process as it tears apart the perception of equal treatment (Rothstein & Kumlin, 2001).

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This is how the community spirit from the previous section could be understood. By providing a breeding ground for social interaction, a sense of community and cohesion in the city can grow stronger. The momentum is that when the city is well integrated, there are societal gains to expect. The community spirit is productive.

On the contrary, social exclusion is associated with societal costs. According to the Cambridge English Dictionary, exclusion is defined as “the act of not allowing someone or something to take part in an activity or to enter a place” (Exclusion, n.d.). Based on the research of Madanipour (1998/2011), social exclusion can further be seen as a spectrum ranging from “complete lack of integration [..] to full integration into society” (1998/2011:187). He identifies three types of social exclusion: economic, political and cultural. Economic exclusion is associated with access to resources and manifests through unemployment and poverty while political exclusion is about access to power and is found to affect participation and representation in decision making. Lastly, cultural exclusion is related to common narratives, representation and visibility of language and nationality are examples of such shared narratives. Social exclusion is not only disadvantageous for the excluded individual or group. It is costly for the society as well, as resources will increasingly be spent on conflict and social control. It also means that the society as a whole is failing to take advantage of the diverse talents and manpower of its citizens, resulting in loss of economic potential (ibid.). Madanipour also acknowledged the relation between space and social exclusion and the tendency of social exclusion to concentrate in space, leading to fragmentation of the city. This spatial feature has attracted planners throughout history to deal with social exclusion by reorganization of space, attempting to dismantle “pockets of deprivation” (1998/2011:190). This approach however, has simply been a matter of symptom treatment as the underlying problem is of a structural nature and has found new places to settle in.

To summarize, social exclusion can be identified as the absence of integration, “as individuals do not find the possibility or channels to participate in mainstream society” (1998/2011:191), and with a clear spatial dimension this leads to the question of access and accessing the possibility of social integration.

2.4 Accessibility planning - planning for opportunities Accessibility refers to “the ease of reaching opportunities or the ease of being reached” (Jones, 1981 in Halden, 2011:12) and the concept could be regarded a cornerstone in research and practice on spatial justice, the spatial outcomes of social injustice (Soja, 2010). Further, spatial justice is defined by Soja as “fair and equitable distribution in space of socially valued resources and the opportunities to use them” (2010:2). This way of thinking of justice as access to resources and opportunities implies that transport is important as it affects how easy it is for people to reach services and take advantage of what the city has to offer.

Accessibility, however, is not an easy attribute to measure as it consists of several factors operating simultaneously on different levels (Lucas, 2012). For example, factors affecting accessibility can be individual (such as age, physical ability or race), related to the local area (such as provision of public transport) or have a global dimension (for example the structure of labour markets) (ibid.). Connecting this to the Lefebvrian view of how space is produced as a combination of physical and social environments, accessibility becomes largely dependent on the individual perception of transport possibilities based on people’s own understanding of where they can or cannot go. Further, how easy it is to reach or be reached is in turn affected by more than physical transport options. Lack of information, time and cost are equally important factors to consider when exploring accessibility (Halden, 2011).

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The relationship between transport and social exclusion has been explored through several studies, for example in a European context, differences of travel behaviour have been observed according to income level or belonging to a so called ‘vulnerable group’ (e.g. disabled, non-white or single parent households) (Lucas, 2016). Lower income households display not only lower car ownership and fewer trips by car than their higher income counterparts, but they also report making fewer trips overall, using any mode of transport (Lucas, 2012). The relation has not only been explored in terms of frequency of trips, but distance travelled has also been confirmed to have a linear relationship with income (Lucas, 2016).

Lucas (2012) uses the concept “transport related social exclusion” to refer to the problems of not being able to participate in society because of reduced accessibility. Similarly, Urry (2012) argues that low network capital leads to low social capital, implying that the ability to connect with people is significant to the operation of power since social networks are undisputedly the main way of building and maintaining social capital. Viry et al (2009) investigates the links between commuting and social capital and concludes that living in a place isolated from public transport effectively weakens social capital. It is, however, difficult to determine to what extent social capital is affected by reduced accessibility.

Another key finding identified through the previous studies on the subject of transport and social exclusion is the development of increasing mobility in society as a whole, basically pointing out the problematics linked to the fact that globally, human beings travel more than ever before. In recent years, there has been an increasing demand for people to become more mobile, Blossfeld et al (2009) connects this trend to the wider dynamics of globalisation processes and changes in the labour market structure and the mobility of labour capital, only reinforcing pre-existing social inequalities.

In conclusion, social and economic progress can be related to levels of accessibility but it is important to not confuse the concepts. Lack of transport provision does not necessarily mean social exclusion. It is possible to be socially excluded even though accessibility is provided for or vice versa. One does not cause the other, rather transport deprivation and social deprivation work together to create outcomes of social exclusion. Infrastructure, such as transport, is rooted in and dependent on other social and economical structures. It matters to spatial and distributional justice and the social and economic organization of society. By investing in infrastructure, with the purpose of targeting a particular area, you could end up influencing one that is bigger and more unpredictable. Lucas (2012) argues that there is no universal solution to transport related social exclusion but problematizes increasing mobility and identifies that an answer might lie beyond the national or local policy makers. Linked to space, policy, organization and justice - transport infrastructure (or the lack thereof) is essential in understanding power relations and the background to any urban process. This leads us to critically review the theoretical framework as it has been presented so far and see it through the perspective of the politic-economic development in recent years.

2.5 Critical reflection - infrastructure as a sustainability fix During the later half of the 1900’s, in the aftermath of the second world war, a global restructuring of financial resources and the establishment of new trade links between Europe and the US began to reshape the economical arena (Mould, 2015). The ideological shift could be distinguished during the 1980’s, away from the centralized power towards a more liberal and decentralized market economy. The focus changed from national redistribution politics to a focus on creating internationally competitive, ‘functional’ regions (Andersson & Molina, 2008) which could attract foreign business to invest in the region. The growth engines of these regions were cities, now with the purpose to attract the economically and symbolically affluent people seen as the drivers of the economy. Harvey (1989, in Mould, 2015) refers to this process as

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the shift from urban managerialism to urban entrepreneurialism, and noted that this process went hand in hand with the ‘hollowing out’ of national funds. In the pursuit of economic growth through entrepreneurialism, cities began adopting so called creative strategies, that is, “policies designed to encourage primarily economic growth, but also social cohesion and cultural participation through the premise of ‘creativity’” (Mould, 2015:1).

An example of such a strategy is the ‘Creative City Sydney’, in which one of the prioritized projects is the ‘Cultural Ribbon’ (Mould, 2015). The intention with this particular project is to link different cultural institutions together by creating new walking trails, promising novel ways of exploring the city. Accessible transport solutions and connectivity are part of the strategy, branding Sydney as a creative city (ibid.). Sydney is, however, not alone. Cities all over the world has adopted similar strategies, Mould argues that “the political mobility and inherent ‘ease’ of applying this ideology means that it spreads from city to city, copying the perceived successful political and economic ‘model’ rather than engaging with the different set of localities, histories, cultures and social issues” (2015:3). In the light of the previous section - stressing the importance of realizing that there is no universal solution, this copy-paste formula becomes potentially harmful to sensitive social environments and risks eradicating the diversity of the city. These kinds of policies are designed not to tackle the root causes of complex societal challenges but to justify activities of capitalist urban development. They are expressions of the increasing singularity of urban planning and design and attempts to control human behaviour and presence, pushing away activities and people seen as detrimental to consumption of space.

In a context where cities are run like corporations in an interurban competition for capital in a globalized economy, anything can be packaged and sold. The concept of sustainability itself risks commodification and transport infrastructure risks becoming a “‘sustainability fix’ that largely fails to deal with the over-arching contradictions of market-led urban and suburban development” (Lawton et al, 2018:141). As an example, Docherty (2018) points to the contradictions of mobility as a business model. The societal transition towards ‘smart’ mobility sets out to solve problems generated by increasing car traffic. The new mobility solutions are sold as being about reducing the number of vehicles in the system and thereby freeing space that could then be used for other purposes than transport. At the same time, the economic imperatives of the transformation are that there will be as much mobility as possible in order to maximize returns and therefore, more traffic on the streets in real-world situations. The point of this example is to illustrate that new developments risk generating a new set of unintended consequences, in the case of the example, consequences not entirely different from those that caused the problem in the first place. Docherty calls for problematization of solutions, for planners and policy-makers to go back to basics and “pose the simple yet exceedingly difficult to answer question of “why are we doing this?”” (Docherty, 2018:30).

2.6 Summary - theoretical framework The theoretical framework set out to form an understanding of why transport infrastructure is implemented in relation to social concerns. The framework has provided links between the physical and social environment by reviewing ideas of public life and ideas of how urban design may affect people, movement patterns and access to amenities and opportunities. ​Concepts such as community, social capital, integration and exclusion have been explored and linked to different dimensions of accessibility and transport options. Further, the framework has reflected on how globalization and neoliberal ideas influence the practice of urban planning and how the concepts of sustainability and accessibility risk appropriation

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and ineffectiveness, highlighting the importance of investigating and evaluating effects and outcomes to ensure transparency and credibility throughout the entire planning process.

3. Empirical procedures The following chapter presents the design of the study and the methodological considerations made. It starts by a brief review of spatial research in general and continues to describe data collection methods and analytical approaches selected for this particular study. The section also reflects critically upon the quality of the study in relation to methodological aspects such as reliability, validity and the ability to generalize the results.

The research design is based on the objectives of the study and adapted to a timeframe of 20 weeks. The study is designed as a case study, taking place in Malmö, Sweden. The primary reason for using a case to address the aim and objectives lies within the complexity of the object of study, the urban environment. Spatial research embraces this complexity and takes the different dimensions of space into consideration, acknowledging that all beings are spatial, temporal and social, that space is socially produced and therefore owns the ability to be socially changed (Soja, 2010). The relation between the social environment and the built structure could thereby be described as dialectic, one shapes the other and vice versa. These impacts might be intended or unintended (Sismondo, 2010) and since the purpose of the study is to capture this relation and to explore features connected to the social and the built environment respectively, a mixed methods approach is adopted. Quantitative and qualitative methods are combined in order to contribute to a comprehensive view and deepen the understanding of the specific case by capturing physical and social changes altogether.

3.1 Case study A case study is an empirical investigation characterized by a defined and limited amount of instances of a particular phenomenon (Denscombe, 2010). Case studies primarily aim to contribute to a greater understanding of what is going on in the environment and why certain events occur, a focus on processes and relationships (Gummesson, 2004; Denscombe, 2010). Generalization is made to theoretical claims and thus, case studies do not aim to generalize to an entire population (Denscombe, 2010; Bryman, 2008). This research design is commonly used to approach complex issues and environments characterized by a large number of variables and relationships. City structures reflect their surrounding political, economic, demographic and cultural backgrounds (Knox & Pinch, 2010) making the case study approach a suitable option for studying them. In such a context-dependent setting, it is the case itself that is of interest and the results and conclusions will be dependent on time and place. This, however, does not mean that the specific case is completely unrelated to any broader class of things and in order to engage in analytical generalization it is of importance to present how the selected case relates to other examples (Denscombe, 2010).

3.1.1 Case selection The selection of the case has been made on the basis of known attributes, the selection is thereby not random. The idea has been to maximize the information output by choosing a case that fits the selection criteria in the best possible way. The following criteria have guided the case selection: ● implementation of transport infrastructure as a strategic investment, ● clear targets and description of the investments, social aspects mentioned,

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● urban or semi-urban area, ● infrastructure investments already implemented, ability to control for potential effects.

The development of the Hyllie district in Malmö, Sweden and in particular the project of extending Hyllievångsvägen fits the criteria above.

Lastly, it is of importance to revisit the aim and emphasize that the interest lies in investigating the connection between theory and practice, using the case study to explore what happens after implementation. The methods used for this purpose and for collecting empirical data are the following: ● Document studies, strategic planning documents ● Semi-structured interviews ● Document studies, statistical indicators

3.1.2 Document study, planning documents Document studies can be performed in a variety of ways. Basically, a document study is a systematic interpretation of text. Text is “permanent and available in a form that can be checked by others” (Denscombe, 2010:232) which provides opportunities to look into how specific matters have been described over time. This study includes planning documents relevant for the specific case (see table 1) in order to access information about the area which could contribute to a deeper understanding of the place before and after implementation of new infrastructure. The review considers what is being written about the area and which assumptions have been made during the planning phase. The review aims to clarify targets and strategies of urban development, what actions are suggested to be suitable and for what purposes (see appendix 3, Summary of planning documents for full review). Furthermore, the document review focuses on extending the theoretical base, providing support for the indicators selected to represent expected impact and as support for the categorization of data from the interviews (see section 3.1.3 - 3.1.4 below).

The documents included in the review consists of strategic planning documents adopted early in the planning process and containing information that serves to set the direction and to guide the continued development of the area. The planning documents studied are presented in table 1.

Table 1. Strategic planning documents.

General plan, Malmö stad 1956 General plan, Malmö stad 1966 General plan, Malmö stad 1980 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 1990 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2000 Traffic strategy, Malmö stad 2004 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2005 Dialogue Memo - Hela Hyllie Hållbart, Malmö stad 2009 Comprehensive plan, Malmö stad 2014

Particular focus has been given to the Dialogue Memo (Malmö stad, 2009) since this document has served as a platform, gathering ideas about the area and providing a basis for discussion regarding future detail planning of Hyllie, Holma and Kroksbäck (see appendix 3).

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None of the strategic planning documents included in the review are legally binding and they are no longer effective. However, as the purpose has been to form an idea of development over time and the driving forces behind the current physical and social environment, these documents have been considered relevant for the purpose of the study.

3.1.3 Interview study The purpose of using interviews as a research method is to provide “accurate and descriptive information about how other people experience different aspects of their life situation” (Dalen, 2007:9). Interviews are particularly appropriate when exploring complex and subtle phenomena (Denscombe, 2010) and applying interviews as part of this study aims to capture the qualitative effects of the implementation of new infrastructure and to reach information that would otherwise be overlooked. The interviews conducted are therefore of qualitative nature, with the purpose of studying if it is possible to determine any socially perceived differences after the implementation in comparison to before. Flexibility is allowed through the use of semi-structured interviews, where the interviewees are able to develop their own thoughts and perspectives (Bryman, 2008; Denscombe, 2010) in relation to the built environment. The overall themes which the interviews intend to cover have been defined beforehand, supported by the theoretical framework, and have been the same in all of the interviews (see appendix 4). The interview guide has been used as a support but the interviewees themselves have been able to control the level of detail and which features to emphasize. The interviews have been performed in person, on site, and held once with each interviewee. Prior to the interview, the interviewees received information about the purpose of the study but no concrete questions were revealed beforehand. Upon consent, the interviews have been recorded and transcribed immediately after the interview and the interviewees have been given the opportunity to listen to the recordings and modify their statements.

Interviewing as a method produces data in an open format, no pre-coded answers (Denscombe, 2010). The material has instead been qualitatively categorized, where recurring themes have been identified in relation to the expected results of the new infrastructure in terms of travel patterns, economic development, civic participation and well-being (see section 3.1.5 Qualitative content analysis).

A critique to qualitative interviewing is related to interview bias, meaning that the relation between the interviewee and the interviewer impacts the given answers (Dalen, 2007). This is a risk that is particularly common in sensitive settings, such as the selected case for this study, in which specific groups or environments could be identified and stigmatized (ibid.). On the other hand, self-censorship or unwillingness to participate in research could also become an issue related to not communicating problems (ibid.). On a practical note, qualitative interviewing is time consuming, affecting the extent to which the method can be used. Selection of interviewees has therefore been a critical concern for this study.

Selection of informants Due to the limited amount of interviews that have been possible to conduct within the scope of this study, informants have been selected based on how likely they are to be able to provide the most information. Bryman (2008:350) and Gummesson (2004:126) explains that this type of “purposeful sampling” can be used in order to select individuals with reference to the research question. The idea is that the interviewees should provide information and knowledge about the area of study. The interest lies in personal and everyday experiences of the end-users of the built environment, making the population visiting or residing in the area the main target group. In addition, to make a “before and after” comparison, it is necessary that the interviewees have experience of the area over time. These criteria have guided the selection process where

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individuals responsible for different associations, workplaces and gathering places have been contacted. In total, six interviewees were selected, four representing different tenants and housing cooperatives present in the area and the remaining two representing local gathering places and activity centers. Three agreed to participate in the study, see table 2.

Table 2. List of participants.

Informant Informant code Representative for an association in Holma I1 Representative for an organization in Holma/Kroksbäck I2 Representative for an association in Kroksbäck I3

The selection of informants is non-representative, delimiting the generalizability of the knowledge generated by this study to a larger context (Dahmström, 2011). However, as ​the study starts out in the understanding of place as composed of different physical as well as social spaces it is of interest that the informants are able to give their own versions of the physical and social environment. Despite representing relatively large groups of people (members, visitors and users of the associations/organizations), the limited amount of interviewees should be acknowledged. The interviewees have provided personal answers which may not be representative for the entire population. An alternative approach, that could have provided a representative selection, would be to distribute a survey to all residents in the area. This option, however, would not be appropriate in terms of limits to in-depth and open questions in surveys (Dahmström, 2011).

3.1.4 Document study, statistical indicators The statistical data analysis aims to investigate the social and demographic characteristics of the area and identify potential change in the neighbourhood over time, using the indicators to compare and describe associations between variables. The selection of the indicators is based on the theoretical framework and on the analysis of strategic planning documents where the targets and the expected results in terms of travel patterns, economic development, civic participation and well-being have served as selection criteria. Further, the availability of data over time has guided the selection of indicators as the purpose has been to compare indicators before and after implementation. See appendix 1 for a full list of indicators and data sources included in the study and appendix 2 for the compiled material.

Quantitative data analysis is associated with risks and difficulty to establish causation and account for additionality (Sandberg & Faugert, 2007). Concluding what the implementation of the project has contributed to in addition to what would have happened “either way” is near impossible to do. The different indicators could be affected by external factors as well since transport infrastructure is not isolated from its surroundings. The general economic situation in Sweden might for example affect the level of employment and housing prices. Due to these uncertainties, the statistical indicators in this study have not been quantitatively analyzed.

The majority of statistical indicators used for this study are results of census surveys, where data have been collected and run against population and tax records. However, the indicators collected through the travel survey (Region Skåne, 2018; Malmö stad, 2013) are results of sample surveys and awareness should be raised regarding the end result being representative, but not complete. Census surveys are also associated with a certain level of uncertainty as it is possible that people live in an area without being registered in that same

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area. These shortcomings are part of the mixed methods approach, to be able to investigate the research questions from different viewpoints (Mertens & Hesse-Biber, 2012).

Furthermore, conducting a comparison of indicators before and after could help to identify changes of spatial concentrations of certain characteristics. In combination with data from qualitative interviews, reviewing statistical indicators could contribute to displaying a possible difference between quantitative and qualitative effects and the importance of considering both. Lastly, since the indicators are selected based on the expectations of the project, they are related to the transparency of the planning process. Assessing these aspects, the statistical data has been considered valuable for the thesis despite the above standing shortcomings.

3.1.5 Qualitative content analysis The empirical material has been processed and analyzed with inspiration from qualitative content analysis (Bengtsson, 2016; Gillham, 2008). The purpose of using qualitative content analysis is to “organize and elicit meaning from the data collected and to draw realistic conclusions from it” (Bengtsson, 2016:8).

The exact procedure varies and should be adapted to the aim of the study and the nature of the research questions (Bengtsson, 2016; Gillham, 2008). For example, Gillham (2008) presents the analysis in two steps, starting by identification of substantial statements followed by defining categories. In contrast, Bengtsson describes the procedure through four steps and suggests to start by identifying ‘meaning units’ containing information the researcher needs. This is followed by a step where the material that is left over is being discarded and the ‘meaning units’ sorted into broader categories. The last step is the compilation, summarizing and choosing data to represent the connection between the category and the raw material. Even though there is a flexibility to the analysis, the common denominator is organization and categorization. To categorize is essentially about interpretation and selection, a process where the researcher’s own judgement plays a central role which presents a risk to the reliability of the research. However, objectivity lies in the transparency of the process, not in the categories themselves (ibid.). Thereby follows a detailed description of the process as it is carried out in this study.

The process started by a close reading of the transcriptions with a focus on examining ​what is going on in the text. Highlighters were used to identify different categories, examples include categories such as “rent”, “housing conditions”, “target points”, “social activities”, “meeting places”, “reputation” and “conflicts”. These categories were thereafter sorted into the four overarching themes, based on the expected effects in accordance with the theoretical framework (attempting to address the matter of "what has been said in relation to what should theoretically happen").

Table 3. Example of qualitative content analysis.

Empirical material Code/category Theme

“Well it’s not that something isn’t rented here “Rent” Economic change because people want to live in Hyllie, because after all, the rents are governing people. Here the rents are cheaper than in Hyllie.”

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“we used to drive a short distance beyond “Target points” Transport and accessibility Hyllie or where Emporia is located now. Buy strawberries, pick strawberries ourselves and stuff. But now there’s nothing.”

“​They get to know each other and they change “Information exchange” Participation and phone numbers. And they talk about us! community Because the most important recruitment path for our participants is the mouth to mouth method.”​

“Holma is associated with immigrants and “Reputation” Living environment and crime. And that's why they didn't want to be well-being called Holma.”

This step in the process had a condensing function as the material was shortened to promote readability, arranging the material by subject rather than in a chronological order (Gillham, 2008). To ensure validity and reliability, it is of importance that the categories and themes are “internally homogeneous and externally heterogeneous” (Bengtsson 2016:12), so that the risk of placing data into more than one category or theme is kept to the very minimum. In this study, ambiguities emerged when certain parts of the text could be interpreted as dealing with, for example, transport as well as safety and well-being. To illustrate, the following quote is associated with this kind of ambiguity.

“There is probably one bad thing too and that is young men, macho, driving damn terribly. In 130 on these roads. And it is a freer way for criminals.”

Since the focus has been to investigate the effects of new transport infrastructure, the material has been sorted based on the core of the statement, why the interviewee brought it up. In the case of the quote above, it was categorized as relating to safety. Extensive quotation has been practiced in order to promote transparency and make these considerations visible.

Next, the material has been summarized based on the research questions, if the target has been achieved and to what extent the measures have contributed to the achievement (attempting to address the matters of "why has it/has it not turned out the way it theoretically should and why it is difficult to investigate effects"). This part of the analysis had an inductive focus where the themes ‘accessibility and movement patterns’, ‘different types of effects’, ‘national policies and global trends’, ‘perspectives on social control’, ‘differences and divisions’ crystallized retrospectively, depending on what the material brought forward. In this second thematization, quotation has also been practiced, however, not as extensively. In order to be able to conduct a deeper analysis abstraction has been necessary, making conclusions and moving beyond the manifest analysis.

3.2 Ethical considerations Research ethics relate to the fundamental principle that “the ends do not justify the means in the pursuit of knowledge” (Denscombe, 2010:331).

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Denscombe (2010) lists three key principles underlying codes of research ethics: ● “participants’ interests should be protected; ● participation should be voluntary and based on informed consent; ● researchers should operate in an open and honest matter with respect to the investigation.” (2010:331-335)

The overarching idea is that participants should be protected from any harm as a consequence of their participation, accounting for the time of the study as well as potential later repercussions (ibid.). Any information obtained through the interviews in this study has been treated confidentially, the information has not been shared with other participants or anyone not directly involved in the research. The informants have been anonymized to the largest extent possible and their participation has been voluntary with the option to terminate the interview at any time or avoid answering particular questions. The informants received information about the purpose of the study prior to their participation and were given the option to listen to the recordings with a possibility to adjust their statements afterwards. The audio recordings will be deleted upon the approval of the study. The informants were further informed that the degree of anonymity is not complete with regards to the limited geographical area of study. However on the whole, the empirical and analytical processes have been considered unlikely to involve personal risks to the participants.

3.3 Critical reflection of methodology

Methodological considerations have been accounted for throughout section 3.1. However, this section aims to broadly reflect upon quality of research in relation to aspects such as validity and reliability.

3.4.1 Reliability The concept of reliability refers to consistency of the measurement, the absence of random errors is a crucial aspect (Sverke, 2004). Reliability relates to replicability, the ability to perform the study again with a similar result. As this study is designed as a case study, the point has been to investigate a specific phenomenon and the relations dependant on this particular time and place. The ambition has not been to account for replicability in terms of results due to the likelihood that these are context dependent. It is however possible to replicate the study in terms of methodology and to account for this, the intention has been to maintain a high level of transparency in the description of methods. By recording the interviews and by processing the same material multiple times, random errors have been avoided to the largest extent possible. Regarding generalizability (the possibility to make general conclusions from the results of this study), the expectation of a case study approach is that the context plays a crucial role; it can therefore be problematic to generalize the results to other places and contexts. The idea is, however, that the results can be compared to areas with similar social and physical environments. Alternatively, the results can be compared to previous research, confirming or rejecting theories related to the same subject.

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3.4.2 Validity The concept of validity refers to the applied method allowing the study to measure what it is intended to measure, absence of systematic errors is a crucial aspect (Sverke, 2004). Validity is one of the strengths regarding interviews as the researcher is able to check for accuracy and relevance at the same time as the data is collected (Denscombe, 2010). However, when measuring qualitative variables (as in this case, perception) it is not always obvious how measuring should be carried out and it is further associated with difficulties of verifying information regarding people's thoughts or feelings. To some extent it is possible to account for credibility through triangulation (ibid.), for example this study has verified statements regarding the process for establishing rents and information regarding ongoing planning projects (see section 5 Empirical findings). Lastly, data obtained through the interviews has been categorized into themes in order to avoid basing findings on a single interview and extensive quotation has been practiced to ensure transparency.

3.4.3 General comments, empirical procedures The author of this paper is not a resident in Malmö and has only spent a limited amount of time in the study area prior to this study. The reader of this paper should be made aware that the author is of Swedish origin, female, and enrolled in university studies. These personal features may affect the empirical investigation indirectly as the informants’ perceptions of the author can affect their adaptation of answers, especially since the interviews were conducted in person. The interviews have been conducted in Swedish and translated by the author, the original quotes in Swedish can be found in appendix 5.

4. Case study: Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie

The focus of this study are the city districts Kroksbäck and Holma, located in Malmö, Sweden. The investigation focuses on planning and implementation of transport infrastructure in the area between the years 2007-2018. The purpose is to target infrastructure built in conjunction with the development of a new urban district, Hyllie, located just south of Kroksbäck and Holma. Figure 2 below shows the study area, marked with a circle, in relation to regional nodes.

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Figure 2. Overview map. The circle marks the area of study, 1) Malmö central station, 2) Copenhagen central station. (Source: TerraMetrics, Google Maps 2020. The image is processed by the author.)

However, reviewing the area in its context could provide a better understanding of cause and effect. This background serves as an overview of ideas and plans which have come to shape the area and affect preconditions for future urban planning. This chapter presents the findings from the literature review of municipal planning documents (see appendix 3). Targets, strategies and measures are laid out and provide the basis on which the rest of the study relies. The goals and strategies play a crucial role for which indicators are selected and which questions are important for the interview study to address.

The development of Kroksbäck, Holma and Hyllie 1956-2014 The original purpose of Holma and Kroksbäck was to accommodate a growing population (Malmö stad, 1956; Malmö stad, 1966). The plan was to provide these areas with a local service center since the inner city would be insufficient in terms of supply and access to essential service for the predicted population growth (Malmö stad, 1966). Kroksbäck-Holma was developed ensuring an undisturbed traffic flow for all modes of transport in order to maximize efficiency and safety. This meant to separate the street network for motor vehicles and bicycles and to create vehicle-free environments in residential areas. Barrier effects were reduced by ensuring over or underpasses for pedestrians so they did not have to interact with motor vehicles to move between important target points. The ring road system that surrounds Kroksbäck and Holma was planned in order to relieve the inner city from heavy traffic and transit passages, contributing to a better environment in the city without compromising capacity for regional transport (ibid.).

However, as a consequence of the oil crisis in the 1970’s the industrial expansion halted which resulted in population and economic decline (Malmö stad, 1980). For Kroksbäck and Holma, this meant that the plans for a service center were put on hold. For Malmö, this brought out a change of development strategy, from a forecast driven planning to a communicative and target driven approach. The crisis spurred discussions of developing Malmö into a diverse city in terms of employment and citizens to be less vulnerable to changing conditions, regional questions were also getting more attention (ibid.).

The regional matters were in focus during the 1990’s and extensive investments in infrastructure were made, the Öresund bridge being the flagship project. The idea was now to develop Hyllie with its role as an important transit node in the Öresund region (Malmö stad, 1990). Simultaneously, the plan was to strengthen the identity in existing residential areas such as Kroksbäck and Holma. That would however, not be done by expensive physical reconstruction but rather through a “long term and purposeful work with emphasis on citizen engagement” (Malmö stad, 1990:80), examples including urban gardening projects in the housing estates. The focus was still to steer traffic flows to suitable roads and a green wedge just west of Kroksbäck was reserved for road purposes (future Lorensborgsgatan) to accommodate the future transport demand expected to be a consequence of the Hyllie development (ibid.).

During the 2000’s Malmö transformed into a knowledge intensive city with a developed business sector. Hyllie’s role in this rebooted city kept growing and the municipality attempted to create the Hyllie district with attractive housing, business and “lavish parks and other public places” (Malmö stad 2000:78). The

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targets of the Comprehensive plan also inspired a dedicated traffic strategy (Malmö stad, 2004) where the main focus was to adapt the transport network (including bus routes and bicycle paths) to the new ‘City-tunnel’, an underground railway connecting Hyllie to two train stations in the central parts of Malmö. Designing vivid and pleasant streetscapes became a tool for achieving a safe and accessible city. Social matters were given attention in the Comprehensive plan and it was recognized that differences of living conditions in Malmö were growing (Malmö stad, 2000). Social balance was to be achieved through provision of meeting places and ensuring that all citizens had access to the opportunities of the city. The plan was to connect Kroksbäck and Holma to Hyllie via a road and the area in between (see figure 2 below) was planned for different forms of housing, service and certain leisure activities. Surrounding roads such as the Inner ring and Lorensborgsgatan were recognized as barriers. Streets and bicycle paths were planned to cross via bridges and tunnels to reduce negative barrier effects.

The ongoing work to plan the new Hyllie district resulted in a so called ‘Dialog-PM’ (Dialogue-Memo) in 2009 where the ideas and thoughts about the area Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck were gathered and put together into a physical proposal (Malmö stad, 2009). The municipality has been using ‘Dialog-PM’ as forums and processes for different strategic questions for multiple development areas in Malmö (ibid.). The resulting documents are not legally binding but they serve as a base and influence comprehensive as well as detailed planning. The purpose of ‘Dialog-PM’ for Hyllie was to clarify the ambitions for the area and to propose strategies and key measures for “how the new development in Hyllie can be linked in a sustainable way to the existing environment” (Malmö stad, 2009:7). The goal was to make Hyllie an integrated part in the urban landscape, socially and physically. A crucial question for this has been movement and meetings which have been seen as a conditions for achieving a good built environment, a vivid business life and a rich social life. Hyllievångsvägen and the connecting Hyllie Boulevard are identified as key links which disposes of the important north-south traffic flow. The physical proposal, crafted particularly to support and provide conditions for as much movement, meetings and ‘eyes’ as possible, include opening up streets for new traffic and eliminating cul-de-sacs in order to encourage traffic to pass through. The streetscapes should become attractive places where people would like to meet and sojourn which meant that target points should be distributed along streets, for example business with entrances facing Hyllievångsvägen were suggested. Hyllievångsvägen should further be planned in a straight line to promote fast routes with public transport and to reduce visual barrier effects. Opening up connections for traffic between local streets in Kroksbäck to Lorensborgsgatan is also suggested to bring more movement into the area (ibid.).

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Figure 3. Suggested development. Primary links in black, secondary links in orange. (Source: Malmö stad, 2009:28)

The Comprehensive plan for 2014 retains the planned structure for Hylie, Kroksbäck and Holma. Malmö is striving to become a dense, green and ‘close’ city. The overarching ideas are to promote social balance by using public transport to support integration, and encourage movements between different parts of the city by providing a variety of non-commercial meeting places (Malmö stad, 2014). Public streets are recognized for their potential of becoming places where people meet, a pedestrian friendly design and new target points along certain passageways are therefore needed. A healthy city should further be pursued by protecting quiet areas and by ensuring a supply of housing at reasonable price (ibid.).

Summary - development of Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck To summarize, the development of Hyllie, Kroksbäck and Holma have been affected by different trends and preconditions throughout the years. The targets have largely stayed the same, an area of regional importance where a variety of people work and live their best possible lives. The strategies and measures supporting the goals have, however, changed. This background has served as a practical framework to understand the different driving forces affecting development. The target in focus for this study is the long term sustainable development of Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck through social and physical integration. An urban development characterized by good access to opportunities such as labour markets and service, a safe and enjoyable environment, opportunities to meet and integrate with fellow citizens, and a place where people are able to make sustainable life choices for themselves.

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The strategies applied to pursue the targets are the following: ● Connect Hyllie to Holma and Kroksbäck and reduce barrier effects. ● Promote movement within and between districts. ● Encourage meetings between people and provide people with reasons to move through the area. ● Provide opportunities to travel environmentally friendly.

The physical interventions identified as keys to reach the targets are: ● Open up streets for new kinds of traffic, design streetscapes where all modes of transport can coexist. ● Eliminate cul-de-sacs such as Hyllievångsvägen, Holmavångsvägen and Norrbäcksgatan. ● Connect the districts by fast and central bus routes, for example along Hyllievångsvägen and Holmavångsvägen. ● Locate target points along streets, for example a swim arena or entrances facing Hyllievångsvägen.

Where are we now? In 2020 several of these key measures have been implemented (see figure 4). Holmavångsvägen and Hyllievångsvägen are no longer dead-ends and local bus routes pass through the districts. Hyllievångsvägen is extended to Hyllie Boulevard, a multi modal street where pedestrians, bicyclists and motor vehicles move alongside each other. A swim arena is located just south of Kroksbäck along Hyllievångsvägen and both Kroksbäck and Holma are connected to Hyllie via road bridges crossing the Inner ring. New, dense urban development projects with mixed functions are under construction on the land between Kroksbäck-Holma and the Inner ring.

Figure 4. Extension of Hyllievångsvägen. (Photo by author)

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In order to study if the infrastructure had desirable effects for the area, the above standing targets and measures provide the basis of what the results are to be compared with. Data from 2007-2018 is being considered in order to study effects before and after. Hyllievångsvägen was constructed in 2011, but had a different stretch during the first three years. In 2013 the road was redesigned into its current form.

Figure 5. Development of the study area 2001-2020. (Source: Fotokarta Malmö stad 2020, https://kartor.malmo.se/rest/leaf/1.0/?config=../configs-1.0/malmo_atlas.js.​ The image is processed by the author.)

5. Empirical findings In the following chapter, the empirical findings from the document study and the semi-structured interviews will be presented. The document study has focused on secondary data (indicators tied to the targets that have been identified in chapter 4, see appendix 1 for a full list of indicators and data sources). The interviews have focused on perceived changes related to the targets. The material has been categorized into four themes and the chapter is organized accordingly: - economic change, - transport and accessibility, - participation and community, - safety and well-being. The themes are based on the overarching targets of the urban development and the infrastructure investments as laid out in the previous chapter, an urban development characterized by good access to opportunities such as labour markets and service, a safe and enjoyable environment, opportunities to meet and integrate with fellow citizens, and a place where people are able to make sustainable life choices for themselves.

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5.1 Economic change

This theme relates to the economic situation in the area and includes findings about employment, education and income of the population living in Hyllie, Holma and Kroksbäck. Comparisons are made to Malmö as a whole, including Hyllie and all other city districts in the entire municipality. Further, the theme includes topics such as rent levels and different kinds of housing and housing conditions affecting rent, financial consequences for local businesses during construction as well as investments in local service.

5.1.1 Employment An overall decline in employment rates can be distinguished after the 2008 global financial crisis. Malmö as a whole has recovered from the decline at a faster pace, reaching the same levels of employment in 2013-14 as the city had in 2007. Holma reached their 2007 level in 2016, while Kroksbäck has not yet fully recovered (56,3% in the latest report versus 57,5% in 2007). The employment rates in Holma and Kroksbäck are lower than the rate in Malmö as a whole. Between 2015 and 2016 it is possible to distinguish a faster increase in Kroksbäck and Holma in comparison to Malmö as a whole that shows a more stable progress throughout the years. Data for Hyllie is presented from 2013 and onwards, due to low population number before 2013. The employment rate rapidly swings back and forth as large flows of people move into the district in a short period of time, affecting the data.

Figure 6. Employment, share of total population 20-64 years.

5.1.2 Education level The population in Kroksbäck and Holma have a relatively evenly distribution across the three different education levels presented above than the population Malmö as a whole where a relative majority has pursued a post-secondary education and less than 15% of citizens between 20 and 64 years old has not

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continued to study after their pre-secondary education. The share of people pursuing a post-secondary education in Kroksbäck is growing and the same is noted for Holma, however, the increase is slower in both Kroksbäck and Holma (from 23,8% to 28,3% between 2008 and 2018 in Holma) compared to Malmö as a whole (increasing from 40,2% to 47,2% during the same time period). The share of people with a pre-secondary education is decreasing in Malmö while in Kroksbäck and Holma the share has stayed on the same levels since it began measuring. Regarding Hyllievång, data is presented from 2013 and onwards, due to low population numbers before 2013. The rates rapidly swing back and forth as more people move into the district, affecting the data. It is, however, possible to observe education levels generally being similar to Malmö as a whole.

Figure 7. Education level Holma, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.

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Figure 8. Education level Kroksbäck, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.

Figure 9. Education level Hyllievång, compared to Malmö total population 20-64.

5.1.3 Income The graph presents median as well as average annual income levels in each district and in Malmö as a whole.

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Since 2007 the income levels have increased at about the same pace in all districts (excluding Hyllievång as low population numbers affect the results), thereby there is no apparent difference before and after the infrastructure investments 2011-2013. Kroksbäck and Holma have lower income levels compared to the city as a whole.

Figure 10. Annual income, median and average.

5.1.4 Citizen perspective on economic impact of new infrastructure in Hyllie Regarding economic impacts of urban development related to Hyllie, the informants highlight topics such as rent, housing conditions, financial consequences for businesses and investments in local service. The perspectives of how rent levels are affected by urban development differs somewhat. Informant 1 (I1) clarifies that rent levels in existing areas such as Kroksbäck and Holma have not been affected by new developments or investments in public infrastructure since the rent is established through criteria related to the standard of the apartments rather than the attractiveness of the surrounding area. Further, in case a landlord would like to raise the rent level, it needs to be preceded by negotiations with the tenant association.

“it's not just that you can raise rents because the area is attractive. It is about the status of the apartments. In order to make such a raise, they must also renovate the apartments and backyards and stuff to be able to do such a thing. And there, after all, the property owner can not just go in and do, but he has to bring it up with us in the tenants' association.” ​(I1)

Informant 2 (I2) agrees that the infrastructure and development in conjunction with Hyllie has not affected rent levels in Holma-Kroksbäck as the existing buildings have still been able to remain in place. The current

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rent level is seen by I2 as one of the benefits of being located in Holma-Kroksbäck, the rent is low which makes it possible to run nonprofit organizations from here. However, I2 raises concerns about future densification within the Holma-Kroksbäck district as this could lead to demolition of the current facilities and a new facility would probably not be able to offer the same low rent level.

“We have a special advantage [...] our rent is low! It is just under half a million a year. Which is very cheap. And if we were in a new house, a newly built house, then I think it would have been impossible.” ​ (I2)

Informant 3 (I3) mentions that while it is the condition of the apartment that determines the rent level, the new infrastructure has had an impact in existing areas as well in terms of improved access to certain amenities.

“[The landlord] checked how it is in the area. Then they selected some apartments. And my apartment was, I think, one of them. I didn’t meet them when they were here checking but then my rent was raised like 800, 900 I think [...] [They check] around, what there is. You know, as soon as there’s something, a shopping mall opening, or something. If a bank opens, for example, in the neighbourhood and stuff."​ (I3)

The demand for housing and premises for rent has, according to the informants, largely been unaffected by the infrastructure investments in and around Kroksbäck and Holma. The informants refer to a lack of housing and premises in the whole city driving the demand higher everywhere. Besides, the rent levels are seen as relatively low in Kroksbäck and Holma which makes the districts sought after regardless of investments in public infrastructure.

“No, apartments are in demand all the time. After all, there won't be an empty apartment until the next one moves in. That's what it’s like, everywhere. [...] Well it’s not that something isn’t rented here because people want to live in Hyllie, because after all, the rents are governing people. Here the rents are cheaper than in Hyllie.” ​ (I1)

“Not everyone wants that nice and modern, some want to live like this. These are no undermined apartments. They are fine as they are. But they are built 73-74 so it’s.. I think that whatever it is, all apartments are needed.” ​ (I1)

“It is very difficult indeed. It's not easy to get in. [...] Long queues. And I get people knocking at my door at least two, three times a year. And then they ask, if they want, if I want to exchange apartments with someone over there in the other apartments or at the other stairwell or something like that. Because I have a little bigger, you know. So those who have a little smaller or something, then they ask.” (I3)

I3 has not recognized any change in demand due to new housing being built in the area around Hyllie that affects Kroksbäck-Holma, but believes this development might have had effects for the Danish population.

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“They built many apartments.. And then, most of it is for selling and stuff. But.. And there was a lot of what I heard, from Copenhagen because it's very expensive in Copenhagen to have an apartment or housing and stuff. And to compare money, our money with Danish money. So there are quite a few who moved here, you know. But I don’t think it affects us really. Since we have rentals..”​ (I3)

I3 admits that there are people that have moved from Kroksbäck-Holma to Hyllie but goes on to argue that the higher rent levels in the new developments does not necessarily mean a better quality of housing and environment in general. The majority of the population in Kroksbäck-Holma have been living in the area for a long period of time and I3 relates this to the fact that people seem to enjoy their apartments.

“So, my friend who’s also on an association board, she rented an apartment for.. when they just built them you know. [...] First when she rented the apartment it was open air in front of her, you know. But then suddenly there came an apartment with this distance! She said that, almost all the time it looks like people are watching, you know.” ​ (I3)

“My neighbors are, I think the newest one arrived because [the previous neighbour] passed away, she lived here for like 30, 40 years. So she passed away and a new neighbor came. But otherwise most of them have also lived like 15, 20 years. We have really nice apartments actually. They are quite big and airy and bright and stuff.” (​ I3)

Regarding the supply of local service, the informants share the perspective that the new infrastructure investments and opportunity to access service in Hyllie have had a negligible effect for business life in Kroksbäck-Holma. They mention that Kroksbäck-Holma never had any local service or business to talk about and that both areas look quite the same in terms of service supply. They mention a few changes which they have experienced throughout the years but are unable to connect these changes to the investments in public infrastructure. Among the changes that are identified as important for the residents are the closure of the local post office and the opening of an ATM. A few businesses which have been destroyed in fires have not been rebuilt.

“We have never had many shops here. We haven't had that. There have been two small shops, so no we’ve never had that. [...] Well we wanted ICA and such, for example. We finally got an ATM in the square here now. That hasn't been here before either. So people had to leave the area, because at that time there was no Emporia.” ​(I1)

“No, in principle, there is no service at all. There is basically only one thing here. There is a shop. ‘Best food’.” ​ (I2)

“No.. so it used to be.. we had mail service and stuff like that. Then they [residents in Kroksbäck] belonged to our post office and so on. But when that was shut down, that disappeared.”​ (I1)

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One of the informants state that there has been a slight change in the local supply of service and believes that it is possible that this change can be derived from the newfound access to the commercial center in Hyllie. As an example, the informant describes a situation when the residents in Kroksbäck-Holma wanted facilities to start up a gym specifically for women. Their request for help was denied by the landlord with reference to gym opportunities in Hyllie.

"Well when I wanted to start talking to them, you know, they said ‘nah but we have made it so it's so close and nice’. So it turned out they are not willing, to actually help here, because they have started that project there.”​ (I3)

“And I think the property owners, they will change quite a lot. Because I think it’ll be that it isn’t about the residents but it’ll be about money. And where do we invest the money? On the new.”​ (I1)

5.2 Transport and accessibility

This theme relates to the travel situation in the area and includes findings about citizens’ travel habits. Further the theme includes topics such as target points and barriers, the impact of infrastructure and traffic flows from a citizen view as well as movement within and through the area.

5.2.1 Modal split The figure presents data from two travel surveys. The top three bars represent the results from 2013 and the bottom three represent the results from 2018. The lack of conducted travel surveys in Malmö limits the study, data from previous years could have provided a more nuanced picture but the comparison made here is considered valuable due to the fact that the preconditions for transport in 2013 differs from 2018. For example, it is not until 2013 that Hyllievångsvägen is reconstructed into its current form, the bus routes through Holma and Kroksbäck were not yet implemented and the housing and the swimming arena between Holma-Kroksbäck and Hyllie was not built.

Travel by car is the most common travel mode in all districts and this result is continuing in both surveys. In Kroksbäck/Holma it is least common to travel by train (4 %, no change between 2013 and 2018), it is further more common to walk and to travel by bike than it is to travel by bus in 2013 but this changed in the 2018 survey when the share of travels made by bus has increased from 13% to 23% and thereby surpassed travels made on foot. To bike is however still more common than travelling by bus in Kroksbäck/Holma in 2018. Even though cars are the most common mode of transport, it has become less common in 2018 compared to 2013.

Overall in 2013 the modal split in Kroksbäck/Holma is quite similar to the modal split in Malmö as a whole. The main difference is that it is more common to walk in Kroksbäck/Holma than it is in Malmö as a whole (18% in Kroksbäck/Holma versus 15% in Malmö), and it is more common to travel by train in Malmö compared to Kroksbäck/Holma (7% versus 4%).

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In 2013 trains were the least common mode of transport in Hyllie. It was also more common to walk on foot than it was to bike or to travel by bus. This has changed in 2018 when walking is the least common mode of transport of all in Hyllie (from 18% in 2013 to 7% in 2018). Trains have increased from accounting for 10% of all trips to accounting for 16%. Bus usage has increased the most, from 4% to 17% in 2018. Travel by car has become less common but is still the most common mode of transport of all. In comparison to the city as a whole, it is more common to choose the car in Hyllie. In 2013 it was about as common to walk in Hyllie as it was in Kroksbäck/Holma but in 2018 it is less common to walk in Hyllie in comparison to Kroksbäck/Holma. It is further less common to travel by bike in Hyllie compared to Kroksbäck/Holma.

Figure 11. Modal split, share of trips by mode of transport.

5.2.2 Frequency of trips Overall the results show that a fewer number of trips are made in 2018 in comparison to 2013. The difference is most apparent in Hyllie where in average 3 daily trips have become 1,9. The least number of average daily trips is made by citizens in Kroksbäck/Holma, the difference is however smaller in 2018 compared to the 2013 survey.

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Figure 12. Frequency of trips, average number per day and person.

5.2.3 Car ownership Not including the result from 2007, car ownership has kept the same levels throughout the years in Malmö, around 40-41% of the population owns one or more cars. Car ownership is lower in Holma than in the city as a whole, it has been decreasing until 2012 (30,1% as the lowest) but has since then slowly increased with 31,5% as the latest results show. Kroksbäck shows higher numbers than the city as a whole but also represents the largest decline since it started measuring. Starting at 51,7% in 2007 and has varied between 43-46% since 2010. The numbers for Hyllie varies as large flows of people move into the district in a short period of time, affecting the data. Since 2016, the numbers have however stayed lower (below 30%) compared to the other districts.

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Figure 13. Car ownership.

5.2.4 Citizen perspectives on impact on transport patterns and accessibility Regarding the urban development and new infrastructure, the informants share their perspective on Kroksbäck’s and Holma’s place and role in the city. They review different kinds of target points and urban versus rural qualities before and after the development around Hyllie started.

“Yes, it feels a little close to the stadium and stuff like that. You can walk there in twelve minutes or so. It feels different. And it's a bit exciting to be so close to Copenhagen and the whole world. And the bridge of course. In the past, Holma was the end. The bus turned around here. And now it goes to Hyllie and even further.” ​ (I2)

“So a lot has happened. 30 years ago, we used to drive a short distance beyond Hyllie or where Emporia is located now. Buy strawberries, pick strawberries ourselves and stuff. But now there’s nothing. Now it's just IKEA and Svågertorp and all that, you know. So everything is for good and for bad, actually.” (I3)

The informants reflect in different ways regarding what type of urban area Holma and Kroksbäck is becoming and what part of the city, which commercial center, the districts belong to.

“If then, there wouldn’t be like, Emporia and Hyllie, but being left here as it has been and we had these little shops that had almost nothing.. what would Holma look like today? People hadn't moved here at all. Because then there wouldn’t have been any service at all. Because then it wouldn’t have

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been possible to go to Emporia because it hadn't existed. Then it was to venture into town again. So you have to see it from many different aspects.” ​ (I1)

“Yes it is filling up with banks and houses and everything. It is becoming like a city there. And then this lies, Holma lies in a way in between Triangeln and Hyllie. But the difference is that we have contacts in two directions now. Before, we only had towards the center. North towards Mobilia and Lorensborg and areas like that.” ​ (I2)

The proximity to agricultural lands is highlighted as one of the main changes, Kroksbäck and Holma has changed from bordering the countryside to being more in the middle of the city.

“It was arable land when I moved out here and there were strawberry fields further down, and the farmer, he was out driving and the rapeseed was grown, and it was just green all the way. So that was fantastic actually. It was, after all, when you moved out here you found it very nice that you came almost to the countryside, you were in the countryside here. Now you’re in the center soon. There were small paths that went down towards Klagshamn and Vintrie where you could take the children and just walk away, just into the wild. It was absolutely fantastic. [...] now there’s so much traffic. These little paths, they are not there anymore. They are huge roads today.”​ (I1)

The informants agree that the new infrastructure has contributed to increased traffic flows and generally more motor vehicles passing through the area as they recognize that this was not possible before due to the dead ends and due to the absence of target points.

“There is a little more traffic, there is. Because you can cross over to the Hyllie center. You couldn't do that before. Because there was no road! Then you had to drive out to Pildammsvägen to get there. You see? But now you can take Holmavångsvägen or whatever it’s called, which goes here. And drive all the way down, to the stadium and so on.”​ (I2)

“There's a lot of driving too, you know, straight to Hyllie. Because there is, they opened both Emporia and Emporia train station, Hyllie swimming arena. [...] Like 20 years, 15 years ago, it was empty throughout that whole main street. It wasn't a main street, the last bit was closed you know. Before the Hyllie swimming arena. So they opened it up. Now I actually see when I go to my training, people who want to use the Hyllie swimming arena park on that street because it’s free parking you know. I’ve seen many coming from the swimming pool and driving their car you know. It must have affected. The traffic.” ​ (I3)

The interviews reveal that infrastructure surrounding Kroksbäck-Holma affect the environment as well, it is not only the extended streets through the districts that has contributed to the change but also Lorensborgsgatan and the Inner ring (Annetorpsvägen) are mentioned to have had an impact.

“And at Norrbäck where I live, for example, my kitchen windows and two of my bedrooms are towards the street called Lorensborgsgatan. And 32 years ago, there was no street. It was one of those,

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what’s it called? Gardens? Where people grew some flowers, vegetables. It was kind of just that. And it was both good and bad. It was good because we had less pollution actually, much less traffic. I believe we had a greener area actually. But then on the other hand now it’s closer to drive everywhere.” ​ (I3)

“You walked and there was a footpath in the middle of the field and so you walked through it and you were in nature. Now everything is, it’s high-rise construction and there are huge roads and a lot of traffic and before Annetorpsleden was built, really, it was so quiet and lovely.” (​ I1)

Despite the increase of traffic flows through the areas, the change in movement patterns within the areas and within the housing estates seem to be limited. When the informants are asked about this the answers are what follows.

“Walking is the only thing you’re allowed to do, you’re not allowed to ride a bike and you’re not allowed to drive a car. But it. No, there is no difference in getting around, no.” (​ I2)

“Perhaps not exactly at the housing estates. But on the street.” ​ (I3)

Regarding if the infrastructure investments have improved or worsened the access to service and different urban amenities, the answers differ somewhat depending on which perspective the informant has. I2 admits to be travelling mostly by a private car and that the infrastructure from this perspective has only made a “minimal difference” (I2) regarding access to service. I1 reflects upon the access to service centers and concludes that it is much easier to travel by bus to a center now, in comparison to how it was before the infrastructure investments. The perspective of elderly is particularly highlighted.

“We have a senior house, which older people live in here and it’s the worst thing in the world for them to have to leave. So it’s much, much better now because it doesn’t take long from here up to Emporia. [...] [Before they had to go] to town. Go to Mobilia. And the bus didn't stop outside Mobilia, so you had to change buses.”​ (I1)

Further, the availability of options is another aspect related to the effects of urban development. Both in terms of which modes of transport that are available and in terms of choice of activity.

“Then I walk to and exercise in Hyllie, at Nordic Wellness. If I don't go to Hyllie, I go to Emporia. But then I usually take the bus home, otherwise it is quite.. walking there and exercising and then.. well, there is everything after all. There is, after all, here's everything.”​ (I1)

5.3 Participation and community

This theme relates to civic engagement and includes findings about voter turnout. Further the theme covers topics such as activities and social interactions taking place in the area, information exchange, meeting places, presence and contact between and among people living in Hyllie, Holma, Kroksbäck and Malmö.

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5.3.1 Voter turnout The figure presents the results of voter turnout in the three latest parliamentary elections. The electoral districts changed between 2014 and 2018 when Hyllievång (previously part of Kroksbäck S-Hyllievång) became a new district. This affects the results which thereby cannot be completely compared, however the population number in Hyllie before 2014 was low which is why the result is still presented here.

In Malmö as a whole, the voter turnout has stayed at about the same level during all election years (79-80%). Voting has increased in the north part of Holma at the same time as it has decreased in the south part. This same pattern can be observed in Kroksbäck, however, the decrease in the south part is not as big there as it is in Holma. Kroksbäck and Holma have a lower turnout than the city as a whole while the opposite relationship prevails in Hyllievång. In total, the distribution is more uneven in 2018 than compared to the two earlier elections.

Figure 14. Voter turnout (%) in general election.

5.3.2 Citizen perspective on the effect of infrastructure and urban development on participation and community engagement I1 and I3 both experience that there has been a difference regarding to what extent residents take part in community activities and find it much more difficult to engage people today compared to what it was like approximately 8-10 years ago. However, this change in residents’ will or ability to participate cannot be derived from the physical changes in the area that has been taking place during the same time period. Instead

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I1 points out that municipal housing policy changes have an apparent impact on residents’ level of engagement in questions related to their community and neighbourhood. I1 argues that since a considerable share of the apartments in the district turned into apartments for the Social Service Administration​1 there has been a decrease of people active in the community. I1 believes that people residing in the apartments that are rented by the social service are not unwilling to engage in their local community but that they lack the tradition of participation and they are not receiving sufficient information about what it means to participate in the local community.

“It was easier in the past. Significantly easier in the past. [...] And those who came here then and moved into our housing here, they had a commitment and a spirit and to care for their neighbourhood. It has, it has begun to disappear. Which is very sad.”​ (I1)

“It was, after all, that many apartments became apartments for the Social service. MKB rents the apartments to the Social service and then they don’t know which tenants move in. Because they don’t sign contracts with MKB, but the Social services do. So that was a very big change. [...] some we have managed to include but many want our facilities but without us here. And that's not how it works because we all belong here. You can’t pick out the ones you don’t want here. So there has been a change.” (I1)

“We have been working in this way that when new people move in, two weeks after they move in we get someone from the board over with a flower and welcome them to the area [...] it doesn’t need to be more complex. Because it’s important for them to recognize someone at least.”​ (I1)

I3 agrees that residents do not seem to know what it means to take part and support the local community and that people also struggle understanding what kind of support the community can provide. I3 also adds another perspective and argues that residents in the area simply do not have the time to help out arranging activities.

“It is really difficult. [...] They are not used to association life and stuff, you know. [...] If they’re young then they’re busy with their sports and mobiles and computers and schools and stuff you know. And then they’re in between and they have children and careers and you know, that. And everything is voluntary, you know, so we work for free. And because of that not many people want to set their time aside for it but it.. I think it's a pity actually. Because it’s needed.” ​ (I3)

“I think many still don’t know what a tenant association is, you know. [...] And so they come, they think it is .. ‘ok I need to get the apartment painted, can you do that?’ That’s not what we meant, you know. Or ‘MKB won’t change my stove’. Yeah, but we’re not a service for error reports, you know.” ​ (I3)

There are differences when it comes to engagement regarding local questions, I2 describes a situation when proposals for urban renewal and densification of the area were presented. I2 argues that some residents opposed more than others and this difference also correlated with the residents’ different forms of tenancy.

1 Socialförvaltningen

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“So it was, them. Kroksbäck are two parts and it was from that side, the condominium side that the protests became the most violent.”​ (I2)

Despite the described lack of will or ability to participate and help out in community related matters, the informants agree that when there are activities being offered, people want to join. I3 admits noticing this trend and explains that it is not a core task for the association to arrange leisure trips and similar but they continue to do so as part of a strategy to get residents’ attention. Such activities also offer people a place to meet in a new context, a possibility to interact with neighbours they would otherwise potentially not have met. Further, representatives for the association try to stay near the housing estates where people normally meet and there find an opening to talk about the importance of participation.

“And then they ask ‘when are we going next time?’ But it’s not our mission to arrange leisure trips like that. But we do it because we think it is, then we have them gathered so we can talk a little about the tenants’ association and then the neighbours come close to each other when they have a full day trip, it is a full day trip you know. But otherwise, it's very difficult and people.. people want a lot but when it's time to help then it's not..” (​ I3)

“We've been to Sofiero, we've been to Kivik, to the apple board. And we've been to Tosselilla. So we have been on so.. we were at Bosjökloster last year to the Christmas market, we have been to Fredriksstad and on these trips morning coffee, lunch and afternoon coffee are included. So they are very appreciated. Everyone wants to join.” ​ (I1)

I1 has another perspective on why it is important to consider arranging activities and taking responsibility for making people actively meet each other and actively offer new experiences. I1 believes that the built environment in this respect has limits for what kind of interaction it can promote and argues that it is somewhat naive to expect that people will find new experiences and opportunities for themselves.

“What's on the outside? Because not everyone gets there. So that, yes I think it’s a very important piece as well. We have been bowling. Then we all took the bus. We took the city bus and went bowling. This with building and changing.. it is important that we are awake and can take care of those who come.” (I1)

It is, however, not all residents in the area that lacks a social network. I3 refers to certain houses with a strong social cohesion where people know and look after each other. Besides this, I3 believes that one of the main benefits of living in Kroksbäck is the extensive social network that exists and long-lasting social contacts with different kinds of people.

So I can say that in our area, at our yard, sometimes they call it 'little Lebanon' because everyone is cousins with each other. There are many, in my staircase three siblings live. And one has lived there at least 20, 25 years. The other one I think has lived there for 15 years or something. And I say that ‘then I mustn’t argue with you or I’ll have three families on me!’ So that’s not possible! [laughter]”​ (I3)

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“And we have thought of moving many times ourselves and we have been looking at buying an apartment or house or something. But then we actually wanted the kids to be with others of different nationalities you know so they know.. people from many different other places you know. And right now, my kids know almost half of Malmö actually!”​ (I3)

According to I2 there is a large variety of different associations and the demand for facilities for arranging public as well as private activities for large groups of people in the area is high. The supply of existing facilities is insufficient and vacancies at events and activities are very rare. I2 mentions that recruitment for activities takes care of itself as people use their social network. Organizations and activities regularly being arranged in Holma are for example choir singing, yoga, ballroom dancing, the Social democratic youth meetings (SSU), churches, a local radio channel, a local initiative for and by young people arranging sports events and a language café. I2 goes on to explain that even though the primary target group of the language café is asylum applicants, it is a popular activity among people with a confirmed residence permit as well and a possibility to interact with people in similar or different live situations. The language café is, however, a temporary activity and dependent on national funds which in turn depends on the number of asylum seekers. As the number of asylum seekers have rapidly dropped since 2016-17, I2 believes the language café will cease to exist next year.

“Certainly. They get to know each other and they change phone numbers. And they talk about us! Because the most important recruitment path for our participants is the mouth to mouth method. That they hear from those who go there that it’s good. We haven’t had a hard time getting participants. We’ve had more than we had capacity for sometimes.” ​ (I2)

Regarding informal, public meeting places I3 have experienced a few changes. These changes are mainly concerning improved quality of parks and recreational areas where people from both Kroksbäck and Holma gather and enjoy spending time together.

“And they’ve made a pretty nice park too. So there are quite a few in the summer, from Norrbäck, they go there and those who have their relatives or people they know from Holma, so they meet a lot.” ​ (I3)

“And then it's the thing they call the skate thing, you know where it is. So they go skateboarding. It’s also very popular indeed.”​ (I3)

5.4 Safety and well-being

This theme relates to how the population thinks and feels about themselves, their home and immediate environment. It includes findings about sickness rates and further brings up topics such as reputation, conflicts and the question of safety from different perspectives.

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5.4.1 Sickness rate Overall the sickness rate has decreased in all districts since it started measuring. The rates are higher in Holma and Kroksbäck than in Malmö as a whole, the difference is however smaller in the most recent years, since 2015 it is possible to distinguish a reduced gap. The sickness rate in Holma (between 32 and 29 days since 2014) is the highest of all districts compared, Hyllievång has the lowest rate (ranging between 27 and 12). In Kroksbäck the number has stayed around 30 days per year since 2012, the two latest years have however shown a lower rate (an average of 26 days).

Figure 15. Sickness rate, average number of days per person and year.

5.4.2 Citizen perspective on the effects of infrastructure and urban development on living environment and well-being I1 relates safety to the creation of a community in the neighbourhood and mentions that different activities and events can have a positive effect on the community feeling. Another aspect that the informant emphasizes is important for the residents’ well-being is information. To have a place to turn to for questions regarding the neighbourhood and the general living environment. The informant argues that responsibility for providing information regarding features such as the laundry room or the recycling station should perhaps lie on the landlord or the property owner but in situations when these institutions fail in this regard the informant believes there is a risk of residents feeling alone in the neighbourhood. According to I1 the area struggles with crime, problems related to violence and drug abuse, and exemplifies that there have been local initiatives such as neighbourhood watch and cooperation with the local police department to overcome these problems. Lighting of public places is another measure that has been taken in order to improve the perception of safety. However, I1 does not relate any change (positive or negative) to urban development or infrastructure investments in the area.

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“Then it’s about creating community, safety in the area. To have activities, different arrangements. So that the residents feel that there is some security here and that they can come to us, that something happens. That's our role on the whole. Meet them when they come and wonder about things.”​ (I1)

Informant 2 admits that there have been violent situations in the district but believes it is no different from any other district in the city and does not feel unsafe moving around in any way.

“There haven't been that many horrible things, it has been scattered all over the city in many places, but the day before yesterday, one person was shot dead in Holma. They’ve probably picked one or two suspected killers. That's something you always hear when talking to someone about where you live. But I have no problems with Holma [...] it is not that I in any way don’t walk through the area.” ​ (I2)

Informant 3 presents doubts about the new infrastructure and questions whether people find it enjoyable to walk along, the informant has concerns mainly due to the fact that the surrounding area is quite empty.

“They still think it's a bit far actually. It is not far because, obviously you have to do a little yourself too, the gym can not come to the living room you know but they think it is a little.. an empty area you know. It is along that street that you drive or walk.” (​ I3)

The informants are further addressing traffic-related issues affecting safety and well-being. For example, informant 2 points out that traffic passing through has made it possible for people to ignore speed limits as the street is no longer a dead end and cars can now continue where they previously would have to stop. Further, access to the new train station in Hyllie is of concern for informant 3. The informant, as a parent, worries that the station might be a new kind of meeting place for youngsters and questions if that is a good thing or not.

“It’s good. There is probably one bad thing too and that is young men, macho, driving damn terribly. In 130 on these roads. And it is a freer way for criminals.” ​(I2)

“Yes .. it was, it was limiting in a way. Why drive south at all? After all, there was no chance to drive anywhere, because you didn't get anywhere. Nowhere. And now there’s traffic that way. Quite uninhibited. And it’s something many residents have reacted to, thinking about their safety and security and stuff like that and they are terribly annoyed.” ​(I2)

“I can say, I'm happy I don't have young children. Because if I had teenagers, or 10, 12 year olds and 15 year olds then it’s for good and for bad you know. With Emporia and with the train station and stuff you know. Because, because considering what age you are, you know. For me who’s 50 plus I think it’s great. That there’s a train station, if I'm going to Copenhagen it's quick you know. But then if you have a teenager you may not want to.. they reach train stations and that stuff so easily you know.” ​ (I3)

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I2 exemplifies an unpleasant situation regarding a conflict between a resident and the activities taking place through the association. I2 proclaims that even though the conflict was about loud music, I2 perceived the music to be merely an excuse for the resident to express racist ideas. I2 expresses concern that similar conflicts might increase in the future if Holma undergoes further densification resulting in activities becoming more and more integrated with the housing estates. Since providing facilities for festivities is one of the core missions, I2 cannot imagine a future for the association if such a scenario were to become real.

“We’ve had some problems here with music on Friday, Saturday nights. It's been parties and stuff. And the environmental administration has been here and measured and there was a sick woman who reported us to the police and everything, and wrote horrible things on the internet and it was, she was a Swedish democrat so she wrote on Facebook but.. and she then switched to NMR , if you know? [...] it was an unpleasant situation and it would not be good to move closer to the high-rise buildings there.” (​ I2)

Another aspect being brought up in the interviews is the division within the districts, both Holma and Kroksbäck are divided into smaller sub-districts. For example I3 is able to point out three different districts within Kroksbäck, basically north, middle and south. According to I3 there have been conflicts between these sub-districts, involving children fighting and throwing stones at each other, but that the situation is better now. I3 is, however, unsure of why the situation has improved but believes it has to do with the fact that people have gotten to know each other better simply because they have been neighbours for a long period of time. At first, I3 proclaims that Kroksbäck is safe and believes that it is so because of the reason just mentioned but goes on to express feeling a bit unsafe still in one of the sub-districts.

“A lot has happened. I live by the first houses, which is called Norrbäck. Here where we’re sitting, this is Mellanbäck. Kroksbäck is divided into three parts.” (​ I3)

“I don't know if, because I've lived here for so many years, if they know me. In fact, if I'm being honest, many of the kids are adults now. They can be 30, 40 years, 28 something. They have all been young! [...] But not on that side really, I don't feel safe.” (​ I3)

I2 also recognizes sub-districts and for example talks about how the residents in condominiums preferably would not like to be associated with the name Holma and therefore have suggested a different name for the sub-district mainly consisting of condominiums. I3 has experienced a similar situation when people living in the new developments just south of Kroksbäck are sure to say that they live in Hyllie and not in Kroksbäck.

“Holma is associated with immigrants and crime. And that's why they didn't want to be called Holma. Just the same as [a housing cooperative] does not want, does not want it to say that it is located in Holma. But it is located in Fosiedal.” ​ (I2)

“And then maybe it got a bad stamp, it’s Kroksbäck so it’s.. If you say Hyllie then it is.. When my friend lived there, she’s Swedish, she said ‘I live in Hyllie you know!’. So it was really.. not Kroksbäck you know.” ​ (I3)

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Regarding general well-being in the area, I3 finds Kroksbäck to be a little too lively in the evenings. Especially during the summer months it is not uncommon to see entire families being outside, having picnics and children playing after bedtime. Even though I3 points out that the issue is minor since people usually have respect for each other, I3 believes that somewhat stricter rules would not hurt.

“Sometimes, actually, in the summer, it’s a little bit difficult. Because our dear neighbours, I don’t know if many of them don’t work? Or it’s something else, but their culture is not the same as my culture. And, as I said, they are relatives. So then they’re there eleven, twelve at night. Sitting in the yard. The kids can run, play ball and stuff. And loud. [...] Then maybe we are a little sensitive too. We listen and ‘oh is that a sound?’ If we hadn't seen it maybe then we would’ve been able to sleep you know. There is also a Swedish jealousy. Why do they get to enjoy when I have to sleep?”​ (I3)

5.5 Summary of findings

This study set out to identify targets and strategies of urban development in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck in Malmö, Sweden. It was found that the overarching target was a long term sustainable development through social and physical integration. The idea was to develop an area characterized by good access to opportunities and amenities, a place which people enjoy and where social interaction is encouraged. The strategies have been to promote movement, provide conditions for meetings between people and to reduce barrier effects. The study found that certain physical interventions, for example opening up cul-de-sacs such as Hyllievångsvägen, implementation of local bus routes and locating target points such as Hylliebadet have been pointed out as keys in the pursuit of the targets.

Regarding to what extent these physical interventions and implemented infrastructure have affected the social environment is a complicated question and due to the limited amount of data it has not been possible to make any statistically significant conclusions on cause and effect based on the results of this study. What is possible, however, is to compare the statistical indicators to each other and to the results of the interview study.

The results of the indicator study showed that the different ​districts differ from each other​. Several indicators have presented differences, not only between Hyllie and Holma-Kroksbäck but differences between Holma and Kroksbäck as well. For example, employment rates and the amount of citizens pursuing a post-secondary degree is higher in Kroksbäck than in Holma. In terms of income, Kroksbäck is more comparable to the Malmö average than to their neighbours in Holma. Regarding changes after the infrastructure investments in 2013, the results show a slight increase in employment rates in Holma and Kroksbäck but potential causation can not be determined. The indicator study found that travel patterns have changed between 2013 and 2018. For example, walking used to be common in Kroksbäck-Holma and in Hyllie but it is now more common to travel by public transport. The amount of trips differs depending on district, but the difference is smaller after the infrastructure investments and fewer trips are reported

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overall. In terms of car ownership, Kroksbäck has a higher number than Holma. Regarding voter turnout, differences were found within the districts and those differences have increased between 2014 and 2018.

The informants have shared a few common themes throughout the interviews. For example, they speak about changes regarding movement and accessibility in different ways depending on perspective. Individual features such as age and physical ability, mode of transport, and type of errand influence accessibility. A general idea has been that access to service and commerce has increased but access to nature has decreased. Access for private motor vehicles is more or less the same but public transport has become more accessible after implementation of infrastructure. Regarding pedestrian accessibility, it was found that it is now possible to reach services but the enjoyability of walking is debated. The informants have spoken about the districts as being divided​. Not only the administrative borders separating Kroksbäck, Holma and Hyllie respectively, but social as well as geographical divisions exist within the districts and borders seem to remain despite physical development taking place. Through the interviews it has been possible to identify ​different types of effects of new transport infrastructure. Examples of primary effects such as increasing traffic flows and changes in accessibility as previously mentioned, but also examples of secondary effects such as the potential economic and social impacts of future densification being planned along new public transport routes. It was found that the social environment in the study area is a result, not only of the local physical interventions, but of ​national and global processes as well. Lastly, the informants shared their perspectives on social control and presented their ideas of how control has been created or reduced and what this has meant for life in the area.

6. Analysis and discussion

In the following chapter, the empirical findings are presented and discussed in relation to the theoretical framework which was presented in chapter 2. The analysis is built up around the four research questions:

● What are the targets and intentions of urban development in the area of study? ● What physical measures have been suggested for realizing the targets? ● Has the area of study changed according to the intentions? ● Can such a change be derived from the implementation of the suggested measures?

In 6.1 the targets and main strategies are examined, followed by the physical measures implemented as a result of the strategies and overarching targets. In 6.2-6.3 the empirical findings are used to discuss if and how the targets are achieved and to what extent the investments in physical infrastructure have contributed to achieving those targets.

6.1 Targets, strategies and measures The long term sustainable development of Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck is argued to be dependent on the ability to connect the different districts through social as well as physical integration (Malmö stad, 2009). A socially and physically integrated society is referred to as one without barriers, a place of movement, human

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meetings and social interaction, and where people have the opportunity to make sustainable life choices (ibid.).

The concept of integration has previously been explored (see chapter 2. Theoretical framework) and found to be related to an efficient combination of things (Integration, n.d.). An integrated society is one that has the ability of utilizing common assets in an efficient way, a system able to bridge social, geographical and administrative borders (Bourdieu, 1986; Putnam, 1995/2011; Granovetter, 1973; Kearns, 2004). Approaching integration through dealing with barriers and movement could be understood by reconnecting to ideas on how so-called ‘edges’, traditionally separating one area from another, have the potential of becoming ‘paths’ or transforming into ‘seams’ depending on which perspective is adopted. If people are invited to exist on the edge itself, it could transform people's social experience of the barrier and thereby contribute to a perspective of the city as being less fragmented (Lynch, 1960/2011). The idea of transforming an edge is visible in physical suggestions such as opening up streets for new kinds of traffic, locating target points along streets and eliminating cul-de-sacs (Malmö stad, 2009). More people moving along the edge means more people perceiving it and reproducing it as a path or a seam (Lynch, 1960/2011). More movement also implies more potential fleeting/passive contacts, and ‘eyes’ in the area (Gehl, 1987/2011). In turn, passive contacts is a precondition for development of social networks, social capital and the experience of a sense of community (Putnam, 1995/2011). Adopting this theoretical perspective, it becomes possible to see the physical measures mentioned above as attempts to activate a chain of events where the measures are meant to provide a breeding ground for more social interaction, leading to a potential exchange of knowledge and/or experience between people, followed by a bond of solidarity which in turn could erase social borders, leading to a society able to use resources more efficiently. An integrated society.

So, analyzing the empirical findings of this case study, has it been possible to conclude whether or not this chain of events has been activated as an effect of the investments in physical infrastructure? Are the measures contributing to more movement in the area and is it possible to say if it leads to social interaction?

6.2 Have the targets been achieved? - About accessibility and movement The informants have reported a noticeable increase of traffic flows in the area as an effect of the new infrastructure. They revealed how access to service and commerce has generally improved and that there are more options considering public transport connections now in comparison to before the streets opened up and new bus routes were implemented. However, it has also been found that accessibility and movement have different dimensions and that ​accessibility as a general concept cannot give a detailed description of the state of the physical environment. As an example, while there are more options of using public transport (more routes reaching a larger amount of target points, increased frequency, more stops etcetera), there are fewer options of reaching certain target points on foot.

“we used to drive a short distance beyond Hyllie or where Emporia is located now. Buy strawberries, pick strawberries ourselves and stuff. But now there’s nothing. Now it's just IKEA and Svågertorp and all that, you know. So everything is for good and for bad, actually.” ​(I3)

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This result implies that accessibility depends on which perspective is adopted, that accessibility is linked to what mode of transport is being used and what kind of activity is being performed. For example, going strawberry picking (regardless if going by car or on foot) is no longer within easy access but going to the supermarket is.

In addition, claiming that accessibility by public transport has improved as an effect of new infrastructure is not the whole truth either. As Lucas (2012) argues, accessibility is related to more than physically providing public transport. Factors such as ticket prices and information are important aspects to consider for the individual (Halden, 2011). Reviewing the modal split in 2018 makes it possible to discuss if cost has played a role in this case as it is evident that the share of public transport users has increased to the extent that it is more common than walking, but still not exceeding the share of trips made by bike (see section 5.2.1).

Regarding reaching certain target points on foot, it mainly refers to the specific recreational qualities that used to define Kroksbäck and Holma, illustrated by the quote above. While the results of the interview study points to the fact that it is less stimulating and enjoyable to walk on foot in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck now in comparison to before, the statistical indicators show that walking is more common in Holma-Kroksbäck than in Malmö as a whole and that this trend is continuing before as well as after the implementation of infrastructure. In other words, walking continues to be a common mode of transport in Holma-Kroksbäck regardless if the physical environment is enjoyable or not. One explanation for this relation could relate to what Lucas calls accessibility or exclusion which is “self-enforced” (2012:109), meaning the accessibility individuals believe they have based on their own experience of where they can and cannot go and which mode of transport they can or cannot use. The concept would also offer an explanation to the findings regarding the share of trips made by train as the results do not display any difference before in comparison to after implementation of new infrastructure, despite the shortened physical distance, new bus routes and bicycle paths between Holma-Kroksbäck and Hyllie station. This implies that even though the physical accessibility has improved, the movement does not follow. In this case it means that physically offering opportunities is not enough to achieve the target of more movement and the “effects of the City-tunnel” (Malmö stad, 2004:18) do not seem to reach the entire population of Malmö. The opportunity is physically there, but it is perhaps not there socially or economically.

The level of employment has been found to be lower in Holma and Kroksbäck than in Malmö as a whole. The importance of employment in relation to integration and exclusion has been widely researched (see for example Madanipour, 1998/2011). Employment has an impact on destinations, the need for transport and thereby also the mode of transport. Linking this to the results for Hyllie, the level of employment is high while walking on foot is the least common mode of transport (section 5.1.1 and 5.2.1) despite Hyllie being planned and built from an idea of an attractive and walkable city district (Malmö stad, 2005; Malmö stad, 2014).

6.2.1 Movement patterns Similar to the concept of accessibility, the study has found that there are different dimensions of movement. For example, the new infrastructure has created a new movement pattern where people driving a car and using the free parking along Hyllievångsvägen walk along the street to the swimming arena.

“people who want to use the Hyllie swimming arena park on that street because it’s free parking you know. I’ve seen many coming from the swimming pool and driving their car you know.” (​ I3)

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This new movement pattern could, however, be questioned in which ways it contributes to social interaction in the area as the interview study also revealed how most social interaction in Kroksbäck and Holma normally take place around the housing estates.

Several of the identified weaknesses of the physical environment in Holma and Kroksbäck have to do with the environment for pedestrians and aspects such as barriers, lack of options and the absence of a human scale are argued to affect pedestrians negatively (Malmö stad, 2009; Malmö stad 2014). Vivid streetscapes where all modes of transport can coexist is pointed out as important to encourage walking on foot. One strategy concerns transforming main streets into “urban main streets” (Malmö stad, 2014:23).

The results of this study can not confirm that such an approach has led to more pedestrians, it can neither confirm that it has led to a more enjoyable walking environment. It can, however, conclude that the nature of errands made by pedestrians has changed. Again this indicates the importance of defining accessibility to what and for who. Is there such a thing as the “right” and “wrong” kind of movement? Using the concept of utility (argued by Wirth 1938/2011 to be a form of short-sightedness and conditional perspective of benefitting on social activities that characterize the urban way of life) this study has found that movement and accessibility in Holma and Kroksbäck used to relate to recreation but that it has changed and now seem to relate more to commercial activity. As an example, informants mention regular walks to the gym instead of the beach.

“There were small paths that went down towards Klagshamn and Vintrie where you could take the children and just walk away, just into the wild. It was absolutely fantastic. [...] now there’s so much traffic. These little paths, they are not there anymore. They are huge roads today.”​ (I1)

“Then I walk to and exercise in Hyllie, at Nordic Wellness. If I don't go to Hyllie, I go to Emporia. But then I usually take the bus home, otherwise it is quite.. walking there and exercising and then.. well, there is everything after all. There is, after all, here's everything.”​ (I1)

There seems to be a notion of efficiency. For example, movement for recreational purposes is encouraged to take place in parks, not in nature (Malmö stad, 2005; Malmö stad, 2009; Malmö stad 2014). The results of the interview study support the idea of conditional social activities to some extent, it was found that residents gladly take part in social activities but do not see the value of helping to arrange activities themselves (whether it has to do with lack of interest, lack of information or lack of time or resources remain unclear). Perhaps this way of thinking in terms of utility can contribute to understanding urban development in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck in general. Mould (2015) argues that the ideological shift during the 1980’s from urban managerialism to urban entrepreneurialism has made an impact on the way cities are planned, using connectivity and accessible transport solutions in branding strategies as a means to promote economic activity. In this context, the idea of promoting a certain kind of movement is related to what can be packaged and sold while activities and space without a specific purpose become difficult to justify. A sense of completeness and control is prominent in this context. The planning ideal in the area has left little room for undefined space. Mould (2015) acknowledges this phenomenon of contemporary planning practice, and refers to the singularity of planning, when a dominant narrative of productivity and functionality contributes to a reduction of diversity as concepts such as connectivity and accessibility are being used for copy paste urban solutions. A strategy applied to control and dictate human behaviour and presence.

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Thinking in terms of controlling behaviour can also shed new light on the results regarding frequency of trips. In this case, the result shows that residents in Holma-Kroksbäck travel less frequently than residents in Hyllie and in comparison to the overall result for Malmö. This is in line with findings in previous studies on socio-economically vulnerable areas, where residents generally travel less frequently and cover shorter distances, implying that residents in such vulnerable areas use fewer opportunities that the city offers (Lucas, 2012), indicating that these areas are having problems and therefore need to be controlled and adapted to what is considered to be normality. In this study however, the difference is smaller in 2018 compared to 2013, not because residents in Holma-Kroksbäck travel more but because residents in the compared areas travel less. This result raises questions about the purpose of transport infrastructure as a tool for social development. Instead of focusing on areas travelling less frequently, it might be an idea to target areas travelling with a high frequency if the target is to even out conditions. Lucas (2012) argues that hypermobility is the root of transport deprivation. Hyllie is planned to be a regional transport node and the problem, using this perspective, is not Holma and Kroksbäck. Instead it might be possible to argue that Holma and Kroksbäck are kept as targets for urban renewal in an attempt to control potential threats to the dominant narrative of productivity (Mould, 2015).

6.2.2 Summary - achieving targets: accessibility and movement patterns To summarize, envisioning an accessible city district without defining what type of accessibility to prioritize risk confusion and ineffective planning. Defining accessibility includes defining what is supposed to be accessed, from where, and by who. The results of this study means that the first link in the chain of events is fairly weak due to an unclear priority scheme, meaning that it is not possible to tell if the physical infrastructure has contributed to a higher accessibility and more movement in the area. The results have also opened up for further discussion regarding different ideas about public life and social interaction.

6.3 Have the measures contributed to achieving the targets? - About social interaction and community engagement. Social interaction has been found to be a complex parameter to frame. To address the matter here, the following section is structured around four main findings all related to social interaction in one way or another. Starting with a general discussion about the supply of social activities and ​different types of effects,​ followed by the meaning of national policies and global trends for local conditions, perspectives on social interaction in terms of s​ ocial control​ and lastly, social d​ ifferences and divisions​ in the area will be discussed.

6.3.1 Different types of effects The study found that there is a variety of social activities in Kroksbäck-Holma, exemplified through different organizations and associations. These activities have existed before the implementation of the physical measures in focus for this study. The study confirms what has been found in previous research (see for example Gehl, 1987/2011; Granovetter, 1973) regarding the meaning of passive/fleeting contacts in terms of opportunities to access knowledge and experiences. It has also been found that activities and social networks in Kroksbäck-Holma have a form of dialectic relation where associations provide an opportunity for people to meet and interact while at the same time people interacting contribute to recruitment to associations.

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“Certainly. They get to know each other and they change phone numbers. And they talk about us! Because the most important recruitment path for our participants is the mouth to mouth method. That they hear from those who go there that it’s good. We haven’t had a hard time getting participants. We’ve had more than we had capacity for sometimes.” ​ (I2)

However, contrary to the idea of promoting social interaction through high density and mixing functions as suggested in planning documents (Malmö stad, 2005; Malmö stad, 2009; Malmö stad, 2014), the supply of social activities through associations and organizations is found to benefit from the separation of functions in Holma-Kroksbäck. Densification and mixing functions is seen as a potential threat with negative consequences for social activities arranged by associations.

“We have a special advantage [...] our rent is low! It is just under half a million a year. Which is very cheap. And if we were in a new house, a newly built house, then I think it would have been impossible.” ​ (I2)

In this case, attempting to infuse life in the residential area by densification and new infrastructure might cause the opposite and reduce possibilities of engagement and social activities. Densification projects in Holma-Kroksbäck are effects of strategically developing urban areas along important public transport routes (Malmö stad: 2009; Malmö stad, 2014), it could therefore be argued that a potential secondary effect of the infrastructure investments is reduction of possibilities to engage in social activities locally. Another finding related to diversity reduction as a secondary effect is the absence of investments in Holma-Kroksbäck with reference to investments made in Hyllie.

“Well when I wanted to start talking to them, you know, they said ‘nah but we have made it so it's so close and nice’. So it turned out they are not willing, to actually help here, because they have started that project there.”​ (I3)

This indicates that local preconditions have not been taken into consideration and the cluster of activities in Hyllie fails to spread to neighbouring areas. The “north-south flow of movements” (Malmö stad, 2009:23) has been highlighted in the planning phase, but the findings in this study makes it possible to question if there is such a two-way communication or if the flow primarily originates from Kroksbäck-Holma. This study found that residents in Holma-Kroksbäck are familiar with Hyllie and know people residing in Hyllie, future studies on this topic could focus on Hyllie to investigate if the same relation exists from the perspective of residents in Hyllie and thereby conclude whether or not a north-south flow exists.

6.3.2 National policies and global trends By exploring social effects this study has found that physical infrastructure is not the only aspect affecting the local environment. National policy and global trends also play key roles. The results in this study indicate that citizen participation has varied over time regardless of the changes in the physical environment. One example is housing policy, argued to be the primary reason for changes regarding civic engagement.

“It was, after all, that many apartments became apartments for the Social service. MKB rents the apartments to the Social service and then they don’t know which tenants move in. Because they don’t sign contracts with MKB, but the Social services do. So that was a very big change.” ​(I1)

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The study also found that national migration policy affects possibilities of social activities as national funds directed to asylum seekers was found to benefit the social contacts among permanent residents as well. Furthermore, the deregulation of the Swedish national mail service has been highlighted as having a significant impact on social exchange between Kroksbäck and Holma.

“No.. so it used to be.. we had mail service and stuff like that. Then they [population in Kroksbäck] belonged to our post office and so on. But when that was shut down, that disappeared.”​ (I1)

These results further support questions raised in the previous section regarding the effectiveness of transport infrastructure as a means for social development in the Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck case. As Lawton et al (2018:141) puts it, transport infrastructure risks becoming “a ‘sustainability fix’ that largely fails to deal with the over-arching contradictions of market-led urban and suburban development”.

6.3.3 Perspectives on social control Social control is a critical aspect of community and integration as the community spirit is dependent on trust and a common perception that everyone follows the same rules (Putnam, 1995/2011; Rothstein & Kumlin, 2001). In an integrated social system, everyone is a participant and also passive social contacts are characterized by a form of control. This study has found that social control can be perceived in different ways. For example, opening up streets and allowing more traffic flowing through the area has been made in an attempt to create “eyes” (Malmö stad, 2009:26) in order to promote safety and control but according to the findings in the interviews this measure had the opposite effect in this case. The study found that residents in Holma-Kroksbäck associate the Hyllie district and especially the area around the train station with a lack of control. They relate control to recognizing people and vehicles and knowing that everyone around has business in the area, not only passing through.

“After all, there was no chance to drive anywhere, because you didn't get anywhere. Nowhere. And now there’s traffic that way. Quite uninhibited. And it’s something many residents have reacted to, thinking about their safety and security and stuff like that and they are terribly annoyed.” (​ I2)

The results thereby confirm that there was a level of social control in the districts before the implementation of new infrastructure. The study has found that control has mainly emerged from people residing for a long period of time and getting to know each other. ​It is possible that this relates to bonding social capital (Granovetter, 1973) and not seen as beneficial for the city as a whole, explaining why the plan has been to infuse more movement in the district. However, one informant mentions extensive social networks stretching all over the city as an effect of being brought up in Holma-Kroksbäck. The differences of social capital could depend on the individual but another explanation could be the divisions of the districts.

6.3.4 Differences and divisions The study has found considerable differences between the different districts, not only between Hyllie and Holma-Kroksbäck but between Holma and Kroksbäck as well. For example, car ownership is higher in Kroksbäck than in Malmö as a whole while car ownership in Holma is lower. This result is of particular interest since Kroksbäck and Holma are both planned and built from the same principles, the same physical structure of traffic separation and with the same objectives to accommodate a growing population primarily

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served by the center of Malmö. The study has been unable to present an idea of why this difference between Holma and Kroksbäck prevails but it indicates that the physical environment is far from the only aspect affecting people’s mode of transport.

Voter turnout also differs, being higher in Kroksbäck than in Holma. Further, it was found that the population in Kroksbäck to a larger extent protested against suggested development in their neighbourhood, indicating that residents in Kroksbäck are more engaged in their community than residents in Holma. Previous studies (for example Lucas, 2012) have identified a positive relation between car ownership and socioeconomically stronger population groups. This study does not present any statistically significant conclusions but reviewing these results, the same relation seems to prevail in this case.

Differences have been noted within the city districts as well. In terms of voter turnout, the south of Holma has a lower number than the north and the same relation is visible in Kroksbäck. Further, the difference between the districts has increased. This means that, despite the ambitions to create connections by investing in infrastructure and meeting places, the divisions within the districts have grown. According to the results of the interview study, the differences within the districts are socially perceived and there are socially established sub-districts in both Holma and Kroksbäck. The study found identity and conflict to be related to different parts of Kroksbäck and Holma, indicating that borders exist socially regardless if a physical border is visible or not.

“I live by the first houses, which is called Norrbäck. Here where we’re sitting, this is Mellanbäck. Kroksbäck is divided into three parts.” (​ I3)

The sub-districts mentioned in the interviews have not been given attention in the planning strategies where Kroksbäck and Holma are treated as a single entity and where the primary border to bridge was the one between Hyllie and Holma-Kroksbäck.

“Rather than trying to link Kroksbäck to Holma, the approach must be to link Holma and Kroksbäck to Hyllie and vice versa.” ​ (Malmö stad, 2009:23)

This result is a representation of one of the main challenges of urban planning in general, it means that the social environment changes depending on which level of scale the observer adopts. The result demonstrates the problems of using statistical indicators for evaluation of projects since it is not possible to capture the complexity in a comprehensive way. To account for such shortcomings, this study adopted a mixed methods approach in order to be able to give a more nuanced image regarding social effects of physical infrastructure. However, reflecting critically, investigating effects of a specific measure in an urban setting is nearly impossible.

6.3.5 Final comments, empirical procedures and future studies The city is constantly developing and one of the main difficulties in this study has been to delimit investigation of infrastructure geographically and temporally. The difficulties mainly consist of the fact that not all physical measures were implemented at the same time, planning and construction has happened incrementally (see chapter 4 Case study: Kroksbäck-Holma and Hyllie) and still continues at the time of writing. Effects are therefore expected to emerge gradually and it is probable that it takes time for traffic to adapt to new conditions. Even though 2013 marks the year when Hyllie Boulevard and Hyllievångsvägen were connected in their current position, it is likely that effects are not to be noticed instantly. Due to these

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shortcomings, the interview study took an explorative turn by allowing the informants to reflect upon the urban development more freely. Regarding the indicators, they have been qualitatively analyzed in order to view the results in a broader context. This approach has made conclusions regarding effects of specific physical measures hard to make but it made a general discussion on urban development possible, for example highlighting topics that end-users of the environment themselves find important and that would otherwise not be noticed. Another shortcoming related to the empirical material has been the low population number, particularly in Hyllievång. Extreme values (for example the indicator for car ownership in 2007) have been observed without any apparent reason, all results of the indicator study have therefore been interpreted with caution and no results are statistically significant. Instead, the idea has been to use the statistical data to provide insight and understanding of the socioeconomic context and to discuss the importance of combining methods in spatial planning and research.

Future studies on this topic could benefit from adopting a quantitative focus, one idea could be to select a few indicators and use these to compare several cases or projects of similar kind. This approach would possibly provide statistically significant results on cause and effect related to investments in transport infrastructure. The survey option (as previously mentioned in 3.1.3) could also be a reference for future studies with a quantitative focus. This option would provide an opportunity to include background information about the respondents and their individual features which could be of interest as accessibility has been found to mean different things for different people depending on their individual preconditions. Further focus on the population studied, it is worth repeating what was mentioned previously in section 6.3, future studies could investigate the perceived changes in the area Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck by including the perspectives of people in Hyllie or other parts of Malmö as well. This approach would potentially give a holistic picture of flows and movement patterns in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck.

The initial idea was to include the perspectives of planners and policy makers in this study as well. The purpose was to investigate how they perceive the area now in comparison to before the infrastructure investments were made and to explore if and how their approach towards the area is different. However, due to time limitations this has not been possible but could be an interesting take for future studies, for example it could potentially show if there are differences in what types of effects that are visible to planners versus inhabitants and how that affects prioritization of resources.

Going back to the issue mentioned in the beginning of this section, the difficulty of geographical and temporal delimitations, investigating this same area again in the future could provide information on changing movement patterns or delayed socio-economic effects of transport infrastructure. Urban planning is often concerned with specific targets and target years, knowing when to expect an action to have effect could therefore be valuable input to the planning process.

Lastly, traffic figures from specific traffic counts have not been included in this study but could make a valuable contribution to future studies on the topic. Comparing traffic data with people’s perception of accessibility and movement in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck could provide a deepened understanding of the impact of transport and traffic on society.

7. Conclusion

The target for development has been an integrated society, promoted by physical connections. The underpinning idea has been to activate a chain of events where new physical connections facilitate the forming of new social connections which in turn is a precondition for efficient use of societal resources.

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Regarding the achievement of the target, presenting a clear conclusion has been difficult. The reason for this is embedded in the core of the urban environment, a city is never finished but an ever changing result of interacting processes. A target year for the development in Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck was never established in the planning process and the development is still ongoing. This study identified different aspects affecting the pursuit of an integrated social and physical environment in Hyllie, Holma and Kroksbäck. The image of the study area presented by the informants and the studied indicators is a divided one. It is an image of an area struggling with a lack of civic engagement and where socially perceived barriers on several levels are present. Defining an integrated society as one characterized by bonds of solidarity, able to bridge social, geographical and administrative borders and utilizing societal resources efficiently, it could be argued that Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck is not there yet.

The study found that new infrastructure may in fact reduce the possibilities to engage in certain social activities to some extent. The approach to densify and collocate businesses risks leading to a reduction of diversity in this area since a few of the current activities arranged by organizations and associations require detached facilities and space in between, a quality which the current physical environment can provide but the planned densification along the new public transport routes challenge. This is a potential threat of future urban development and thereby not possible to follow up on in this study. Generally the study has struggled to present a clear picture of the relationship between the physical and the social environment in the study area. Even though Holma and Kroksbäck are located next to each other, planned and built from the same principles and largely sharing the same physical structure, the socioeconomic status and the travel habits in the areas differ.

The study has been able to illustrate the complexity of infrastructure and the urban environment. The new transport infrastructure was found to generate movement in some relations while simultaneously reducing movement in other relations. The study also found national and city-wide policies seemingly more influential regarding the social environment in the study area than the local physical development. For example consequences of the housing contracts with the municipal Social service administration or the reorganization of the national mail service have made a bigger impact for the daily life in Kroksbäck-Holma than the new transport infrastructure on the basis of what has been discussed during the interviews. Lastly, the study found different perspectives on social control. The attempt to infuse movement by opening up streets was an attempt from the municipality to create ‘eyes’ and control, but instead residents experienced a loss of control due to the free flow of people and goods through the area.

7.1 Implications for urban planning

Based on the results and analysis of this study, it is possible to conclude that the concept of accessibility holds many different dimensions, and accessibility for who and what has not been fully defined in the case study area.

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Urban planning is essentially about making difficult decisions, it is about priorities and trade-offs, selecting and by that automatically also deselecting. Defining accessibility for who and what early in the planning process is linked to identifying preconditions and fundamental issues and injustices in the urban environment. Thereby, defining accessibility has potential to contribute to transparency in the planning process as well as in the city as a whole. To identify problems is to acknowledge them, and it is not until structures are made visible that it is possible to engage in a potential solution. My suggestion is to problematize the concept of accessibility as it has been used in developing Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck. Planning for an accessible city district without defining accessibility impedes change as it lacks prioritization. It has become an approach easily abused as a way of avoiding difficult decisions, a concept to hide behind. This is also visible as conceptual confusion in the planning documents where goals and means have been mixed up to the extent where it is difficult to distinguish the difference.

A more hands-on implication which this study has shown relates to the difference of potential for change regarding investments in transport infrastructure. For example, public transport holds potential to change travel patterns rapidly. The construction of a new bus stop in Holma and Kroksbäck increased travels made by public transport noticeably. Construction of new bicycle infrastructure did not show the same rapid change. In this context, conceptual confusion presents yet another problem. If the difference between goals and means is blurred, the modal split, originally a tool meant as guidance in the pursuit of something else (such as the possibility to live a healthy life), risks becoming a target in itself. In the pursuit of affecting the modal split, investments in public transport are more effective than investments in bicycle infrastructure, making public transport a more attractive option to invest in, despite the fact that it might not be the most meaningful or effective alternative in the pursuit of the end goal. This calls for the initial question to be repeated, for planners to constantly keep asking themselves ‘why are we doing this’.

I argue that transport in itself is not an end goal, and it is crucial to distinguish between the concepts in order not to lose track of important values in favor of individual issues. I believe thinking infrastructurally, viewing the city as a network of connections, helps recognize the difference between a problem and its symptoms. Thinking infrastructurally also prepares the planner for unexpected effects and presents an opportunity to holistically evaluate, not only physical changes, but also policy change. In the case of Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck, certain interventions made a considerable impact even though it was perhaps not within the expected area of influence. One such example is the new swimming arena, where the amount of parking space was limited on the site itself to promote other modes of travelling. The result for the environment in Kroksbäck was, however, a considerable increase of traffic and parked vehicles along the local streets.

Finally, using transport infrastructure as a way of targeting the social environment has become a form of unquestioned copy-paste solution. Hyllie-Holma-Kroksbäck is not an exception, no consideration has been given to the different preconditions in the districts respectively. The socioeconomic environment in Kroksbäck and Holma differs despite both districts being built from the same physical principles. Even so, the new physical principles are applied in the same way in both areas in contemporary planning as well. The physical principles have changed over the years, but the approach has not. Considering this, it is questionable what kind of change is possible to achieve.

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Appendix 1. List of indicators

Indicator Description, unit Theme Provider

Employment Proportion (%) of total Economic Malmö stad2​ population in each area, in paid development labour, age 20-64.

Education level Proportion (%) of total Economic Malmö stad3​ population in each area, broken development down by the highest completed level of education, age 20-64.

Income Average and median yearly gross Economic Malmö stad4​ income (sek) of population development residing in each area, taxable compensation, age 20-64.

Modal split Share (%) of trips by mode of Transport and Region Skåne, travel transport per area, main trips, age accessibility survey 20185​ 15-84. Random selection, response rate Malmö stad, travel 29% (2018). survey 20136​ Random selection, response rate 33% (2013)

Frequency of trips Average number of trips per Transport and Region Skåne, travel person in each area, age 15-84. accessibility survey 20187​ Random selection, response rate 29% (2018). Malmö stad, travel Random selection, response rate survey 20138​ 33% (2013)

2 Malmö stad. 2019. ​Statistikunderlag för Malmös områden 2007-2019.​ Malmö: Malmö stad. ​ https://malmo.se/Fakta-och-statistik/Statistik-for-Malmos-omraden.html ​ [Accessed 2020.02.15] 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Region Skåne. 2018. S​ å reser vi i Malmö kommun, Resvaneundersökningen 2018.​ Malmö: Region Skåne. https://malmo.se/Service/Var-stad-och-var-omgivning/Stadsplanering-och-strategier/Framtidens-kollektivtrafik/Resv aneundersokning-i-Skane.html ​ [Accessed 2020.03.03] 6 Malmö stad. 2014. R​ esvaneundersökning i Malmö 2013​. Malmö: Malmö stad. https://malmo.se/Service/Var-stad-och-var-omgivning/Stadsplanering-och-strategier/Framtidens-kollektivtrafik/Resv aneundersokning-i-Skane.html ​ [Accessed 2020.03.03] 7 Region Skåne. 2018. S​ å reser vi i Malmö kommun, Resvaneundersökningen 2018. ​Malmö: Region Skåne. https://malmo.se/Service/Var-stad-och-var-omgivning/Stadsplanering-och-strategier/Framtidens-kollektivtrafik/Resv aneundersokning-i-Skane.html ​ [Accessed 2020.03.03] 8 Malmö stad. 2014. R​ esvaneundersökning i Malmö 2013​. Malmö: Malmö stad. https://malmo.se/Service/Var-stad-och-var-omgivning/Stadsplanering-och-strategier/Framtidens-kollektivtrafik/Resv aneundersokning-i-Skane.html ​ [Accessed 2020.03.03]

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Car ownership Proportion (%) of total Transport and Malmö stad9​ population in each area with at accessibility least one private car registered in traffic.

Voter turnout Percentage (%) of eligible voters Participation and Valmyndigheten​10 voting in the parliamentary community elections.

Sickness rate Average number of days a person Living environment Malmö stad1​ 1 in each area received and well-being compensation during the year from the Social Insurance Office in the form of sickness benefit, rehabilitation allowance and sickness and activity compensation.

9 Malmö stad. 2019. S​ tatistikunderlag för Malmös områden 2007-2019​. Malmö: Malmö stad. https://malmo.se/Fakta-och-statistik/Statistik-for-Malmos-omraden.html ​ [Accessed 2020.02.15] 10 Valmyndigheten. 2010-2014-2018. Val till riksdagen - Röster - riksdagsvalkrets. ​ ​https://www.val.se/ ​ ​[Accessed 2020.02.15]. 11 Malmö stad. 2019. S​ tatistikunderlag för Malmös områden 2007-2019​. Malmö: Malmö stad. https://malmo.se/Fakta-och-statistik/Statistik-for-Malmos-omraden.html ​ [Accessed 2020.02.15]

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Appendix 2. Indicators, tables

Employme nt (%) 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Kroksbäck 57,5 54,8 52 53,2 53,1 53 53,7 54,4 54,5 57,1 56,3

Holma 44,1 42,4 37,4 37,7 39,2 39,1 39,4 40,8 40,9 44,1 44,8

Hyllievång 64,9 56,6 56 59,5 61,7

Malmö 64,4 63,6 60,8 62 63,1 63,6 64 64,7 65,9 66,9 67,3

Education level (%) 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Kroksbäck , Pre-second 21,625 21,464 20,464 20,616 20,729 20,375 20,654 21,146 20,494 20,815 20,853 20,389 ary 95114 54862 05477 6419 43803 13792 17126 17338 69965 75246 74388 02397

Kroksbäck , 42,370 41,611 40,890 40,156 40,007 38,948 38,772 38,665 39,434 39,381 38,383 37,443 Secondary 84501 77838 07227 01783 44325 1427 51011 21581 62898 15331 48495 55679

Kroksbäck , Post-secon 31,437 31,421 32,674 33,246 34,871 35,858 36,052 35,872 35,689 34,915 35,934 36,644 dary 72527 92948 02054 65676 60402 77161 92172 32499 04594 61181 21973 66829

Holma, Pre-second 24,361 23,923 23,592 22,952 23,508 24,053 24,134 24,179 24,455 23,129 24,210 23,737 ary 94896 87857 01774 96167 61688 93649 87134 77528 10026 2517 98141 82108

Holma, 44,733 44,540 43,370 43,336 42,288 41,844 41,659 41,797 41,848 41,624 41,201 42,028 Secondary 17865 09968 28825 23693 99691 28012 2724 75281 29991 14966 90229 34367

Holma, Post-secon 23,758 24,014 24,168 24,346 26,292 26,576 26,841 27,955 27,550 28,316 28,318 28,077 dary 7007 49932 51441 6899 53204 77251 17125 05618 13078 32653 20147 94508

Hyllievång , Pre-second 7,2164 10,919 11,930 12,021 10,280 11,115 ary 94845 54023 58568 37133 97063 99297

Hyllievång , 32,989 34,482 31,887 34,283 34,610 31,590 Secondary 69072 75862 20174 17008 47254 50967

Hyllievång 52,577 45,977 47,722 45,770 47,765 48,945 , 31959 01149 34273 25824 00639 51845

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Post-secon dary

Malmö, Pre-second 14,878 14,421 13,991 13,749 13,547 13,354 13,185 13,099 12,897 12,716 12,611 12,355 ary 78805 71936 91908 27449 65001 35292 65563 67097 67627 8822 49461 61293

Malmö, 40,246 39,546 38,926 38,465 38,257 38,012 37,634 37,348 37,093 36,624 36,110 35,518 Secondary 24834 86236 15994 59353 94869 09318 29314 01953 84661 73856 19545 74163

Malmö, Post-secon 40,222 41,206 41,939 42,691 43,759 44,430 45,140 45,782 46,367 46,885 47,230 47,932 dary 84504 50688 96258 92062 24649 50053 39098 84113 30827 83184 57085 20501

Income 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Kroksbäck , median 247546 263168 269176 269754 278220 284838 295366 302275 303985 308197 321555

Kroksbäck , average 273001 288449 295388 298041 310911 315608 321969 332243 334922 342631 358212

Holma, median 213705 225912 236850 236000 240933 243540 249318 256822 264813 272391 281939

Holma, average 214448 222883 234272 233119 237178 243757 248960 253877 262925 269763 283589

Hyllievång , median 322462 305921 332287 320518 326648

Hyllievång , average 349057 318421 346816 340074 352335

Malmö, median 258060 270442 280335 283240 290797 297590 304304 310169 318122 327635 337084

Malmö, average 284456 297650 307099 307203 316710 323066 329214 335880 344521 354243 363942

Modal split (%) 2013 2018

Car 40 33

Bus 13 23 Stratum 8 Train 4 4 Kroksbäck/Holma Bicycle 22 27

On foot 18 10

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Car 56 40

Bus 4 17

Stratum 11 Hyllie Train 10 16

Bicycle 12 19

On foot 18 7

Car 40 34

Bus 14 17

Malmö, total Train 7 8

Bicycle 22 26

On foot 15 14

Frequency of trips (average per person and day) 2013 2018

Kroksbäck/Holma 2,3 1,8

Hyllie 3 1,9

Malmö 2,6 2,1

Car ownership (%) 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Kroksbäck , Car 51,702 51,259 48,687 46,805 46,222 45,605 45,644 46,391 45,689 45,358 45,136 43,244 ownership 04245 20186 71396 34918 55303 00184 98346 00472 04594 64979 45906 18201

Holma, Car 34,013 33,801 33,037 31,794 31,020 30,100 30,700 31,865 31,734 31,760 32,252 31,488 ownership 92111 54055 69401 42509 76889 0435 97604 16854 96077 20408 48595 04252

Holma, Total populatio n 2155 2207 2255 2296 2263 2299 2254 2225 2294 2352 2313 2258

Hyllievång , Car 37,113 30,459 33,405 30,543 28,224 25,966 ownership 20 22 22 24 23 22 40206 77011 63991 18789 7765 60808

Malmö, Car 14,700 43,521 42,639 41,897 41,620 41,069 40,791 41,035 41,131 41,357 41,301 40,945 ownership 12387 86166 04331 98668 64263 09498 36433 35672 4451 1155 48142 68751

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Voter turnout (%) 2010 2014 2018

Kroksbäck N 75,07 71,8 78,59

Kroksbäck S-Hyllievång (district split in 2018) 66,64 66 65,63

Holma N 68,19 69,79 70,08

Holma S 65,3 63,94 61,45

Hyllievång 83,61

Sickness rate (average days per person and year) 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

Kroksbäck 47 42 40 35 34 31 32 29 30 30 26

Holma 49 47 46 39 36 34 32 31 33 33 31

Hyllievång 23 27 27 18 13

Malmö 35 32 40 26 25 24 24 24 25 24 22

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Appendix 3. Summary of planning documents

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Appendix 4. Interview guide 1. Background and warm up a. About the organization/association, what does your role as representative mean? b. For how long have you been active and what sparked your initial interest? c. What are the opportunities and challenges the organization/association faces in this particular area? d. Do you think the challenges/opportunities here are different here from similar organizations in other parts of Malmö? Why? e. Do you live in the area yourself?

2. Approaching Holma and Kroksbäck a. How would you describe Holma/Kroksbäck? b. How many active members/visitors/residents in the organization/association? How many people/members are you in contact with through the organization on a regular week/day? c. What kind of questions/activities/problems are common? d. Who/which is the target group seeking contact/are active? Is it easy to engage people in activities? e. Are you experiencing residents moving in and out a lot/are visitors returning to activities or are there a lot of new faces every time?

3. About urban development in relation to Hyllie, involvement a. How familiar are you with the development in and around Hyllie? b. Have the organization/association been involved in the development in any way? How? c. What have been important issues for your organization to raise during planning and construction? What would have been important if you had the opportunity to influence planning and implementation?

4. About urban development in relation to Hyllie, effects a. What changes or effects have you noticed after the new constructions in and around Hyllie? In the area in general or in relation to your organization/association? b. More or fewer people in the area? New businesses? Fewer businesses? More activities, what kind? People moving in or out? General well-being? Traffic? Connections to other parts of Malmö? People moving along the streets? General civic engagement? Topics commonly discussed among people? c. How do you experience moving around within the area after the new transport infrastructure was built? Moving between different areas? d. Effects of demand for housing? Rent levels? e. What do you think about the future - how will life change in Holma/Kroksbäck? Why?

5. Closing questions a. How do you like the area now in comparison to before? b. Do you ever visit Hyllie? Why?

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Appendix 5. Original quotes in Swedish

Quotes from: 4.1.5 Citizen perspectives on economic impact of new infrastructure

“För det är ju inte bara att man kan höja hyrorna för att området är attraktivt. Det handlar om statusen i lägenheterna. För att kunna göra en sådan höjning så måste de renovera upp lägenheterna också och gårdar och sånt för att kunna göra en sådan grej. Och där kan ju inte fastighetsägaren bara gå in och göra utan det får han ju ta med oss i hyresgästföreningen.” ​(I1)

“Vi har en särskild fördel [...] vår hyra är låg! Det är väl strax under en halv miljon per år. Vilket ju är väldigt billigt. Och skulle vi varit i ett nytt hus, nybyggt hus, då tror jag att det hade varit omöjligt.” (​ I2)

“[Hyresvärden] kollade hur det ligger i området. Då har de valt några lägenheter. Och min lägenhet var, tror jag, en av dem. Jag har inte träffat dem när de var och kollade men.. Då höjdes min hyra typ 800, 900 tror jag [...]Runtomkring, vad finns det. Du vet, så fort det är något köpcenter brukar komma eller något. Om de öppnar en bank till exempel sidan om och sånt.” (​ I3​)

“Nej alltså, lägenheter efterfrågas ju hela tiden. Det hinner ju inte bli en tom lägenhet förrän där är nästa som flyttar in. Så är det, det är överallt. [...] Ja det är inte att här inte blir uthyrt något för att folk vill bo på Hyllie, för där är ju lite utav hyrorna som styr för folk. Här är billigare hyror än vad där är på Hyllie.” ​ (I1)

“Det är inte alla som vill ha det där fina och moderna, det är de som vill bo så här. Det är inga underminerade lägenheter. De är fina som de är. Men de är ju byggda 73-74 så att.. det är, jag tror att vad det än är så behövs alla lägenheter.”​ (I1)

“Det är mycket svårt faktiskt. Det är inte lätt att komma in. [...] Långa köer. Och jag får minst två, tre gånger om året, blir knackad på dörren. Och då frågar de om, de vill, om jag vill byta lägenhet med någon där på andra lägenheter eller andra trappan eller någonting sånt. Eftersom att jag har lite större vet du. Så de som har lite mindre eller någonting då frågar de.”​ (I3)

“Det är många lägenheter de byggde. Och då, det mesta är till sälja och sånt. Men.. Och det var mycket som jag hörde, det var från Köpenhamn eftersom det i Köpenhamn är jättedyrt och ha något lägenhet eller bostad och sånt. Och jämför pengar, våra pengar med danska pengar. Så det är rätt många som flyttade hit vet du. Men jag tror inte det påverkar precis vår alltså. Eftersom vi är typ hyres..”​ (I3)

“Alltså, min väninna som sitter också på föreningsstyrelse, hon hyrde lägenhet för.. när de precis byggde vet du. [...] Först där hon hyrde lägenheten det var ledigt framför henne vet du. Men sen plötsligt det kom en lägenhet med den avståndet! Hon sa det, nästan hela tiden det ser ut som att folk tittar vet du.” ​(I3)

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“Mina grannar är, jag tror den nyaste som har kommit eftersom hon gick bort alltså, hon har bott typ 30, 40 år. Så hon gick bort så kom en ny granne. Men annars mesta har bott också typ 15, 20 år. Vi har rätt fina lägenheter faktiskt. Vi har rätt stora och luftiga och ljusa och sånt.” ​ (I3)

“Vi har aldrig haft mycket butiker här. Det har vi inte haft. Det har varit två små butiker, så att nej det har vi aldrig haft. [...] Ja vi ville ju ha till exempel Ica och så. Ja nu fick vi en bankomat äntligen på torget här. Det har ju inte heller funnits innan. Så att folk fick ju åka iväg, för då fanns ju inte Emporia ju.” ​ (I1)

“Nej det är väl i princip ingen skillnad alls. Det finns väl bara en sak. Det är en butik här. Best food.” ​(I2)

“Nej.. alltså förr var det ju.. vi hade ju post och sånt här ju. Då tillhörde de vår post och så. Men när det lades ner så försvann det ju.” (​ I1)

“Ja, när jag ville börja snacket med dem vet du så sa de ‘nä men vi har gjort det så det är så nära och bra alltså’. Så det visade de är inte villiga. Hjälpa till alltså här, eftersom att de har börjat det projektet där alltså.” ​ (I3)

“Och jag tror att fastighetsägarna, att de kommer att förändras ganska mycket. För jag tror att det kommer att bli att det inte handlar om de boende utan det kommer att handla om pengar. Och var satsar vi pengarna? På det nya.”​ (I1)

Quotes from: 4.2.4 Citizen perspectives on impact on transport patterns and accessibility

“Ja, det känns lite nära till arenan och sånt där. Man kan ju promenera dit på tolv minuter ungefär. Det känns annorlunda. Och det är lite spännande att man har så nära till Köpenhamn och hela världen. Och bron naturligtvis. Tidigare var ju Holma slutet. Bussen vände ju här. Och nu kör den ju vidare bort till Hyllie och ännu längre.” ​ (I2)

“Alltså det har hänt mycket. För 30 år sen, vi brukade köra en liten bit efter Hyllie eller där Emporia finns. Köpa jordgubbar, plocka själv jordgubbar och köpa och sånt. Men nu finns det ingenting. Nu är det bara IKEA och Svågertorp och allt vet du. Så det finns allt på gott och ont faktiskt.” ​ (I3)

“Om det då skulle liksom, inte finnas Emporia och Hyllie utan vara kvar här som vi har varit och haft de här små butikerna som nästan ingenting hade.. hur hade Holma sett ut idag då? Folk hade inte flyttat hit ju. För då hade det inte varit någon service överhuvudtaget ju. För då var det inte till att gå på Emporia för det hade inte funnits. Då var det ju att ge sig in i stan igen. Så man får ju se det från många olika aspekter.” ​(I1)

“Ja det fylls ju med banker och hus och allt möjligt. Det blir som en stad där. Och då ligger ju detta, Holma ligger ju på något vis mitt emellan Triangeln och Hyllie. Men skillnaden är ju att vi har kontakter åt två håll nu. Förut hade vi bara in mot centrum. Norrut mot Mobilia och Lorensborg och sådana där områden.” ​ (I2)

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“Det var ju åkermark när jag flyttade ut här och där var ju jordgubbsodlingar längre ner och bonden han var ute och körde och rapsen den odlades och det var ju bara grönområde hela vägen ju. Så att det var ju fantastiskt ju. Det var ju det, när man flyttade ut här som man tyckte var jättefint att man kom ut nästan på landet, man var på landet här. Nu är man snart i centrum. Det var små stigar som gick ner mot Klagshamn och Vintrie som man kunde ta barnen och gå iväg med bara, ut i naturen. Det var helt fantastiskt. [...] nu är det så mycket trafik ju. De här små vägarna, de finns ju inte kvar ju. Det är ju stora vägar av idag.” ​ (I1)

“Det blir ju lite mer trafik, det blir det ju. För man kan ju alltså ta sig över till Hylliecentret. Det kunde man ju inte förut. För det fanns ju ingen väg! Då fick man köra ut på Pildammsvägen för att komma iväg dit. Förstår du? Men nu kan man ta Holmavångsvägen eller vad den heter, som går här. Och köra ända ner, bort till arenan och så.”​ (I2)

“Det är rätt mycket också som kör vet du, rakt till Hyllie. Och kommer där. Eftersom att det är, Hyllie både Emporia de öppnade och Emporia tågstationen, Hylliebadet. [...] Typ 20 år, 15 år innan, det var tomt i hela den huvudgatan alltså. Det var inte huvudgatan, det var stängt sista biten vet du. Innan Hylliebadet. Så de öppnade upp det. Nu ser jag när jag går faktiskt, till träning, så folk som vill använda Hylliebadet parkerar den gatan för att det är gratis parkering vet du. Det har jag sett många som kommer faktiskt, från badet, och kör sin bil vet du. Det måste ha påverkat. Trafiken alltså.” ​ (I3)

“Och där på Norrbäck som jag bor, min till exempel köksfönster och två av mina sovrum ligger på den gatan som kallas Lorensborgsgatan. Och för 32 år sen, det var ingen gata. Det var sån, vad kallas? Kolonier? Som folk fixade lite blommor, grönsaker. Alltså det var typ bara sånt. Och det var både bra och dåligt. Det var bra för att vi hade mindre avgaser faktiskt, mycket mindre trafik. Grönare område tyckte jag att vi hade faktiskt. Men sen på andra sidan är det närmare att köra överallt alltså.” ​ (I3)

“Man gick och det var då en gångstig mitt i vetefältet och så gick man därigenom och man var inne i naturen. Nu är ju allting, det är högt byggen och det är stora vägar och mycket trafik och innan Annetorpsleden byggdes, alltså, det var ju så tyst och härligt ju.” ​ (I1)

“Promenera är det enda man får göra, man får inte cykla och man får inte köra bil. Men det. Nej det är ingen skillnad i att röra sig, nej.” ​ (I2)

“Kanske inte precis på gårdarna. Men på själva gatan alltså.” ​(I3)

“Vi har ett seniorhus ju, som äldre människor bor i härute och det är världens sämsta grej för dem att åka iväg ju på. Så att det är mycket, mycket bättre för att det tar ju inte lång tid härifrån upp till Emporia. [...] [Förut behövde de åka] in till stan. Åka till Mobilia. Och bussen stannade ju inte utanför Mobilia så då fick man ju byta ju.” ​ (I1)

“Sen går jag och tränar på Hyllie, på Nordic Wellness. Går jag inte på Hyllie, går jag på Emporia. Men då brukar jag ta bussen hem, annars är det ganska.. att gå dit och träna och sen så att.. nä, där finns ju allting ju. Det är här ju, här finns allt.”​ (I1)

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Quotes from: 4.3.2 Citizen perspective on the effect of infrastructure and urban development on participation and community engagement

“Det var lättare förr. Betydligt lättare förr. [...] Och de som kom på den tiden hit och flyttade in i våra bostäder här, de hade ett engagemang och ville och vara rädd om sitt område. Det har, det har börjat att försvinna. Vilket är jättetråkigt.” (I1)

“Det var ju att det blev ju många lägenheter som blev socialens lägenheter. MKB hyr ut lägenheterna till socialen och då vet de inte vad det är för hyresgäster som kommer in. För de skriver inte kontrakt med MKB utan det gör socialförvaltningen. Och då blev där en väldigt stor förändring. [...] en del har vi fått med men många vill ha lokalen men vi ska inte vara här. Och det är inte så det fungerar för alla tillhör vi ju här. Man kan inte plocka ut dem man inte vill ha här. Så att där har blivit en förändring.” (I1)

“vi har jobbat på det viset att när där flyttar in nytt folk så två veckor efter att man har flyttat in så har vi gått någon från styrelsen med en blomma och hälsat dem välkomna till området [...] man behöver inte göra det så invecklat. För det är viktigt för dem att de känner igen någon i alla fall.” (I1)

“Det är jättesvårt. [...] De är inte vana vid föreningsliv och sånt vet du. [...] Är de för unga så är de upptagna med sina träningar och mobiler och datorer och skolor och sånt vet du. Och sen är de mittemellan då har de barn och karriär och sånt vet du. Och allt körs ideellt vet du så vi jobbar helt gratis. Och då är det inte många som vill sätta sin tid men det.. det tycker jag är synd faktiskt. För att det behövs.” (I3)

“jag tror många vet inte fortfarande vad är en hyresgästförening vet du. [...] Och så kommer de, de tror det är.. ok jag behöver målas, ja men gör ni det? Alltså det är inte så vi menade också vet du. Eller ja men MKB byter inte min spis, ja men det är ingen felanmälan vi kan ta vet du.” (I3)

“Alltså det var, de, Kroksbäck är ju två delar och det var väl från den sidan, bostadsrättssidan som protesterna blev våldsammast.” (I2)

“Och då frågar de, när ska vi nästa gång? Men sen är det inte vårt uppdrag för sådana nöjesresor, sånt. Men vi tar det för att vi tycker att det är, då har vi samlat dem så kan vi snacka lite om hyresgästföreningen och sen grannarna kommer nära varandra när de har en heldagsresa, det är en heldagsresa vet du. Men annars, det är jättesvårt och folk.. alltså folk vill ha mycket men när det är dags att hjälpa till så är det inte..” (I3)

“Vi har varit på Sofiero, vi har varit i Kivik, tittat på äppletavlan. Och vi har varit på Tosselilla. Alltså vi har varit på så.. vi var uppe på Bosjökloster i fjol på julmarknaden, vi har varit på Fredriksstad och i de resorna då ingår där förmiddagskaffe, lunch och eftermiddagskaffe. Så att de är väldigt uppskattade. Alla vill med.” (I1)

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“Vad finns här utanför? För dit kommer inte alla. Så att, ja jag tycker att det är också en jätteviktig bit. Vi har varit och bowlat. Då tog vi bussen allihop. Stadsbussen åkte vi och bowlade. Ja.. det här med att bygga och förändra.. det gäller att vi är vakna och kan ta hand om de som kommer.” (I1)

“Alltså jag kan säga i vårt område, i vår gård, ibland de kallar ‘lilla Libanon’ för att alla är kusiner med ​ varandra. De är många, i min trappa bor tre syskon. Och en har bott minst 20, 25 år. Den andra tror jag har bott 15 år eller någonting. Och det säger jag då får man inte bråka med er då får jag tre familjer på mig vet du! Så det går inte!” (I3)

“Och vi har själv tänkt många gånger flytta och vi har tittat på att köpa lägenhet eller hus eller någonting. Men sen vill vi ha faktiskt barnen vara med olika nationalitet vet du så de känner.. alltså folk från många olika andra ställen vet du. Och just nu, mina barn känner nästan halva Malmö faktiskt!” (I3)

“Visst. De lär känna varandra och de byter telefonnummer. Och snackar om oss! Eftersom att den viktigaste rekryteringsvägen för våra deltagare är mun mot mun metoden. Att de hör från de som går där att där är bra. Vi har inte haft svårt att få deltagare. De har kommit fler än vi har haft kapacitet för ibland nästan.” (I2)

“Och sen har de gjort en rätt fin park också. Så det är rätt många på sommaren, från Norrbäck, de går där och de som har sina släkter eller dem som de känner från Holma så de träffar mycket.” (I3)

“Och sen är det den som kallar skate-grejen, du vet där finns det. Så de åker skate. Där är också mycket populärt faktiskt.” (I3)

Quotes from 4.4.3 Citizen perspective on the effects of infrastructure and urban development on living environment and well-being

“Sen är det ju det här med att skapa gemenskap, trygghet på området. Att ha aktiviteter, olika arrangemang. Så att de boende känner att här är en viss trygghet och att de kan komma till oss, att där händer någonting. Det är ju vår roll i det hela. Ta emot när de kommer och undrar saker.” (I1)

“Det har väl inte varit sådär jättemycket hemska saker, det har varit utspritt över stan på många håll och kanter men det var väl i förrgår så sköts det en till döds i Holma. De har väl plockat in en eller två misstänkta mördare. Det är sånt som man alltid får höra när pratar med en om var man bor. Men jag har inga problem med Holma [...] det är ju inte att jag på något vis inte går genom området.” (I2)

“De ändå tycker det är lite långt faktiskt. Alltså det är inte långt om man ska räkna för att, det är klart man måste fixa själv lite också, det kan inte komma träningen i vardagsrummet vet du men de tycker det är lite.. tomt område alltså vet du. Det är den längs vägen som man ska köra eller gå alltså.” (I3)

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“Det är bra. Det finns väl en dålighet också och det är det att unga killar, macho, kör ju bil förjävligt alltså. I 130 på de här vägarna. Och det är ju en friare väg för kriminella.” (I2)

“Ja.. det var, den fungerade på något vis begränsande. Varför ska man köra söderut överhuvudtaget? Det fanns ju inte någon chans att köra någonstans, för man kom ingenstans. Ingen. Och nu är det trafik där åt det där hållet. Rätt så ohämmad. Och det är något som många boende har reagerat på, som tänker på sin trygghet och säkerhet och sånt där och de retar sig så förfärligt på dem här.” (I2)

“Jag kan säga, jag är glad alltså, jag har inte små barn. För att hade jag typ tonåring, eller 10, 12 åring och 15 åring då är det på, också på gott och ont vet du. Med Emporia och med tågstationen och sånt vet du. För att, för man tittar på vilken ålder man är vet du. För mig som är 50 plus så tycker jag att det är jättebra. Att det finns tågstation, ska jag över till Köpenhamn så det är bara snabbt vet du. Men sen har man tonåring så vill man kanske inte ha.. de når sig så lätt till tågstationer och sånt vet du.” (I3)

“Vi har ju haft en del problem här med musik på fredag, lördagskvällar. Det har varit fester och sånt. Och miljöförvaltningen har varit här och mätt och det var en sjuk kvinna, som gjorde polisanmälningar utav oss och allt möjligt och skrev hemska saker på internet och det var ju, hon var Sverigedemokrat så hon skrev på Facebook men.. och hon bytte sen till NMR, om du känner till? [...] det var en obehaglig situation och det var ju inte heller bra då att flytta närmre höghusbebyggelsen där.” ​ (I2)

“Det har hänt mycket. Jag bor på de första husen, som kallas Norrbäck alltså. Här som vi sitter, det är Mellanbäck. Kroksbäck är delat på tre delar.” (I3)

“Jag vet inte om, eftersom att jag har bott så många år faktiskt, om de känner mig. Jag faktiskt, om jag ska vara ärlig, det är många av barnen som är vuxna nu. Som kan vara 30, 40 år, 28 någonting. De har varit små! [...] Men inte riktigt på den sidan känner jag mig inte trygg.” (I3)

“Holma är förknippat med invandrare och kriminalitet, bus. Och därför ville man inte heta Holma. Precis samma sak som [en bostadsrättsförening] vill inte, vill inte att det ska säga att det ligger i Holma. Utan det ligger i Fosiedal.” (I2)

“Och sen kanske den har fått den dåliga stämpel, det är Kroksbäck så det är.. Säger du Hyllie så är det.. När min väninna bodde där, hon är svensk, så sa hon, jag bor på Hyllie vet du! Så det var mycket.. inte Kroksbäck vet du.” (I3)

“​Ibland faktiskt, på sommaren, är det lite jobbigt. För att våra kära grannarna, jag vet inte om många av de jobbar inte? Eller det är någonting annat, men deras kultur är inte samma som min kultur. Och det är som jag har sagt, de är släktingar med varandra. Så då kommer de typ elva, tolv på natten. Sitter på gården. Barnen kan springa, spela boll och sånt. Och högljutt. [...] Sen är vi kanske lite känsliga också så. Vi lyssnar och oj är det ljud vet du? Om vi hade inte sett kanske då hade vi kunnat sova vet du. Lite finns en svensk avundsjuka också. Varför de njuter när jag ska sova?” (I3)

77 TRITA ABE-MBT-2125

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