RELATION BETWEEN CRIME AND IN THE A NARRATIVE LITERATURE REVIEW ON THE PERIOD OF 2015-2020

DIANA MADSEN

Degree Project in Criminology Malmö University 15 Credits Two-year Мaster Faculty of Health and Society Programme 205 06 Malmö June 2021 RELATION BETWEEN CRIME AND IMMIGRATION IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES A NARRATIVE LITERATURE REVIEW ON THE PERIOD OF 2015-2020

DIANA MADSEN

Madsen, D. Relation between Crime and Immigration in the Nordic countries. A Narrative Literature Review on the period of 2015-2020. Degree project in Сriminology 15 Credits. Malmö University: Faculty of Health and Society, Department of Health and Society, 2021.

The period 2015-2020 has remained limitless in terms of missing data on crime and immigration in the Nordic countries, starting from the number of irregular and undocumented migrants and asylum seekers, continuing with the underrepresented immigrant statistics in crime. This paper consists of a complex understanding of immigration processes across the Nordic region, establishing narrow themes associated with crime and immigration. The findings of this paper presented five essential links to the criminality among the immigrant population in the Nordic countries during 2015-2020, that were compiled from the majority of the current available studies in this research field. At this point, the paper represents official data from the Nordic countries and a narrow literature review of recent studies, which depicted immigrants as more often suspected of crimes compared to the ethnic populations, assuming that it could have established a false social identity of an individual with foreign background. The reason of that supposition is explained by the findings on migrants to be overrepresented in crime, biased “immigrant beliefs” and yet evident immigrant labelling.

Keywords: crime; criminal policy; Nordic countries; forensic immigrant patients; immigrant labelling; marginalization; immigrant beliefs; heterogeneity.

1 Table of Content

Introduction 3 Aim 4 Background 5 Definitions 6 Previous Research 6 Method 8 Inclusion and Exclusion criteria 9 Ethical considerations 10 Results 10 Heterogeneity and Overrepresented Statistics on Immigrant 10 Crime in the Nordics Immigrants in an irregular situation and undocumented 12 migrants in the Nordics Immigrant Beliefs and Labelling in the Nordic context 13 Mental health of immigrants in the Nordic countries 16 Crime Policy in the Nordic countries 17 Discussion and Conclusion 18 Research Limitations 20 References 21 Appendices 28

2 Introduction Presently, the subject of migration and crime in the Nordic countries is discussed rather pointedly (Adamson, 2020) and negative attitudes towards ethnic and cultural diversity of migrant population have increased in recent years (Ahmadi et al., 2020). For instance, immigration is the sole aspect that affects negatively native Swedes’ attitudes when it comes to the Swedish state model (Eger, 2010). Even though the Scandinavia and, especially , have been for a long time as the countries that are very open and positively-minded to immigrant populations (Blom, 2010; Turner & Cross, 2015; Bentsen, 2017), the controverse and negative public opinions are present yet (Statista Research Department, 2019). Such opposing views are associated for the most part with criminality, which is perhaps not surprising when the official crime statistics on immigrants in the Nordic countries is overrepresented (Vasiljevic et al., 2020; Kardell, 2010; Merill & Åkerlund, 2018; Hällsten et al., 2013).

Not long ago the Swedish government, having a positive attitude towards foreigners, decided that every application where the victim, suspect or interviewed person is a migrant must be marked with a special code “291” ‘Resurs/relation kod’ (R291) (Rosenstam & Kjellman Wall, 2016). This secrecy decision was made by the police commissioner in the emergency department, which came into force in 2015 during the massive influx of migrants but, nevertheless, became known to the Swedish media afterwards. Therefore, officially all reports made to the Swedish police in connection with violence, threats, arson and other crimes involving migrants were confidentially classified for journalists and the public, while some information on the most appalling crime events could be found only in the media. So-called ‘police censorship’ on immigrant crimes exists not only in Sweden, but in the other Western countries, with more or less extent, depending on the political situation of the certain government (Bunikowski, 2016; Keskinen, 2011; Löfgren Nilsson & Örnebring, 2016; Couttenier et al., 2019). This ‘censorship regime’ in Sweden functioned from October 2015 and ended in February 2016 (Rosenstam & Kjellman Wall, 2016). During this period, 5645 crime reports were concealed under the R291 code. These are not the crimes themselves, but only filed police reports. Outside of this code R291, the Swedish police received 556,439 reports during the same period, but these were only appeals and not actual cases of crimes. By mid- February 2016, the police regarded only a part of appeals and crimes connected

3 with 420 and asylums. From the full period, they selected an interval from November 2015 to January 2016 and reported the following results in the Årsredovisning 2015 (a yearly report of 2015) (Polismyndigheten, 2015; 2016; Ghersetti & Odén, 2017; Jernbro & Nilson, 2016): In total, out of 4000 appeals, in all 1799 turned out to be crime cases: 831 beatings in shelters, 484 threats and humiliations, 37 sexual crimes (the number of them classified as rapes was not disclosed). There was a separate analysis of crimes done not in shelters, but committed by refugees against local citizens, in total of 1329 crimes: 427 thefts, 223 threats and humiliation, 184 beatings, 72 drug crimes, 54 economic crimes, 53 sexual crimes (the number of rapes is not specified).

As a result of media’s coverage during this so-called censorship regime, it became usual for people to relate crime and immigration in Sweden since the unexpectedly high number of newcomers during the period of 2014-2016, that was accompanied with the same unpredicted increase in reported crimes and severe violence (Armengol Rodriguez, 2020). However, both disputed matters as crime and immigration are compound issues and need to be first studied in a detail in order to make strong statements later. Hence, binding simultaneous increase in immigration and crime rates during the last years may involve a lot of other correlated factors into one complex process, apart from these above-mentioned two.

Aim The aim of this paper is to study relation between crime and immigration in the Nordic countries during the period from 2015 to 2020, to analyse and summarise the available knowledge that had been developed in the selected study field, to highlight the main themes and to define research gaps for the future studies. Thus, the main research questions in this paper are: 1) Which issues are being currently discussed in the research on crime and immigration in the Nordic countries? 2) What were the main differences of delinquency in the Nordic countries in the period of 2015-2020? 3) What is the context of crime policy in the Nordic countries? 4) How could relation to crime and immigration be explained in the Nordic countries?

4 Background Tracing a volume of migration in Sweden from 2015 to 2020, a substantial increase in immigration is evident with insignificant changes in the volume of emigration, leading to a stable growth in the migration balance (Statistiska Centralbyrån, 2015). Migration statistics showed a steady increase among immigrants since 2015, with a sharp shift of 30,000 people in 2016. At the same time, emigration increased in 2015 and abruptly decreased in 2016. Thus, the migration balance in 2016 increased suddenly by ca. 40,000 people, which could be attributed primarily to the migration crisis in , causing a massive influx of refugees from the affected countries, especially from Syria, at that time. However, the official statistics offer approximate data on migration and do not provide reliable information on the number of migrants in irregular situations. Obviously, given the size of Sweden's population, the country receives a significant number of migrants, occupying a leading position in the world in terms of the number of migrants received per capita.

On the contrary, in a background of the emigration growth during the reviewed period increased from 37,474 people in 2015 to 40,724 people in 2016 (Statistiska Centralbyrån, 2017). Consequently, there was a decrease in the number of immigrants (from 67,276 in 2015 to 66,800 in 2016), which significantly reduced the migration balance. Thus, over the period from 2015 to 2016, the migration balance almost halved, declining from 29,802 to 26,076. In , after a peak in 2015, there was a drastic decline in 2016 to 4,748 people, caused by a sudden incline in the number of emigrants (61,078 compared to 56,340 in 2015) (Statistics Denmark, 2021). In Finland there has been a stable growth in emigration, with an increase in 2016 to 34,905 people (Statistics Finland, 2017). Accordingly, the lowest indicator of the migration balance was registered in 2015 in the amount of 12,441 people.

Based on the comparative statistical data, it can be concluded that Sweden has experienced the greatest change in the composition of the population based on the migration balance and received the largest number of migrants in comparison with the other Nordic countries. Meanwhile, before the onset of the crisis in Europe, numerous groups of migrants arrived to Sweden through the Øresund Bridge and the Øresund Strait omitting staying in Denmark (Rytter, 2013; Norocel et al., 2020; Haugen et al., 2018). At the same time, the refugee crisis caused a

5 significant impact on the region as a whole and only Norway managed to avoid a critical situation that led to a decrease in the number of immigrants.

Definitions It should be once again emphasized, that there is no definition of a ‘migrant’ under international law yet (IOM, 2019). This indicates that at the international level the concept is absent and exists only in practices of several countries under their own recognized definitions. The absence of the universally established terms lies in the importance of legal procedures, as a right obtainment of documents for the migrants, as well as in the criminal procedure and crime policies (Paspalanova, 2008). Therefore, different usage of unestablished terms in various countries can lead to different procedures of document issuance for migrants and refugees or even lead to different decisions of criminal liabilities (Vermeulen & De Bondt, 2009). Concept as ‘illegal migrant’ is still used in a vast amount of scholarly works, media and official publications. Nevertheless, the International Organization for Migration, the European Parliament and other international institutions have repeatedly urged to change this term and use as ‘irregular migrant’ or ‘migrant in an irregular situation’, in order to provide enough ethical considerations and to have a more neutral meaning (IOM, 2019; European Parliament, 2009). Thus, it is important not only for the political correctness of the term, but in changing a common understanding on migration issues.

Previous Research The field of relation between immigration and crime is relatively new, since in the USA the research firstly appeared in the 2000s, emphasising a little existing knowledge in this subject (Kubrin & Miodeszuwski, 2018). Today the presented research field on crime and immigration has various types of studies, involving the quantitave, the qualitative or the mixed methods. Those studies have presented the subject in different settings, such as: - representation of media concerning crime and immigration (Jacobs et al., 2017; Benson, 2013), specifically most often showing more negative picture than a positive one (Farris & Silber Mohamed, 2018; Schemer, 2012; Esses et al., 2013; McKeever et al., 2012), or involving a phenomenon of ‘media

6 coverage’ of immigration, mostly across the Western countries (Benesch et al., 2019; Brosius et. al, 2019; Branton & Dunaway, 2009); - analysis of different states and political parties towards elimination of crime and their attitudes to the immigration (Boswell, 2009; O’Doherty & Lecouteur, 2007), showing relatively new research on anti-immigration policies as a world-wide tendency (Zatz & Smith, 2012; Burscher et al., 2015; Killias, 2009; Garip et al., 2019); - involvement of international organizations and institutions in solving the migration issues etc (Engbersen et al., 2006; Constant et al., 2009; Rikhof, 2009). However, the widest part of this research field is focused on the topics of hate crimes, racism, intolerance, victimization, trafficking and similar crimes towards the immigrant population, whereas phenomena of crimes committed by the population with the immigrant background has not been fully studied yet. Thus, authors of those types of publications present the current knowledge on crime among immigrants as limited to the statistical evidence and insufficiently researched (Cullen & Agnew, 2003; Reid et al., 2005; Kubrin, 2013; Hällsten et al., 2013; Kirkegaard & Becker, 2017), while comparative studies are nearly absent (Skardhammar et al., 2014; Card et al., 2005). Previous research on immigrants and crime in the Nordic countries also remained analogous to a large extent, even though those countries have dissimilar immigration history (Skardhammar et al., 2014).

In general, there are micro and macro levels of research on immigrants and crime (Reid et al., 2005; Wright et al., 2012; Ahlin, 2010). The micro level includes researched space within one household, residential area or one country, whereas the macro level is a studied practice of global perspectives on immigration and crime, such as the international aspect among the countries, as well as the involvement of international organizations, governments and various international regulations e.g., Schengen Agreement etc. (Reid et al., 2005; Wright et al., 2012). As to the size of the studied immigrant communities, the concentration of those in the capital cities compared to the rest of the countries is problematic to be applied to the whole situation on the crime and immigration of a certain country (Gabrielsen & Kramp, 2009). Thus, those studies remain limited only to the certain cities, mostly capital or suburban areas, which cannot illustrate the complete situation of entire country,

7 which limits the possibility of comparative studies (Khondaker et al., 2017; Wong, 2012; Hofer, 2003).

Method The main method used in this paper is a narrative literature review, which is selected to analyse available data in the field of immigration and crime in its current state. The qualitative method of a narrative literature review is defined as a ‘secondary research’ study, therefore it is based on the already existing sources, such as empirical scholarly works (Bolderston, 2008), defined by the research objective (Onwuegbuzie & Frels, 2016). The latter is distinguished by authors Onwuegbuzie & Frels (2016) as a general literature review, which is one of the common types of narrative reviews, focusing on the most significant and analytical aspects of the current knowledge of the selected topic. Hence, this method presents neither new nor experimental research, although compiles all important findings of the study field (Ferrari, 2015; Green et al., 2001). Overall, a narrative literature review as a method is used in this paper to expand the understanding of relation between immigration and crime in the Nordics as well as to fill the gaps in the existing studies with a possibility to apply to the future research. The analysis is conducted in a form of a synthesis, which produced the combination of research themes and composed a system of the existing knowledge (Popay et al., 2006). The advantage of the selected method is explained in the compilation of the new available scientific materials, including various kinds of studies with different levels of evidence (Ferrari, 2015) as well as establishment of new patterns and trends in the selected research field (Baker, 2016). Therefore, the chosen method helps to produce sufficiently determined results, that justify critical evaluation of the analysis (Onwuegbuzie & Frels, 2016). Since a narrative literature review is based on primary academic sources, the newspaper articles and other media publications are considered to be excluded materials. The available primary sources were collected from the Malmö University’s open database, Google Scholar, Tayor & Francis online and other databases of the official governmental publications and statistical official data from Brottsförebyggande rådet; Migration Data Portal; Statistiska Centralbyrån and other by inserting keywords as ‘immigrant crime Nordics’, ‘criminality / criminal policy Scandinavia / Nordic countries/ Sweden/ Norway/ Denmark/ Finland’,

8 ‘forensic immigrant patients’, ‘immigrant beliefs’ ‘immigrant labelling’, ‘migrant mental health’ and the same in the translated Scandinavian languages.

Inclusion and Exclusion criteria The next step was to sort the material by its relevance to the research, then it has been discovered a clear division in the existing research: publications on crimes as immigrant offending and crimes committed by the immigrant population. The first category is targeted at human rights protection and elimination of ethnical, racial, sex, gender and religious hatred as well as victimization of vulnerable groups in general, whereas the second group of materials was most often researched in form of the quantitative studies, providing statistical data on crimes comitted by immigrants in the Nordic countries. By making a division between the two described groups, the materials were selected only from the second group, those that are related to the crimes committed by the immigrant population in the Nordics. Therefore, the materials on the topics of human rights violation were considered to be an exclusion criterion of this research, since it is another vast area of study. Essentially to mention, the described exclusion criterion of the selected material is prevailing by volume in comparison of the included one. Hence, dividing this research by the included criteria gave a possibility to collect the scientific articles in a narrow-established field of study. The criminal policy concept in the Nordic countries was selected as a secondary included criterion to the selected articles. This compensated partly the number of the narrowly directed materials described before, which is characteristic to the narrative literature review method (Ferrari, 2015; Paré et al., 2017). In total it was available to collect 55 relevant materials (see the full list in Appendices), that were synthesized and analyzed into narrative themes.

Overall, the materials in this paper were included and excluded according to the following: Inclusion criteria: primary sources as academic and scientific published literature focused on deviant behavior among the immigrant population; in English or Scandinavian languages; relevance to the 2015-2020 period; criminal policy in the Nordics as a secondary relevant topic of the materials; immigrants and migrants aged from adolescence and up; refugees and migrants in an irregular situation; forensic immigrant patents; immigrant beliefs; immigrant labeling.

9 Exclusion criteria: news and other media resources; materials on the topics of hate speech, racism, victimization and any forms of discrimination, as well as prisoner health, societal changes, historical periods of migration; immigrant and refugee children and migrants under 12 years old (not adolescents); literature on other countries than the Nordics, i.e. North American studies on crime and immigration are prevailing, however could not be entirely applied in the context of the Nordic countries due to different social and governmental systems.

Ethical considerations This research paper provides an analysis of the official sources and academic publications. The research favours neither kind of ethnical, religious, race and gender identities nor expresses any political or personal views. The research is aimed exclusively at the scientific purposes and directed at the development of the available knowledge and improvement of the research methods for the future studies (Vetenskapsrådet, 2002; 2017). This research paper is done in the framework of the Malmö University, respecting the policies and regulations of the University. Regardless of how small the ethical issues are in this paper, they are clearly stated by the researcher for the integrity purposes (Eyisi, 2016).

Results

Heterogeneity and Overrepresented Statistics on Immigrant Crime in the Nordics Prior studies had been focused on all groups of immigrants as a whole, which led to misrepresenting of heterogeneity among different peoples (Skardhamar et al., 2014). Skardhamar et al. also mention an important factor, that had not been previously considered in the research on immigrants, asserting that the multiplicity among the immigrants is unlimited. This is also explained by Verkuyten et al., saying that immigrants have multiple identities, which can be considered more or less relevant in particular social interactions (Verkuyten et al., 2019). In the research on migrants’ Verkuyten et al. address notion of “being both” to the multiple identification of immigrants, involving their own task to define their own ethnical, religious, national or regional backgrounds. This could mean, that how one perceives an immigrant could be opposite to how that person perceives himself/herself, which could lead to misunderstanding and misrepresentation of the

10 official data and existing research on immigrants (Sampson, 2008). The same concerns the statistical data on delinquency among immigrants, that were studied most often as a one single group with no considerable heterogeneity, assuming that there are differences in the dynamics of criminal behaviour that cannot be similar for all immigrants (Vasiljevic et al., 2017; Skardhamar et al., 2014).

The vast majority of available Swedish studies showed immigrants as overrepresented in delinquency (Vasiljevic et al., 2017; Kardell, 2010; Merill & Åkerlund, 2018). The same issue was found in Norway among asylum seekers and irregular migrants, since barely an insignificant amount of the total crimes registered with an identified offender are committed by this group (Mohn & Ellingsen, 2016). Therefore, authors Mohn & Ellingsen (2016) explain these groups to be possibly overrepresented as delinquents compared to the registered resident population in Norway.

Moreover, studies on another age group similarly indicated overrepresented delinquency among immigrant adolescents in Sweden, compared to the native Swedes (Hällsten et al., 2013). Though, according to the latest findings on the youth immigrants and , the results demonstrate a declining tendency in self-reported offending among both the first and the second generation of immigrant youth (Vasiljevic et al., 2020). Consequently, Vasiljevic et al. (2020) explain the decreased offending at a faster frequency among the first-generation immigrants by comparison with native Swedes. The same tendency of self-reported delinquency among immigrant adolescence was previously observed in Norway, which was seen as underrepresented with no differences in serious crimes, although overrepresented in violent offending (Torgersen, 2001). Hence, importance of Torgersen’s study (2001) showed significance in conducting separate analysis according to gender and country of origin in order to obtain accurate results between various immigrant groups, since many studies on delinquency among immigrants have essential unchanged limitations at present, which is often seen in the lack of available data (Hällsten et al., 2013).

Nevertheless, the issue of overrepresentation in official crime statistics on immigrant youth is still present in Norway (Hermansen, 2020). Furthermore, the results of the recent study by Hermansen (2020) revealed prediction of future

11 criminal behaviour among immigrant youth, showing less exposure in crime by active involvement in education process and achievement of successful accomplishment of higher-education. In conclusion, comparing immigrant crime in Norway and Finland is observed to be likewise based on the fact of overrepresented crime statistics and the mechanisms motivating immigrant offending, which appeared to be alike processes across the entire Nordic region (Skardhamar et al., 2014). Therefore, according to Skardhamar et al. (2014), one of the possible links of overrepresented data among immigrant criminality could be the fact of unconsidered heterogeneity.

Immigrants in an irregular situation and undocumented migrants in the Nordics Irregular immigration is a serious problem for the Nordic countries, as it is most often named by the authors in the existing studies on the crime and migration in the Nordic context (Jørgensen, 2012; Pullat, 2014; Millner, 2013), which particularly increased during the period 2015-2020 (Karlsen, 2018; Bendixsen, 2017; Lundberg & Dahlquist, 2018). The issue of irregular migration is common as well for many other EU countries, because the situation has deteriorated markedly since the entry into force of the Schengen Agreement and the principle of free movement of people (Zingg, 2016; Kuschminder et al., 2015).

The situation of irregular migration in Sweden was complicated by the fact that not all refugees arriving to the country had their identity documents with them, for example, due to their loss or theft (Thommessen et al., 2015). Over the period from 2015 to 2018, 182,399 refugees did not provide passports in Sweden (Migrationsverket.se, 2018), when in 2015 6% (=63,000 asylum cases) of all identification documents examined by the Swedish Migration Agency were forged or manipulated (Burman; 2015; European Commission, 2015; EMN, 2016). Nevertheless, the majority received their residence permits. Furthermore, it is currently not possible to accurately assess the full scale of irregular migration, as there is no precise statistics available on this issue in the Nordic countries (Tomsen & Jørgensen, 2012). The only official data on that matter could be obtained from the Swedish government states that there are approximately 54,000 irregular immigrants in the country, with prognosis of 42,000 more until 2022, which corresponds to around 96,000 of irregular migrants could be residing today in

12 Sweden (Riksdagen.se, 2016). The same issue is observed on the absent data regarding the immigration status of non-residents in the Norwegian crime statistics (Mohn & Ellingsen, 2016).

In 2013 the Swedish government adopted a special law (SOU 2011:48) (Regeringskansliet, 2011) for the irregular migrants, stating that they and their children have a right to social care on the same conditions as the asylum seekers (Lundberg & Spång, 2017; Hellgren, 2014). The law provides the irregular migrants with the right to acute care and treatment; health care of serious illnesses; maternal health care; contraceptive counseling and abortion care; health examination (if the individual has already received it); acute dental care; medicine covered by the Pharmaceutical Benefits Act. According to the same law, their undocumented children have the right to go to school in Sweden, to have full access to health care, regular complete dental care and to receive needed medication.

According to Jørgensen, the system of receiving and subsidizing irregular migrants varies across the Nordic countries, whereas Sweden has the most developed one, Denmark has only recently started to pay attention to this issue, while Norway has ‘something in between’ (Jørgensen, 2012). Thus, more restrictive immigration policies of some countries likewise lead to adverse outcomes (Webb et al., 2015). However, which legal consequences actually await irregular migrants and how the competent authorities will deal with the disclosed irregular migrants are not easy to foresee in advance, as these issues have been not enough presented in the related literature and, therefore, a systematic study is required (Nielsen, 2016; Tomsen & Jørgensen, 2012). Consequently, studying the cross-national differences might provide evidences for understanding distinction in crime rates (Skardhammar et al., 2014).

Immigrant Beliefs and Labelling in the Nordic context Following the above-mentioned on the irregular migration, according to Jørgensen (2012), the irregular migrants are labeled with a term ‘illegal’ in the Nordic countries, which can be used even among the official authorities, such as the police. This labelling is commonly given by the police to neighborhoods with high criminality statistics in the Nordic countries (ANDY NGO, 2018). Subsequently, it becomes an ‘immigrant belief’, that is associated with categorizing people from

13 different residential districts, naming them ‘ghettos’ (Yu, 2020). No wonder why immigrants are more likely to be suspected of committing crimes compared to people with ethnical backgrounds (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Sweden, 2019; Brottsförebyggande rådet, 2019). Among the Nordic countries labelling of immigrants is most common in Denmark and even used by all political parties, whereas in the other Nordic countries those terms could be used only by the right- wing parties (Jørgensen, 2012; Boréus, 2010), despite all previous urges on avoidance of unacceptable definitions from the European Parliament, IOM and other international institutions (IOM, 2019; European Parliament, 2009). Although, the presence of immigrant resistance differs in the Nordic countries, nonetheless the nativist opposition, deriving from adverse cultural beliefs, economic conflict of considering resources, is visible enough in certain countries (Bohman, 2018).

Nowadays it can be seen, that less empirical research is centered on how major violent events affect attitudes towards immigration (Smiley et al., 2017). This created a direction in a research on criminal ‘immigrant beliefs’, that explains general understanding on immigrants coming not only from the places of violent crimes, but also from the ones far away from where the events occurred. In their study, Smiley et al. (2017) have concluded, that the immigration policy preferences are not associated with the criminal events, such as shootings in Copenhagen in February 2015. Instead, the authors found that the anti-immigration attitudes in Denmark were connected to the right-wing political influence and overestimated fear of crime, which makes immigration beliefs to be inadequately perceived by others.

Labelling of the immigrant population is also given by the semilingual characteristics, which is described by Stroud (2014) in Bourdieu’s terms as ‘imposing reception’ – “…the process of iconization that inscribes the social anomie and outsiderness of the immigrant into the language of the immigrant” (Stroud, 2004). This issue was explained by Stroud (2004) and later by Bijvoet & Fraurud (2010) in the example of the ‘rinkebysvenksa’ (Rinkeby Swedish) – a variation of spoken Swedish language in the immigrant segregated area Rinkeby in Stockholm. Thus, Stroud (2004) described the link between the spoken language as an identity and inaccessibility of a legitimate market in Sweden, since semilingual individuals are placed outside of those possibilities as the locals have, by residing

14 in the segregated areas and having linguistic identity of an immigrant, a label of non-Swedish. Therefore, this problem is defined by Stroud (2004) as a reflection of another cultural image of an immigrant as ‘powerless and situated on the margins of Swedish identity’, which makes an immigrant resident to belong to “a particular category of a person” that becomes automatically restricted from the legitimate market by imposed label from the society (Stroud, 2004; Bijvoet & Fraurud, 2010). Thus, not only the linguistic abilities, but the residential areas of ‘non-essential Swedish geography’ are giving automatically the labelling of an immigrant as non- Swedish or non-integrated to the Swedish society (Stroud, 2004; Mack, 2017; Bijvoet & Fraurud, 2010).

Summing up the above-mentioned, it can be noted that there is a relation between crime and immigration, which is expressed in labelling and adverse immigrant beliefs (Korsell & Larsson, 2011; Hällsten et al., 2013; Kivivuori & Brenburg, 2011). Several sociological theories are explaining such correlation, however the majority are involving a concept of “immigrant beliefs” linking it to crime, stating that ‘…higher levels of immigration into an area may increase crime rates’ (Ousey & Kubrin, 2018). However, those issues seem to be “beliefs” indeed, since such hypothesis is being firmly questioned by renowned scholars (Wortley, 2009). For instance, recognised sociologist Robert Sampson (2008) has argued that the decline in crime can be partially explained by increases in immigration in the USA in the early 1990 (Wortley, 2009). The same could be said on the rising number of studies that showed immigrants as more law-abiding than the native-born residents (Wortley, 2009), which was justified by the Swedish studies that disclosed the second-generation immigrants partaking in criminal activities less than the first- generation immigrants (Kardell & Martens, 2013). However, according to Kardell & Martens (2013), those findings could not be applied to the same types of crime, namely the first-generation group had higher risks of being registered for violent crimes, whereas the second-generation immigrants were more likely to be involved in property crimes. Those differences in crime involvement could be naturally different in terms of age and cultural peculiarities between the first and second generations. Accordingly, the “immigrant beliefs” could not be equally applied to all types of crimes and to all generation groups in the same amount, which gives no reason to this hypothetical approach to be justified.

15 Mental health of immigrants in the Nordic countries Perceiving immigration as a complex issue in general, the research on crime and immigration in the Nordic countries specified a link between crime and immigration, naming mental illnesses caused during the migration processes (Gabrielsen & Kramp, 2009). The study of Gabrielsen & Kramp (2009) showed that in Denmark there are more forensic patients of non-Danish ethnicity, which were diagnosed with higher ratio of schizophrenia and personality disorders, whereas patients from and the USA had no differences from native Danes. The authors have found, that the diagnosis of immigrant forensic schizophrenic patients is not dependent on social factors or substance abuse, instead the migration itself can increase the age-adjusted risk (ARR) of getting schizophrenia. Thus, Gabrielsen & Kramp (2009) presented an important finding among male forensic schizophrenic patients with immigrant background, showing the same risk caused by ARR and migration. The study has explained the relation between schizophrenia and violence, that was present in the exceeding amounts of crimes, compared to the ones committed by native Danes. Authors highlighted schizophrenia as a diagnosis present in a criminogenic aspect in violence, but not in non-violent crimes, which explained to be the cause of delinquent behavior among non-Danish residents, that are in a risk of migration complications.

According to the review done by Priebe et al. (2016) at the WHO, the number of asylum seekers and irregular migrants in need of European mental health services is constantly increasing (Priebe et al., 2016). This review showed those people as exposed to greater risk dynamics for mental disorders before, during and after migration process, than the regular migrants. Thus, diagnosis like psychotic, mood and substance-use disorders are prevailing among migrants and irregular migrants, whereas refugees and asylum seekers have higher rates of PTSD. It is crucial, that these issues have to be taken into consideration, as all vulnerable groups of people encounter difficulties to receive mental health care (Priebe et al., 2016). The same is concluded by Webb et al. (2015), who conducted national cohort study of suicidality and violent criminality among Danish immigrants, showing that young immigrants of both the first- and the second-generation groups confronted serious difficulties and tough experiences. The authors emphasized that it is an obligation of the western societies to immediately facilitate the process of addressing these current problem areas (Webb et al., 2015).

16

In comparison with the Danish studies, the same results on the mental health of immigrants were found in Sweden. According to the recent literature review on the entire situation in the country, it is similarly seen that undocumented immigrants (Andersson et al., 2018) and other groups of immigrants in Sweden may be more disposed to mental disorders in relation to their traumatic occasions of previous immigration and adverse conditions in their new place of residence (Gilliver et al., 2014). Authors provided nationwide studies, that explained increased risks of usual mental disorders among immigrants, as depression and psychotic syndromes caused by their challenging relocation to a new country. These observed diagnoses are considered to be present more in immigrants than the native Swedish population (Gilliver et al., 2014), which is found to be the same in the above-mentioned Danish studies. Likewise, related results were discovered in the latest Norwegian studies showing diagnoses as somatoform pain disorder, depressive syndrome and PTSD to be more common in both refugee and other immigrant groups than native Norwegian patients (Søegaard et al., 2020).

Crime Policy in the Nordic countries Scandinavia has for a long time been particularly favorable in terms of humane conditions for the unification of law and policy (Pratt, 2008; Smith, 2012; Lappi- Seppälä, 2007). The common historical development of these countries, the close proximity of cultures, the similarity of languages, the absence of serious political contradictions, the general geographical position, including the location on the northern borders of Europe - all these factors provided a reliable basis for cooperation in the economic, social and legal fields (Hagen & Andersen, 2018). That is why the Nordic countries are characterized by the presence of a relatively large sector of the state economy, a developed system of social security, state and legal regulation of the most significant spheres of society (Kuhnle, 2013; Sipilä, 2019). The regional peculiarity of the Nordic countries in the field of combating crime is the so-called “Nordic model of crime prevention”, which is based on the socio-political doctrine of the "welfare state". It is successfully implemented in these countries, particularly manifesting the high standard of living for citizens and the state support for socially vulnerable categories of people, providing everyone with equal opportunities to receive education and medical care (Takala, 2005; Aromaa & Takala, 2005). For these purposes, the inhabitants of the Nordic

17 countries pay up to 50% of their income to the state in the form of taxes, which cover general social needs: medicine, education, social services, etc (Lindencrona, 2013).

A distinctive feature of the “Nordic model of crime prevention” is broad public participation in crime prevention, having the main goal to ensure public safety (Lahti, 2000). Each of the Nordic countries has a National Crime Prevention Council, which is a government agency under the Ministry of Justice that plans and coordinates the activities of all bodies involved in combating crime (Takala, 2005). Another manifestation of the special Nordic approach to the problem of crime is the creation of a harm compensation system to victims of crime from state funds, as well as the provision of free legal aid to victims of violent and sexual crimes, regardless of their financial situation (Tham et al., 2011).

In addition to the above-mentioned, in Finland as one of the Nordic countries, the criminal policy includes (Lappi-Seppälä, 2013): - the adoption of decisions on classifying acts as criminal, -establishing punishment for these acts, -analyzing how effective certain punishment measures are in the fight against crime, -developing and applying directions of state policy in the field of production and circulation of alcoholic beverages, social and educational methods combating crime, -assessing the role of health institutions in combating crime, -urban planning.

Discussion and Conclusion Each theme of the results part has revealed a possible link between immigration and crime in the Nordic region. All presented themes in this paper have been analyzed on the basis of the whole existing research field on crime and immigration in the Nordics, having limited the research area by the period 2015-2020 and mainly targeting on the context and relation between crime and immigrant population. Thus, potential connections between crime and immigration were found to be the following:

18 1. A link between overrepresented data among immigrant criminality in all Nordic countries could be the fact of unconsidered heterogeneity in the majority of the previous studies. It is doubtful whether the immigrant population could represent a one single group altogether. Such assumption could lead to questionable results of the existing research in this field, since it is challenging to refer to findings that are presenting immigrants and refugees as a one separate group. Moreover, the fact of unconsidered heterogeneity was found to be overrepresented in statistics on immigrant crime in all considered ages from childhood to adulthood across the entire Nordic region. 2. A relation to crime could be seen in irregular and undocumented migration in the Nordic countries, which currently remains to be one of the major immigration issues. However, there is no data on the exact quantity of the irregular and undocumented migrants and asylum seekers in the Nordic countries, as there are merely any studies attempting to calculate it by different methods. Meanwhile, the system of receiving and supporting irregular migrants and refugees varies across the Nordic region, proves to be dissimilar situation on that matter in the countries. Overall, according to the found statistical data during the period of 2015-2020, the number of reported crimes and estimated irregular migration could be proportionate, which could be seen as a convincing link to the criminality. 3. A link between immigration and crime could be found in adverse “immigrant beliefs” and labeling among the ethnical population. The results of the majority of the studies in the Nordic countries have shown differences in delinquency among the first and the second immigrant generations regardless of age. However, the perception of immigrants in the locals’ viewpoint remains to be with no distinction to all generations, which could create common “immigrant beliefs” applicable to them. This issue shaped likewise a mutual label of an immigrant, that inevitably becomes a member of a marginalized group. Nevertheless, findings of the studies on that matter could be described indeed as “beliefs” as they could be only associated with a fear of crime, which is labeled to particular segregated areas, directly associated with immigrant residential districts. 4. A relation to crime was found in mental disorders among immigrants, that were essentially caused by the process of migration itself. According to the analyzed studies from the entire Nordic region, the diagnoses like psychotic, mood and substance-use disorders were prevailing among migrants and irregular migrants, whereas refugees and asylum seekers had higher rates of PTSD than the ethnic local

19 population in the Nordic countries. Thus, the vast number of studies have demonstrated a possibility of obtainment of one or more of the above-mentioned diagnoses caused during the migration done both on regular or irregular terms. 5. A relation to crime and immigration could be found in the researches on the Nordic crime policy system, which has an equal influence on the countries of the whole region, establishing mutual agendas and decisions on combating crime not only on the governmental levels, but via created transnational entities, defining a common “Nordic model of crime prevention”. However, the effectiveness of created joint methods of crime elimination in the Nordics is to be determined, as all of the countries have demonstrated differences in the number of accepted regular and irregular migrants and asylum seekers, together with contrasting political agendas that are driving the whole issue into opposite directions amongst the Nordic countries.

In conclusion, all of the above-mentioned links to crime and immigration in the Nordic context could be applied to the period of 2015-2020, which makes this subject to be a complex study. Furthermore, this topic needs to be researched onwards, taking into account the absence of data on immigration and crime in the Nordic region, overrepresented statistics of migrants in crime and a deficient heterogeneity aspect of the immigrant populations. Concerning the period of 2015-2020, it is challenging to draw strong statements in relation to crime among immigrants, due to a regime of ‘media censorship’ introduced in all countries of the Nordic region. Indeed, the security measures concerning offenders with migrant background need special protection, however it should be proportionate and not viewed as “a total censorship”, especially concerning the specific types of crimes. Otherwise, such approach could lead to inadequate crime statistics, which is known to be overrepresented in all Nordic countries today. Therefore, making robust reports about the increased criminality and at the same time imposing a censorship regime might similarly lead to misrepresentation of facts and vice versa misunderstanding of information by the citizens, which further could become even more complex issue of understanding.

Research Limitations During the process of material collection, it was discovered that the academic sources on the selected topic are not currently sufficiently obtainable. However,

20 non-scholarly publications as news and various media articles are prevailing in their quantity and are widely expressing different personal and interpersonal viewpoints. Therefore, this paper was intended to avoid personal opinions in order to present the results without any prejudice in already existing vulnerable and marginalized field. Moreover, it is hard to rely on the overrepresented crime statistics concerning immigrants in the Nordic countries and previous studies, describing immigrants as a one single group. Therefore, current knowledge on relation of crime and immigration is limited and comparative studies are almost non-existing yet. In general, the research field is affected by international emigration patterns and common trends across (Skardhammar et al., 2014). The main challenge could be described in terms of a literature analysis, since the majority of academic sources use broad categories of immigrants, forming very general groups without paying attention to their cultural, geographical, religious, ethnical and linguistic differences, thus combining heterogeneous groups together. Likewise, limitations in this study field are seen in the definition of various immigrant communities by nationality, ignoring their diverse ethnicity (Gabrielsen & Kramp, 2009). Thus, the current field displays a moderate possibility to be researched, perceiving immigrants as a one single group, whereas the studies on specific nations and types of immigrants and asylum seekers (as regular/ irregular/ undocumented/ forced/ exploited etc.) are needed to be considered unconnectedly in this complex subject.

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27 Appendices

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