Politics, Hackers and Partisan Networking. Misinformation
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Social Structure of Catalonia
THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF CATALONIA By SALVADOR GINER 1984 THE ANGLO-CATALAN SOCIETY THE ANGLO-CATALAN SOCIETY OCCASIONAL PUBLICATIONS No 1. Salvador Giner. The Social Structure of Catalonia. No 2. J Salvat-Papasseit. Selected Poems. Translated with an Introduction by D. Keown and T. Owen. © Salvador Giner, 1980. Printed by The University of Sheffield Printing Unit. Cover design by Joan Gili. ISSN No. 0144-5863 ISBN No. 09507137 08 IN MEMORIAM JOSEP MARIA BATISTA I ROCA (1895-1978) Dr. J. M. Batista i Roca, founder member of the Anglo-Catalan Society and its first Honorary Life President, always hoped that the Society would at some stage be able to publish some of the work of its members and guest speakers. Unfortunately this was never possible during his lifetime, but now that the Society, with the help of a grant from Omnium Cultural, is undertaking the publication of Occasional Papers it seems appropriate that this Series as a whole should be dedicated to the fond memory which the Society holds of him. CONTENTS Foreword 1 I. The historical roots of an open society. 4 II. Social classes and the rise of Catalan industrial capitalism. 15 III. A broken progress. 28 IV. The structure and change of Catalan society, 1939-1980. 38 V. The reconquest of democracy. 54 VI. The future of the Catalans. 65 Appendices. Maps. 75 A Select Bibliography. 77 FOREWORD A la memòria de Josep Maria Sariola i Bosch, català com cal The following essay is based on a lecture given at a meeting of the Anglo- Catalan Society in November 1979* Members of the Society's Committee kindly suggested that I write up the ideas presented at that meeting so that they could be published under its auspices in a series of Occasional Papers then being planned. -
The Curious Case of Carles Puigdemont—The European Arrest Warrant As an Inadequate Means with Regard to Political Offenses
German Law Journal (2021), 22, pp. 256–275 doi:10.1017/glj.2021.6 ARTICLE Special Section: Developments in German Criminal Law The Curious Case of Carles Puigdemont—The European Arrest Warrant as an Inadequate Means with Regard to Political Offenses Julia König1,*, Paulina Meichelbeck2,** and Miriam Puchta3,*** 1Graduate Student of Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany, 2Chair of Civil Law, Intellectual Property and Technology Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany and 3Institute for German, European and Public International Law, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Nürnberg, Germany Corresponding author: Julia König, Email: [email protected] (Received 28 November 2019; revised 06 August 2020; accepted 17 December 2020) Abstract In contrast to traditional extradition law, the political offense exemption has been abolished within the frame- work of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). Notwithstanding its overall success, the EAW does not constitute an adequate instrument with regard to political offenses. In light of the recent case of the former Catalan President, Carles Puigdemont, the abolition has proven to be too hasty and the justificatory force behind the principles of mutual trust and recognition is, with respect hereto, rather limited. The damage caused to these principles by upholding the exemption would be negligible, given the small number of cases— Puigdemont being the first political offender requested under the aegis of the EAW. However, the potential benefits are substantial, given that the exemption provides for a higher level of human rights protection—analo- gous to the values of European Union (EU). Solely relying on the double criminality requirement in order to properly take into account the specificities of the Member States’ legal systems essentially positions the judges at the forefront of where mutual trust and constitutional identity collide. -
Explaining Variation in the Salience of Catalan Nationalism Across the Spain/France Border
Explaining Variation in the Salience of Catalan Nationalism across the Spain/France Border Laia Balcells i Ventura Yale University (June 2009) 1. Introduction In 1659, the kingdoms of France and Spain signed a peace treaty by which a part of the Spanish territory inhabited by ethnic Catalans became part of France (the Treaty of Pyrenees). Since then, Catalan identity persisted on both sides of the France-Spain border. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries this identity was politicised and was converted into the basis of a nationalist movement that aimed at the political sovereignty of the Catalan nation; in other words, a national identity was created. However, neither in its origins nor today is the salience of this Catalan national identity homogeneous across the boundary: while Catalan national identity is politically and socially relevant in Spanish Catalonia, it is almost non-existent in French Catalonia. In this paper I analyse the historical evolution of the Catalan identity in these two territories, focusing on the pattern of incorporation of this identity into a political ideology: nationalism. My aim is to use this comparison in order to provide new insights in the large debate about the factors explaining Catalan nationalism, which has involved historians, sociologists, political scientists, and anthropologists during decades (e.g. Solé-Tura 1967, Vicen-Vives 1970, Linz 1973, Balcells 1991, Sahlins 1989, Termes 2000, Boix 2002), but where contributions can still be made. This is especially the case given recent theoretical developments in the study of nationalism. The main argument defended in this paper is that the variation in the salience of Catalan national identity in these two regions is explained by the characteristics of the historical processes of spread of mass literacy in France and Spain, namely by the characteristics of the ‘scholastic revolution’ (Darden 2007). -
Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
___________________________________________________________________ Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Application against Spain by Carles Puigdemont, President-Elect of Catalonia Lodged 1 March 2018 __________________________________________________________________ PUIGDEMONT -v- SPAIN SUMMARY: In this application Mr. Carles PUIGDEMONT alleges that Spain is guilty of violating its international treaty obligations through the cumulative imposition of disproportionate and unjustified restrictions with the exercise of his political rights under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (“UDHR”), and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”). Spain is a State Party to both treaties. It is also a signatory, without relevant reservations, to the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, which provides for the right of individual petition. Spain has not notified any relevant derogation to the provisions of the ICCPR which thus remain fully in force. It is legally bound by treaty obligation to secure the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the ICCPR, throughout the territory of Spain, and to all those who fall within its jurisdiction. Mr. PUIGDEMONT brings this individual petition to the United Nations Human Rights Committee in order to vindicate his right to stand for elections (article 25, ICCPR); his right to freedom of association with other secessionist politicians and political parties in pursuit of a common goal of securing independence from Spain for Catalonia (article 22, ICCPR); and his right to freedom of peaceful political expression in support of the cause of independence for Catalonia (article 19, ICCPR). He invites the Committee to hold that these rights have been violated by cumulative and continuing conduct of the Kingdom of Spain. -
The Independence Conflict in Catalonia
The independence conflict in Catalonia The independence conflict in Catalonia Real Instituto Elcano - (updated version 2019) Real Instituto Elcano - Madrid - España www.realinstitutoelcano.org © 2019 Real Instituto Elcano C/ Príncipe de Vergara, 51 28006 Madrid www.realinstitutoelcano.org ISBN: 978-84-92983-19-3 The independence conflict in Catalonia Real Instituto Elcano Outline 1. The territorial pluralism of Spain and the “State of Autonomies” 2. Catalonia: its significance, internal diversity and extensive powers of self-rule 3. Explanatory factors and the sovereignty process (2012–2017) 4. Subsequent political developments since 2018 5. A comparative perspective: Brexit, Scotland and other manifestations of independence 6. Attempts to “internationalise” the conflict 7. Lessons learned and potential solutions The independence conflict in Catalonia 1. The territorial pluralism of Spain and the “State of Autonomies” • The complexity of the centre and the periphery when it comes to territorial matters and identity is a distinctive feature of the Spanish political system. This feature is shared with other plural democracies such as Belgium, Canada and the UK (and, to a lesser extent, Italy and Switzerland). • Nonetheless, Spain is one of the few states in Europe that has successfully preserved its national integrity. In contrast to the rest of the continent, Spain’s borders have remained unaltered for five centuries and there has not been a single territorial change in the last two centuries (colonial possessions aside). Figure 1. Europe in 1519 Source: Historical Atlas, W. & A.K. Johnston Ltd, 1911. Real Instituto Elcano - 2019 page | 5 The independence conflict in Catalonia • The reasons for the paradoxical balance between preserving the country’s integrity, on the one hand, and power and identity struggles between the centre and the periphery, on the other, are bound up with the country’s history and its institutions, interests and dominant political ideas. -
Secession Or Solidarity. Catalonia Will Not Get Both Simultaneously
NO. 22 MAY 2018 Introduction Secession or Solidarity Catalonia Will Not Get Both Simultaneously Sabine Riedel Since the arrest of the former head of the Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, a solidarity movement has emerged that paints him as a victim of the justice sys- tem. However, even if the German government prevents his extradition this is hardly likely to influence the trials against his colleagues remanded in custody in Madrid. The Spanish public prosecutor’s office accuses them not only of rebellion, but also of embezzling money from the autonomous communities’ liquidity fund (FLA) for their independence campaign. Since the 2012 financial crisis, Madrid has had to subsidise heavily indebted regions, including Catalonia, with loans. Barce- lona annually receives between 6.7 billion (2012) and 11.1 billion euros (2015). This financial dependence motivates Catalans to bid for independence, in the expecta- tion that it will lead to direct access to the European Central Bank (ECB). Europeans need to reflect on who should be given their solidarity. A Catalan state would be born with a mountain of debt, which the other Spanish regions and the European taxpayer would ultimately have to shoulder. On 27 October 2017, the Spanish central also wish for more financial self-administra- government suspended Catalonia’s autono- tion. my under article 155 of the Spanish consti- Madrid’s offer may have come relatively tution. Even Madrid knew that the conflict late, but it was an olive branch nonetheless. over secession would not be resolved via Carles Puigdemont and his deposed regional this measure. Instead, new elections were government have still not grasped it. -
Speech by the President of the Government of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont
Speech by the President of the Government of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont Brussels, 24 January 2017 Just as Minister Romeva and Vice-President Junqueras have done, I would like to thank you for being here with us today after a full day of work. M’agradaria començar la meva intervenció en català –la llengua pròpia de Catalunya, i oficial juntament amb el castellà- felicitant al nou president del Parlament europeu, el senyor Antonio Tajani, escollit la setmana passada. Li desitgem sort i molts encerts per a aquesta nova tasca tan rellevant que li ha estat encomanada. També esperem que doni compliment al compromís que va adquirir per carta amb la majoria d’eurodiputats del nostre país per tal que el català pugui ser llengua oficial del Parlament europeu. Last September, in a solemn session of the Parliament of Catalonia, I explicitly stated the clear political commitment the Government and the political majority supporting it already had at the time: to hold a binding referendum in Catalonia in 2017 in order to decide whether it wants to become an independent state. Today we are in Brussels, the capital of Europe, and at the headquarters of the institution entrusted with the democratic representation of all EU citizens, therefore also of those in Catalonia, to reaffirm our commitment to call for the aforesaid referendum, as it is the best possible democratic tool to know the will of our people. You are probably wondering why we have got this far, and why the majority of Catalans do not wish to remain part of Spain anymore. -
Catalan Independence Through a Cultural Lens Maren Burling Bucknell University, [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Spring 2019 Els Catalans Són Diferents: Catalan Independence through a Cultural Lens Maren Burling Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the Linguistic Anthropology Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Burling, Maren, "Els Catalans Són Diferents: Catalan Independence through a Cultural Lens" (2019). Honors Theses. 506. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/506 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Els Catalans Són Diferents: Catalan Independence through a Cultural Lens By Maren Burling A Departmental Honors Thesis Presented to the Faculty of Bucknell University For Honors in Anthropology April 1, 2019 Approved: ________________________ Dr. Michelle C. Johnson Associate Professor of Anthropology Thesis Advisor ________________________ Dr. Edmund Q. Searles Associate Professor of Anthropology Chair, Department of Sociology and Anthropology i Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank Professor Michelle C. Johnson from the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, my advisor, my champion, and my friend. As someone I admire for her intelligence, passion, and loyalty, it has been an absolutely pleasure to be her honors thesis student this past year. MJ, you have an enthusiasm that reminds me why I love anthropology. Thank you for your guidance and encouragement, without it this thesis would not have been possible. I would also like to acknowledge my Honors Council Committee, Clare Sammells, and Heidi Lorimor, for participating in this process and supporting undergraduate research and academia. -
Catalonia's Legitimate Right to Decide
CATALONIA’S LEGITIMATE RIGHT TO DECIDE PATHS TO SELF-DETERMINATION A REPORT BY A COMMISSION OF INTERNATIONAL EXPERTS NICOLAS LEVRAT Professor at the University of Geneva, coordinator of the Report SANDRINA ANTUNES Professor at the Universidade do Minho GUILLAUME TUSSEAU Professor at Sciences Po, Paris PAUL WILLIAMS Professor at American University in Washington, DC CATALONIA’S LEGITIMATE RIGHT TO DECIDE | PATHS TO SELF-DETERMINATION ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS AER Assembly of European Regions ANC Assemblea Nacional Catalana AVANCEM Espai socialista BL Basic Law C Constitution CDC Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya C’s Ciudadanos CiU Convergència I Unió CoR Committee of the Regions CSQP Catalunya Sí que Pot CUP Candidatura d’Unitat Popular DC Demòcrates de Catalunya ICJ International Court of Justice ECHR European Convention of Human Rights ECtHR European Court of Human Rights ECJ European Court of Justice ERC Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya EU European Union ICV-EUiA Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds-Esquerra Unida I Alternativa IU Izquierda Unida JxS Junts pel Sí MES Moviment d’ Esquerres OC Ómnium Cultural P Podemos PDD Plataforma pel Dret a Decidir PP Partido Popular PSC Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya PSOE Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol TEU Treaty on European Union TFEU Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union UCD Unión de Centro Democrático UDC Unió Democràtica de Catalunya 1 CATALONIA’S LEGITIMATE RIGHT TO DECIDE | PATHS TO SELF-DETERMINATION ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dr. Nicolas Levrat is a Professor of European and International Law at the University of Geneva. He’s the Director of the International Law and International Organization Department of the Law Faculty since 2016. -
Spanish Terrorism in Theory and Practice
Spanish Terrorism in Theory and Practice The Cases of ETA and TL Alexander B. Ward University Honors in International Studies Senior Honors Thesis, SIS-498-002H Advised by Professor Carolyn Gallaher Fall 2011 1 ABSTRACT Most studies about the development and continuation of terrorism tend to focus on groups in the third world. Further, the general consensus of these studies is that three variables – political economics, identity politics, and public opinion – are the most valid rationales for understanding the usage of terror. This thesis, however, by mostly looking at secondary sources but also by quoting members of each group, will look at two terrorist organizations in Spain, Euskadia ta Askatasuna (ETA) and Terra Lliure (TL), in terms of how these three variables affected their rise, development, and continuation. To be sure, both of these groups mostly operated in Spain when the country was in the first world, already making this thesis different from the literature on terrorism. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that identity politics appears to be the most convincing argument for why terrorism either continues (for ETA) or has ceased (TL), but also concludes that the political economic situation was important for each groups’ development and that public opinion did not matter much for the continuation of terrorist tactics. Thus, this thesis adds to the gaps in the literature in two ways: 1) by simultaneously surveying two groups not in the first world that operated at the same time and in the same country, and 2) by taking on the main assumptions of terrorism scholars in order to show which variable is most important in the study of terror. -
Speech by the President of the Government of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont
Embargo until delivery / Check against delivery Speech by the President of the Government of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont Brussels, 24 January 2017 Just like Minister Romeva and Vice-president Junqueras, I would like to thank you for being here with us after a full day of work. M’agradaria començar la meva intervenció en català –la llengua pròpia de Catalunya, i oficial juntament amb el castellà- felicitant al nou president del Parlament europeu, el senyor Antonio Tajani, escollit la setmana passada. Li desitgem sort i molts encerts per aquesta nova tasca tan rellevant que li ha estat encomanada. També esperem que doni compliment al compromís que va adquirir per carta amb la majoria d’eurodiputats del nostre país per tal que el català pugui ser llengua oficial del Parlament europeu. Last September, in a solemn session of the Parliament of Catalonia, I explained that which at that time was already a clear political commitment from my Government and the political majority supporting it, that is, to hold this year a binding referendum in Catalonia to decide whether it wants to become an independent state. Today we are in Brussels, which is the capital of Europe and the headquarters of the institution entrusted with the democratic representation of all EU citizens, therefore also Catalonia, to reaffirm our commitment to calling for the aforesaid referendum, as it is the best possible democratic tool to determine the will of our People. You are probably wondering why we got this far, and why the majority of Catalans do not wish to remain part of Spain. -
Catalanism and National Emancipation Movements in the Rest of Europe Between 1885 and 1939
CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 6: 85-104 (2013) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.88 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/ Catalanism and national emancipation movements in the rest of Europe between 1885 and 1939 Albert Balcells * Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Received 28 September 2011 · Accepted 20 January 2012 Abstract Catalans’ demands for self-government were always attuned to the national emancipation movements in the rest of Europe. This was one way of projecting the movement abroad and seeking strategic models and international support, even though only occasionally and with no lasting ties except Catalonia’s participation in the Congress of European Nationalities starting in 1926. This organisation encompassed the national minorities which were theoretically safeguarded by the League of Nations. The time span of this article ranges from 1885 to 1939. The Irish and Czech national movements were the most influential ones outside the sphere of Marxist ideol- ogy. In the 1930s, curiosity about and admiration for the status of the nationalities within the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was based on an idealised image which the circumstances of the 1936 Spanish Civil War contributed to feeding. Keywords: nationality, stateless nations, national self-determination, patriotism, Catalonia, Catalanism From its inception, political Catalanism sought to frame ganisation was formed, with Francesc Macià at the helm, its claims for Catalonia’s self-governance within the which won a striking minority of votes in the elections. framework of the European nationalities without a state The third period runs from 1919 until 1931, with the of their own.